"UKRAINE REPORT-2004"
In-Depth Ukrainian News and Analysis
"The Art of Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World"
"Above all Ukraine will become the field where the most embittered struggle
will be played out between the Russian Federation and the United States in
the post-Soviet area." [article three]
"Ukrainians! Chechens saved you from death of starvation in the 1930s, when
hundreds of thousands of you were fleeing from your Homeland away from
the horrible famine organized by Moscow. Many and many thousands of your
fellow countrymen, who were losing their minds, had come to Chechnya to
survive and to save their children. Only one little village of Mahkety
(which Russians have turned into a ghetto, just like the rest of Chechnya)
saved several hundred Ukrainian women, children, men and the elderly from
death. [articles one and two]
"UKRAINE REPORT-2004," Number 4
www.ArtUkraine.com Information Service (ARTUIS)
morganw@patriot.net, ArtUkraine.com@starpower.net
Offices in Kyiv, Ukraine and Washington, D.C.
SATURDAY-SUNDAY, JANUARY 9-10, 2004
INDEX OF TEN ARTICLES
1. "SOMETHING TO REMIND UKRAINIANS ABOUT"
"Ukrainians! Chechens saved you from death of starvation in the 1930s,
when hundreds of thousands of you were fleeing from your Homeland
away from the horrible famine organized by Moscow."
By Sirajin Sattayev for the "Kavkaz-Center" News Agency
Jokhar (Grozny), Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (C.R.I.), January 8, 2003
2. TYRANNY BY UKRAINIAN BORDER GUARDS
AGAINST CHECHENS
"Kavkaz-Center" News Agency
Jokhar (Grozny), Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (C.R.I.), January 2, 2003
3. RUSSIAN ANALYSTS URGE RUSSIA TO KEEP A VERY STRONG
FOOTHOLD IN POST-SOVIET SPACE, ESPECIALLY UKRAINE
Nezavisimaya Gazeta, Moscow, in Russian 26 Dec 03
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Jan 07, 2004
4. UKRAINIAN SPEAKER LYTVYN WRITES TO COUNCIL OF
EUROPE DEFENDING CHANGES TO CONSTITUTION
Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe Urgently
Reviewing the Situation in Ukraine
TV 5 Kanal, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1900 gmt 9 Jan 04
BBC Monitoring Service - United Kingdom; Jan 09, 2004
5. EXPERTS SAID TO HAVE BEEN FORCED TO CONFIRM
UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT'S ELIGIBILITY FOR RE-ELECTION
By Pavlo Kit, Ukrayinska Pravda website, Kiev, in Ukrainian 2 Jan 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Jan 06, 2004
6. UKRAINE'S MOBILE PHONE SUBSCRIBER BASE UP
78 PER CENT IN 2003
Prime-TASS news agency, Moscow, in English, 8 Jan 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Jan 08, 2004
7. UKRAINE ALLOCATES FUNDS TO HOLD INTERNATIONAL
EXAMINATION OF TAPES REGARDING MURDER OF
JOURNALIST HEORHIY GONGADZE
Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian, 8 Jan 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Jan 08, 2004
8. WORLD'S ECONOMIES, RANKED BY DEGREE OF ECONOMIC
FREEDOM, UKRAINE LISTED IN THE MOSTLY UNFREE
CATEGORY: RANKED 117TH OUT OF 155 COUNTRIES
AP Worldstream; Jan 09, 2004
9. "ROSY-CHEEKED PIONEER AND GLASS BANDURA"
Christmas, New Year's ornaments of different times are on display
at the Museum of One Street in the Exhibition "Mint Sweets of Childhood"
By Vira Koulyova, "Khreshchatyk" newspaper
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, Dec 30, 2003.
10. FIRST STAR THAT I SEE TONIGHT
Ukrainian Christmas with the Tracz family in Winnipeg
By Ruslan Tracz, Staff, The Manitoban
Official Student Newspaper of the University of Manitoba
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada, January 7th, 2004
=========================================================
UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 4: ARTICLE NUMBER ONE
=========================================================
1. "SOMETHING TO REMIND UKRAINIANS ABOUT"
"Ukrainians! Chechens saved you from death of starvation in the 1930s,
when hundreds of thousands of you were fleeing from your Homeland
away from the horrible famine organized by Moscow."
By Sirajin Sattayev for the "Kavkaz-Center" News Agency
Jokhar (Grozny), Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (C.R.I.), January 8, 2003
One Arab journalist, who had to make often trips throughout the Middle East,
was telling about what he saw. Any changes in the relations between the
countries in the region, sometimes defined with only a few phrases in the
official documents and in the press, reflect on the behavior of border
guards right away.
For example, if someone like Assad or Ghadafi says a couple of phrases about
each other during interviews, then a traveler will encounter a strange
phenomenon while crossing the border (even if the traveler was somewhere in
the desert during the historic interview). If the leaders attested to
brotherly friendship between the two nations, and you happen to be crossing
the border of one domain and have a passport of the other leader's domain,
you will be surprised by the cordial welcome you receive from border guards
and customs officers. And if one leader frowned the other day while speaking
of the other leader, or God forbid, if he accused him of having ties with
the worldwide imperialism, for example, then beware. A strict border guard
will look at your passport with the same _expression that the leader had on
his face, like you are a messenger of imperialism, and like he was just
talking to the Great One, who told him to show strict vigilance towards you.
Sure, the East is a delicate issue. But today's regimes in the former Soviet
republics apparently don't forget that there was a time when they all were
members of the Eastern Bloc. At least this tradition took deep roots on the
territories of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS, former Soviet
Union).
It's all clear with Russian border guards. Their historical traditions have
the political roots so deep that they can't be shaken with any winds,
because they are unchanged just like the looks on the faces of lackeys at
the front door of a Moscow hotel. Although, stupid border guards are still
far behind retired colonels standing in front of the hotels. A suitcase that
an African-American tourist throws under the porter's feet (even though the
porter is a member of Barkashov's Russian National Unity) will not make the
porter embarrassed - sure thing, the black guy has an American passport on
him.
But what happened to Ukrainian border guards? Looks like they decided not to
lag behind their Russian colleagues. The bruises after a brawl in the
country's parliament (which supporters of Russia won with the score 1:0) are
not gone yet, and the power structures at the borders have already felt the
need to switch priorities. They decided to show the initiative locally and
banned the holders of Chechen passports from entering the territory of
Ukraine.
Even though you can't call these passports 'Chechen passports', since these
are passports of the Russian Federation, which Chechens get in accordance to
the Russian laws. These passports mention no ethnic background, just the
place of birth. And it doesn't make the situation different at all.
It must be admitted that the way the Ukrainian authorities decided to cringe
before Moscow is pretty graphic and pretty safe. On the territory of the
entire former Soviet Union it is hard to find any more legally defenseless
people than Chechens. Unlike even citizens of Nigeria, they can't go to
their embassy and complain about tyranny. It would be naive for them to
appeal to the embassy or to law enforcement agencies of the country (Russia)
whose authorities sanctioned the genocide of their people. Therefore they
can be easily detrained in the winter with their children and thereby
solidarity with Russian murderers in the genocide can be shown. There are no
other reasons for such actions.
It is no secret that Chechens travel through the Ukrainian territories to
the European countries, while fleeing from the criminal regime of the
invaders. They do no harm to the interests of Ukraine, they are not asking
for anything, they only spend money on Ukraine's territories and keep moving
on. Maybe some of the Chechens would stay in Ukraine, but the attitude of
the authorities is virtually no different than what Chechens experience in
Russia.
Even though it is not a part of the rules of the highlanders' etiquette, I
would still like to go astray a little and remind Ukraine about some
historical fact in order to make the authorities of that independent state
ashamed and remind the Ukrainians of such a human concept as thankfulness.
Ukrainians! Chechens saved you from death of starvation in the 1930s, when
hundreds of thousands of you were fleeing from your Homeland away from the
horrible famine organized by Moscow. Many and many thousands of your fellow
countrymen, who were losing their minds, had come to Chechnya to survive and
to save their children. Only one little village of Mahkety (which Russians
have turned into a ghetto, just like the rest of Chechnya) saved several
hundred Ukrainian women, children, men and the elderly from death.
Let me tell you how it happened. Each day Chechens were slaughtering their
cattle, setting up fires and used large bowls to boil meat for people dying
from starvation. It was all done regardless of the orders of Soviet
authorities not to let starving crowds into the villages. Chechens were
putting up these people in their homes, - lice-ridden and sick refugees in
ragged clothes. Chechens were sharing their clothes and their belongings
with them. Thus, the entire Chechnya was feeding you, the Ukrainians. Tens
of thousands of your fellow countrymen owe their lives to the Chechen
people. I'm sure some of the famine survivors, their children or other
relatives are still alive today. Ask them how it was happening.!
But the actions of your authorities towards Chechen refugees today, who are
being driven out of their Homeland by a Russian gang of maniacs, are showing
that Moscow (which started the famine in Ukraine) is a lot more honored by
you than a natural law of thankfulness and national honor. You are
fulfilling the will of the Kremlin (which starved 9 million Ukrainians to
death) just as obligingly as a Russian slave, who is far away from the
feeling of nobility just like an animal is far away from the feeling of
shame.
So, there probably are grounds for the expectations of Russian politicians
that 'Ukraine will turn to Russia'. According to Russian standards, loving
Russia means participation in extermination of Chechens. Ukrainian
authorities have already made their first contribution.
LINK: http://kavkazcenter.com/eng/article.php?id=2253
========================================================
UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 4: ARTICLE NUMBER TWO
=========================================================
2. TYRANNY BY UKRAINIAN BORDER GUARDS
AGAINST CHECHENS
"Kavkaz-Center" News Agency
Jokhar (Grozny), Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (C.R.I.), January 2, 2003
Chechen forced settlers ('muhajirs') contacted Kavkaz Center news and
information agency over the phone. They reported that they were heading to
visit their relatives in Ukraine. Several families, a total of 21 people
including little children, were detrained at the Ukrainian border station of
Chervona Mohila ('Red Grave') late at night on January 1.
The refugees reported that the Baku-Kiev train was inspected by the military
who identified themselves as being Ukrainian border guards. All citizens
with Chechen registration were ordered to step out of the train. A total of
23 people got out, including a Russian family from Chechnya. After checking
the passports the Russian family (a couple) was allowed to get back on the
train, and all Chechens were forced into the station building. The
authorities were asked what the reason for such unlawful actions was, and
the senior military officer said that Russia demanded that Chechens are not
let into Ukraine.
Chechen forced settlers reported that they were walked (with their little
children and their luggage) to a building of another train station (most
likely on the Russian side), which was right next to Red Grave. The people
were left to the mercy of fate - with no money, no food and virtually like
hostages.
Since yesterday the relatives of Chechen forced settlers living in Ukraine
have been appealing to the authorities to admit these people into the
country. But Ukrainian authorities have been totally silent.
It must be mentioned that this was not the first case of this kind. While
trying to please the Kremlin, Ukrainian authorities were detraining Chechen
families at the border and not letting them into Ukraine in the past as
well. The tyranny against Chechens is now continuing. (END) (ARTUIS)
LINK: http://kavkazcenter.com/eng/article.php?id=2247
=========================================================
UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 4: ARTICLE NUMBER THREE
=========================================================
3. RUSSIAN ANALYSTS URGE RUSSIA TO KEEP A VERY STRONG
FOOTHOLD IN POST-SOVIET SPACE, ESPECIALLY UKRAINE
"Above all Ukraine will become the field where the most embittered struggle
will be played out between the Russian Federation and the United States in
the post-Soviet area."
Nezavisimaya Gazeta, Moscow, in Russian 26 Dec 03
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Jan 07, 2004
A number of Russian analysts have spoken of expanding US influence in the
post-Soviet space and Eastern Europe. One analyst urged Russia not only to
look like a great power but to actually be one.
The following is the text of a report by Dmitriy Oreshkin, the head of the
Mertkator Analysis Group, published by the Russian newspaper Nezavisimaya
Gazeta on 26 December. Subheading inserted editorially:
A basic difference exists in the policy of the Western countries and of
Russia in respect of the CIS countries. Our foreign policy is most likely to
be ineffectual and expensive, while Western policy, even if it is expensive,
will be more effective. The United States and the countries of the EU are
trying to establish control over key features, be they the political
structure, or energy, financial, or informational flows. Russia is still
trying to control territories and this requires far bigger resources - its
administrators, soldiers and so forth have to be put in place.
Russia will continue to proceed according to the logic of strong-arm,
administrative-territorial thinking. It is necessary to support our oil
producers, gas producers, and electric power grid people who are more
effective in foreign policy simply because everyone needs energy resources.
Instead of this, Russia will be supporting the siloviki [defence and
law-enforcement structures].
The attempt to manage the situation using old, primitively imperialistic
methods is traditional thinking which proceeds from the premise that people
must fear us. For the time being a quite colourless and not very productive
force component is holding sway in foreign policy. I think that it will
prevail in the future too.
Aleksey Makarkin, the head of the Analysis Department at the Centre for
Political Technologies.
Russia will attempt in the forthcoming year too to preserve a considerable
part of its influence. But it is too soon just now to talk about the
dominant figures. The former republics of the European part of the USSR,
with the exception of Belarus, are oriented towards Europe and the United
States and are seeking at least some time to get involved in the EU and in
life in Europe. In Ukraine this trend is symbolized by the person of
Yushchenko. And so even Moldova has abandoned the Russian plan, which has in
fact already been prepared, for a settlement in the Dniester region.
This trend is also being expressed by the new leaders of Georgia who came to
power after Shevardnadze stepped down. While these trends are strong, one
cannot talk about the domination of the post-Soviet area by the Russian
Federation. Nor are substantial changes likely to occur in the future
either. The fact that the Americans are already playing on this field and
have established a presence - so far of a minor scale but nevertheless a
military one - attests that there is no dominance by the Russian Federation
in Central Asia. But Russia's positions in the region are quite strong, and
they are perfectly capable of being reinforced in the future.
Sergey Markedonov, head of the International Relations Section at the
Institute of Political Analysis.
Russian diplomacy has not yet accustomed itself to the idea that the United
States has become a player in the post-Soviet area. We were accustomed to
think that this was our foreign policy domain. But that kind of thing does
not exist in politics. A struggle has to be waged for all interests and
territories, and projects that are interesting from the point of view of
investments and politics have to be proposed. At present we cannot offer our
neighbours either stability, or economic prosperity, or the efficient
solution to ethno-political problems.
When we talk about the mutual relations between Russia and the United States
on the territory of the CIS, we should not reduce everything exclusively to
rivalry. The Americans are players and they are a strong power. They can
offer grants and advantageous economic cooperation. But at the moment it is
difficult for Russia to match them in this. So in some places we might go in
for rivalry and in other places go in for cooperation. We have to correlate
our policy in the CIS countries with global, worldwide political processes.
We are not doing this because in no sphere do we have a strategy. The
country is preoccupied with its popularity rating and is not up to this.
All our games with administrative resources and with managed democracies are
spoiling our image and giving rise to unattractiveness. The idea of a
liberal empire is a good but what are we going to export to our CIS
brothers? Corruption? Administrative resource? They have plenty of those of
their own. We have to be attractive and then we can be the competitors and
rivals of the Americans. We have not to look like a great power but actually
to be one.
Vyacheslav Igrunov, deputy chairman of the State Duma Committee for CIS
Affairs.
Russia today is pursuing an inflexible policy in the post-Soviet area and
this is partially destroying the fruits of what has been done. If this
continues in the future, Russia will lose its position. The possibility of
gaining positions is a source of great scepticism.
THE GREAT GAME
Above all Ukraine will become the field where the most embittered struggle
will be played out between the Russian Federation and the United States in
the post-Soviet area. Taking account of the fact that if it is the strongest
economic component in the post-Soviet area after the Russian Federation, the
future destiny of Russian-Ukrainian relations will depend on who is elected
president and with what powers.
The second area that is sign-posted is Georgia. It is perfectly obvious that
the present leadership of Georgia which will probably stay in the forefront
for the immediate future will be oriented towards the United States. A
struggle is unfolding between Russia and America over the finer points of
this orientation. Moscow will try to preserve the remnants of its influence
in Georgia. But not everything is so hopeless for Russia.
That selfsame visit by [Russian Foreign Minister Igor] Ivanov during the
crisis will further boost the status of the Russian Federation in the eyes
of Georgia's citizens. Despite the fact that quite recently the Russian
Federation was the absolutely dominant component in Moldova, Russia today is
receding into the background. Without Russia nothing can be resolved still,
but the Europeans could hew to positions that are not all that friendly with
regard to Moscow.
As far as the Central Asian countries of the CIS are concerned, the struggle
is continuing for influence in that area and for hegemony. The prologue to
the struggle could be the struggle for Turkmenistan. Here the Russian
Federation and the United States are beginning to bring fundamentally
different approaches to fruition. At the moment we have great difficulties
in Tajikistan. With regards to the competition between Moscow and
Washington, Kazakhstan seems to be the most tranquil.
But the movement towards the Single Economic Area, of which Kazakhstan was
the initiator, is giving rise to very strong indignation in the United
States. So I do not rule out the fact that in the coming year the Americans
will find some kind of problem between Russia and Kazakhstan in order to set
the two countries at odds with each other. The most important thing that
Russia could now achieve in the post-Soviet area is to quickly traverse the
path of rapprochement with Kazakhstan in order that small disagreements will
not be able to destroy this alliance. The only thing that it has managed to
preserve is its influence in Armenia. Everything else, unfortunately, will
only come with great difficulty.
Oleg Kulakov, Middle East expert, candidate of historical sciences, and
colonel.
In all areas of foreign policy, Russia's position is becoming somewhat
tougher. Insofar as in the immediate future the main events will unfold
around Central Asia, Iran, Afghanistan, and the Near East, a course
correction lies ahead for both Russia and the United States.
One ought to expect fundamental changes in Russian foreign policy after
Putin's re-election. Moscow will become more active. Prior to their own
presidential elections, the Americans are not going to change their
relations with Russia. That is to say we are being given a kind of carte
blanche. Moreover, to one degree or another, the events in the Near
East-Iran-Afghanistan-Pakistan arc will be exerting an influence on events
in world politics. (END) (ARTUIS)
=========================================================
UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 4: ARTICLE NUMBER FOUR
=========================================================
4. UKRAINIAN SPEAKER LYTVYN WRITES TO COUNCIL OF
EUROPE DEFENDING CHANGES TO CONSTITUTION
Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe Urgently
Reviewing the Situation in Ukraine
TV 5 Kanal, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1900 gmt 9 Jan 04
BBC Monitoring Service - United Kingdom; Jan 09, 2004
KIEV.......Ukrainian parliamentary speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn has sent a
letter to Peter Schieder, the President of the Parliamentary Assembly of the
Council of Europe, in which he discusses political reform [in Ukraine].
The Ukrainian speaker defended the decision-making procedure during which
the pro-presidential majority voted in favour of changes to the constitution
[on 24 December 2003]. Lytvyn wrote that a vote using a show of hands is a
move away from the way in which a vote is normally taken in parliament,
however, it neither contradicts the constitution of Ukraine nor
parliamentary procedure.
The day before yesterday, the Monitoring Committee of the Parliamentary
Assembly of the Council of Europe decided to urgently review the situation
in Ukraine. (END) (ARTUIS)
=========================================================
UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 4: ARTICLE NUMBER FIVE
=========================================================
5. EXPERTS SAID TO HAVE BEEN FORCED TO CONFIRM
UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT'S ELIGIBILITY FOR RE-ELECTION
By Pavlo Kit, Ukrayinska Pravda website, Kiev, in Ukrainian 2 Jan 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Jan 06, 2004
One of the four law academies that advised the Constitutional Court to rule
Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma eligible to stand for another term in
office was pressurized into doing it after reaching the opposite conclusion,
an opposition web site has said. It quoted an authoritative expert at the
Kharkiv law academy who concluded that Kuchma could not seek re-election,
but whose conclusions were replaced with those favourable to Kuchma,
following the academy head's visit to Kiev.
The following is the text of an article by Pavlo Kit, entitled "How Kuchma's
second presidential term was transformed into the first one" and published
on the Ukrayinska Pravda web site on 2 January; the subheading is the web
site's own:
The Constitutional Court undoubtedly realized the outcry its ruling allowing
Kuchma to stand for re-election in 2004 would cause. That is why it decided
to swing public opinion in favour of the decision before it was actually
announced. And also to find excuses for itself, sensing the indignation that
would follow the ruling that Kuchma is currently completing his first
presidential term.
We are talking about Constitutional Court requests for expert assessments to
Ukrainian higher legal educational institutions and scholarly
establishments. All four law institutes were unanimous that Kuchma was
eligible to run for the presidency again.
Of course, the Constitutional Court's initiative to find out the opinions of
experts from leading law institutions is very commendable! But the
publication of preliminary advisory conclusions by experts before the
Constitutional Court even handed down the ruling can be described as
nothing else but an attempt to prepare public opinion for the Constitutional
Court ruling in its present form!
There are other issues, of course. For instance, why did the Constitutional
Court decide to heed the opinions of only four centres of law studies while
there were quite a few lawyers in Ukraine with both the qualifications and
willingness who could have commented on the constitutional inquiry by a
group of people's deputies as to the number of terms spent by President
Kuchma in the president's chair?
Nevertheless, Constitutional Court judges took an interest in the opinion of
lawyers from the Shevchenko Kiev National University, the Odessa National
Law Academy, the Koretskyy Institute of the State and Law of the National
Academy of Sciences of Ukraine and the Yaroslav the Wise National Law
Academy (the institute of state building and local government of the
Ukrainian Academy of Law Studies is listed next to it, but as both the
former and the latter are headed by the same man, Academician Vasyl Tatsiy,
they can be viewed as one entity).
All the conclusions were unanimous: President Kuchma's current term should
be considered his first presidential term, which means Kuchma is eligible to
stand for the presidency once again at the next election.
It is not worth dwelling on the arguments: the Constitutional Court refers
to these conclusions in its ruling. The Constitutional Court's wish to
"delegate responsibility" is fully understandable.
But it has turned out that in reality law institutions, or at least one of
them, had intended to deny Kuchma a third term.
REWRITTEN VERDICT
Ukrayinska Pravda has obtained a document prepared on behalf of the
Kharkiv-based Yaroslav the Wise National Law Academy. This document's
conclusions both on some points and in general are the direct opposite of
the conclusions cited by the Constitutional Court in its ruling.
Incidentally, it was the Kharkiv institution that [opposition MP] Mykola
Tomenko meant when stating that "the conclusions of law academics that they
prepared for the Constitutional Court fully contradicted the conclusions
that were sent by the heads of those institutions to the Constitutional
Court".
It should be said right away that it was not Tomenko that Ukrayinska Pravda
got the text from. Nor was it from him that we learnt about the procedure of
drastic "reworking" of the document.
It is obvious that every document - whether it be a draft law, an anonymous
advertising article or a message of greetings by a regional administration
head on Tractor Driver's Day - has got to have a specific live author. The
expert conclusions made on behalf of the aforementioned law schools also
have authors.
As regards the Yaroslav the Wise National Law Academy, the text that figures
as the academy's official stance was produced, according to Ukrayinska
Pravda's information at the department of theory of law at the academy (the
department is headed by a corresponding member of the Academy of Law
Studies, Petryshyn).
This means nothing at all to a layman. An expert, however, will be
surprised, at the very least, at why the drafting of the conclusion was
entrusted to a department that did not specialize in the subject matter -
because the Yaroslav the Wise National Law Academy, which is headed by an
academician of the National Academy of Sciences and president of the
Ukrainian Academy of Law Studies, Vasyl Tatsiy, has a Ukrainian
constitutional law department.
Therefore, it would have made perfect sense if the analysis of the
constitutional inquiry and the preparation of conclusions on it had been
carried out by precisely that department.
It also initially made sense to a doctor of law, professor and academician,
Vasyl Tatsiy. That is why the task of counting Kuchma's terms was at first
given to the constitutional law department. The specific executor of the
assignment was a docent at the department with a PhD in law, F.V.
Venislavskyy, who penned the first conclusion.
Mr Venislavskyy explained in a very clear and reasoned way why Kuchma
could not run for president in 2004.
His conclusion talks about "the succession of rights in the constitutional
and legal regulation of the Ukrainian president's status" throughout the
whole duration of the presidency's existence in our state, i.e. since 1991.
It also says that "the law of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic dated
5 July 1991 `On the president of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic'
has not been cancelled yet. Under this law, the same person cannot be the
president of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic for more than two
consecutive terms."
The head of the constitutional department of the Kharkiv academy also
explained that the constitutional right of a citizen "to freely elect or be
elected to state power bodies" (which is cited, among others, by the
Constitutional Court in its ruling) is naturally restricted by the
constitution provision: "The same person cannot be the president of Ukraine
for more than two consecutive terms." It is one of the key foundations of
democracy, which provides for a change of power.
He also recalled that in the Central Electoral Commission's documents of
1999 the Ukrainian presidential hopeful and presidential candidate [Kuchma]
figured as the president of Ukraine at the time of his election, "thus being
effectively re-elected to that post".
The sentence in the transitional provisions of the Ukrainian constitution
adopted on 28 June 1996 that "the next election of the Ukrainian president
should be held on the last Sunday of October 1999" is proof that Kuchma
"continued, till the last Sunday of October 1999, to carry out the duties of
the Ukrainian president stipulated in the new Ukrainian constitution".
It goes without saying that Venislavskyy arrives at the conclusion that
Article 103 of the constitution, in accordance with which "the same person
cannot the president of Ukraine for more than two consecutive terms",
applies to the person elected the president of Ukraine before that
constitution entered into force.
And that person (Kuchma) at the time of the new presidential election in
2004 "would be a person who has already held the post of Ukrainian president
for two consecutive terms".
That was the unfavourable conclusion prepared in Kharkiv initially. They say
that Tatsiy even took it to Kiev. In the capital, the difference between
constitutional law theory and political expediency was explained to the
academician in no uncertain terms.
You know what happened later: as result, the Kharkiv-based Yaroslav the Wise
National Law Academy came up with a new conclusion - but not at the
constitutional law department, but at that of the theory of law.
It would be interesting to find out whether anything similar happened in the
"process" of expert examination at the three other law institutions. (END)
=========================================================
UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 4: ARTICLE NUMBER SIX
=========================================================
6. UKRAINE'S MOBILE PHONE SUBSCRIBER BASE UP
78 PER CENT IN 2003
Prime-TASS news agency, Moscow, in English, 8 Jan 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Jan 08, 2004
Kiev, 8 January: The number of subscribers to Ukraine's GSM networks rose 78
per cent on year to 6.465m subscribers as of 31 December, Ukraine's cell
phone operators reported Thursday [8 January]. [Passage omitted: details
of individual companies] (END) (ARTUIS)
=========================================================
UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 4: ARTICLE NUMBER SEVEN
=========================================================
7. UKRAINE ALLOCATES FUNDS TO HOLD INTERNATIONAL
EXAMINATION OF TAPES REGARDING MURDER OF
JOURNALIST HEORHIY GONGADZE
Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian, 8 Jan 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Jan 08, 2004
Kiev, 8 January: The Ukrainian government has allocated 850,000 hryvnyas
[160,000 dollars] to the Ukrainian Justice Ministry to hold an international
examination of tapes in the criminal case on the murder of journalist
Heorhiy Gongadze (No 60-1241) [Gongadze's decapitated body was found in a
forest near Kiev in 2000].
This was envisaged in a resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers dated 30
December 2003. The money will be allocated from the reserve fund of the
state budget.
In spring 2003, the Prosecutor-General's Office asked the US Department of
Justice to hold a joint examination of the original recordings of the former
presidential guard, Mykola Melnychenko [alleging President Leonid Kuchma's
connection to Gongadze's death]. (END) (ARTUIS)
=========================================================
UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 4: ARTICLE NUMBER EIGHT
=========================================================
8. WORLD'S ECONOMIES, RANKED BY DEGREE OF ECONOMIC
FREEDOM, UKRAINE LISTED IN THE MOSTLY UNFREE
CATEGORY: RANKED 117TH OUT OF 155 COUNTRIES
AP Worldstream; Jan 09, 2004
World's economies, ranked by degree of economic freedom by Heritage
Foundation [Washington, D.C.] and the Wall Street Journal:
FREE:
1. Hong Kong 2. Singapore 3. New Zealand 4. Luxembourg 5. Ireland
6. Estonia 7. Britain 8. Denmark 9. Switzerland 10. United States
11. Australia 12. Sweden 13. Chile 14. Cyprus (tied) 14. Finland (tied)
16. Canada
MOSTLY FREE:
17. Iceland 18. Germany 19. The Netherlands 20. Austria 20. Bahrain
22. Belgium 22. Lithuania 24. El Salvador 25. Bahamas 26. Italy
27. Spain 28. Norway 29. Israel 29. Latvia 31. Portugal 32. Czech Republic
33. Barbados 34. Taiwan 35. Slovak Republic 36. Trinidad and Tobago
37. Malta 38. Japan 39. Botswana 39. Uruguay 41. Bolivia 42. Hungary
42. United Arab Emirates 44. Armenia 44. France 46. Belize 46. South Korea
48. Kuwait 48. Uganda 50. Costa Rica 51. Jordan 52. Slovenia 53. South
Africa 54. Greece 54. Oman 56. Jamaica 56. Poland 58. Panama 58. Peru
60. Cape Verde 60. Qatar 60. Thailand 63. Cambodia 63. Mongolia
63. Mexico 66. Morocco 67. Mauritania 67. Nicaragua 67. Tunisia
70. Namibia 71. Mauritius
MOSTLY UNFREE:
72. Senegal 73. Macedonia 74. Philippines 74. Saudi Arabia 76. Fiji
76. Sri Lanka 78. Bulgaria 79. Moldova 80. Albania 80. Brazil 82. Croatia
83. Colombia 83. Guyana 83. Lebanon 86. Madagascar 87. Guatemala
87. Malaysia 89. Ivory Coast 89. Swaziland 91. Georgia 92. Djibouti
93. Guinea 94. Kenya 95. Burkina Faso 95. Egypt 95. Mozambique
98. Tanzania 99. Bosnia/Herzegovina 100. Algeria 101. Ethiopia 102. Mali
103. Kyrgyzstan 103. Rwanda 105. Central African Republic 106. Azerbaijan
106. Paraguay 106. Turkey 109. Ghana 109. Pakistan 111. Gabon 111. Niger
113. Benin 114. Malawi 114. Russia 116. Argentina 117. UKRAINE
118. Lesotho 118. Zambia 120. Dominican Republic 121. Honduras 121.
India 121. Nepal 124. Chad 124. Gambia 126. Ecuador 127. Cameroon
128. China 129. Romania 130. Equatorial Guinea 131. Bangladesh
131. Kazakhstan 131. Yemen 134. Sierra Leone 134. Togo 136. Indonesia
137. Haiti 138. Syria 139. Congo, Republic of 139. Guinea-Bissau
141. Vietnam 142. Nigeria 143. Suriname
REPRESSED:
144. Cuba 145. Belarus 146. Tajikistan 147. Venezuela 148. Iran 149.
Uzbekistan 150. Turkmenistan 151. Burma 151. Laos 153. Zimbabwe
154. Libya 155. North Korea [Source: The Heritage Foundation]
=========================================================
UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 4: ARTICLE NUMBER NINE
=========================================================
9. "ROSY-CHEEKED PIONEER AND GLASS BANDURA"
Christmas, New Year's ornaments of different times are on display
at the Museum of One Street in the Exhibition "Mint Sweets of Childhood"
By Vira Koulyova, "Khreshchatyk" newspaper
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, Dec 30, 2003.
http://www.artukraine.com/christm/rosy_pioneer.htm
The opening night of the new exhibition at the Museum of One Street greeted
the guests with darkness except for the candles that gave some light to the
Christmas tree, Christmas wreaths, Santa's (Grandpa Frost), and the other
various Christmas decorations. First, I thought it was a trick from Vlada
Osmak, archivist at the museum, who likes to create a special environment.
But on seeing Vlada's surprised eyes and the concern of the people
from the TV stations (two hours later they were supposed to have the
news on TV and were wondering how to shoot in the relative darkness), I
understood: the atmosphere was not created, but was a problem with the
electricity. At last everything was resolved. The electric bulbs lit up,
Christmas melodies played. The special exhibition of Christmas ornaments
opened [December 19] and will be on display through Sunday, January 11,
2004.
An exciting holiday atmosphere was felt everywhere. There were wreaths
hanging on the walls decorated with ornaments, a Christmas tree was in
the corner guarded by Grandpa Frost's of many different sizes,
handmade decorations in the shapes of rabbits, foxes, wolves, and
swans were shown in display cases. Once these items decorated green
Christmas [New Year's] trees in the houses of Kyivites, bringing joy to
children and adults.
The oldest [Christmas, New Year] ornaments on display "were created"
during the time 1910-1930. They were handmade. Nuts covered with
aluminum paper. Houses covered with shiny paper, as if covered with
snow. Mushrooms painted with beetroot juice. Swans with shiny wings,
someone's fantasy. Red apples, yellow pears, different girls ( in fancy fur
coats, in village outfits, with baskets, and without baskets.)
All of them made of cotton wool soaked with sticky potato flour (to
keep shape ) when there were not enough ornaments on sale.
Before New Year's the family woud get together in the evenings and make
ornaments. The branches of Christmas tree were also decorated with real
apples, sweets, tangerines, chocolates. Though seldom did they last
until the end of the holidays. I remember when it was time to take New
Year's tree down, there were a lot of chocolate wrappings left on it.
Among the items there is a pair of pink ballroom shoes. Some noble lady
was waltzing in them at the ball. Maybe, in the fairytale Cinderella
lost similar ones.
Strings of beaded necklaces circled the New Year [Christmas] tree.
And those decorations that were made of thick paper! Flat and three
dimensional imprinted rabbits, bears, dogs, birds, clocks, and musical
instruments. They were designed in Germany in the so called Dresden
style. A bird made in this style also "flew" to Andriyivskiy uzviz. It
is a very rare piece. The body was made separately and the wings were
attached to the body.
By the way, it was in Germany where they started the industrial
production of New Year ornaments. Glass balls were blown by the
craftsmen from the town of Lausha in 1848. Later, in 1920, craftsmen
from Czechoslovakia joined them, and from there they started making
geometrical designs, fancy spiders, etc.
In the Soviet Union the tradition of celebrating New Year's was at first
considered to be petty bourgeois. Decorating fir trees was only allowed
starting in 1937, after Postyshev published an article in 1935, "Let's
organize a nice New Year tree for the children" in the newspaper "Pravda"
(Truth). The first official state New Year's tree was put up in the Kremlin
palace. At the same time Grandpa Frost and Snowmaid appeared.
Ukrainian glass ornaments appeared after World War II. Red stars,
pioneers [young people], horns, the sickle & hammer, children with rosy
cheeks on sledges, even glass bandura's were made. Later there appeared
space rockets, sputniks, cosmonauts. All these items had the Soviet
symbol on them. From Europe and the USA we got small artificial fur
trees, strings of electric lights, cones shining with silver and gold.
Though their shape was more simple. One can notice that if one compares
them with samples of the last century.
At the exhibition I learned about Morgan Williams, businessman-agrarian
from the US. I was very surprised to find out that more than seventy
percent of the items are from the collection of the American. This man
started collecting toys [decorations] in 1994 when he first started
working in Ukraine.
There was also a rare display of New Year's postcards from 1930-1950.
There was an interesting poster from the recent past, 1983: "Soviet
people greet the new happy year." And near the bottom of the poster
it said "The people's mass festival, celebrating unanimously together."
[Soviet propaganda poster using words from party congresses.]
The name of the exhibition is "Mint Sweets of Childhood". There was
really a breath of something childlike, unique. Nostalgia. The smell of the
fir tree branches, the many-colored icy sugar candies, the long and thick
chocolates. And the eager anticipation of a magical moment, a miracle.
=====================================================
The news article by Vira Koulyova, published by the "Khreshchatyk"
newspaper Kyiv, Ukraine, on Tuesday, Dec 30, 2003, was translated
into English by the www.ArtUkraine.com Information Service (ARTUIS)
in Kyiv. NOTE: To see photographs of the exhibition click on:
(1) http://www.artukraine.com/christm/rosy_pioneer.htm
(2) http://www.artukraine.com/christm/rosy_pioneer2.htm
=========================================================
UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 4: ARTICLE NUMBER TEN
=========================================================
10. FIRST STAR THAT I SEE TONIGHT
Ukrainian Christmas with the Tracz family in Winnipeg
By Ruslan Tracz, Staff, The Manitoban
Official Student Newspaper of the University of Manitoba
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada, January 7, 2004
The snow blanketed the city that year. Cold nipped at our skin and made cars
decide not to start. The air was crisp, as we could see our breath hover in
the air for minutes. With a star totem, or zvizda in hand we left the car
singing the carol Dobryi Vechir Tobi, Pane Hospodariu despite the freezing
temperature. As the family heard carolers coming up the steps, the front
door opened.
They welcomed us in with open arms from the cold and they sang along with
us. As the song ended, one of the carolers stepped forward and recited a
ritual verse of greeting: vinchuvannia. "Vinchyu vam v koliadi, prozhyvaite
v harazdi, bez klopoty, bez bidy,azh do druhoyi koliady. Khystos
Razhdayetsia" - wishing the family the best for the New Year from the carol
this year until the carol next year.
CHRISTMAS TIME IS HERE
For some people, seeing strange groups caroling in the freezing cold on Jan.
7 might be odd. But this has been my Christmas for 15 years now and I would
not change it for the world.
It's a good bet that pretty much everyone in Winnipeg knows someone who
celebrates Christmas two weeks after Dec. 25. Some families celebrate both,
while others hold onto the Julian calendar celebrations on Jan. 6 and 7.
Sviat Vechir, or Christmas Eve dinner is one of my fondest memories from
childhood - the tradition, the smells, the laughter and the songs will be
etched in my mind for eternity. Of course, it was a big plus to get an extra
day off while I was in elementary school, but it was more than that. We did
not get any presents on Dec. 25, as St. Nicholas visited us in mid-December,
placing gifts underneath our pillows. For us, Christmas was more than just
gifts. Even when I was young, I recognized the tradition and the symbolism
of some of the rituals, although I did not fully understand them.
The table was always covered with a gorgeous obrus (embroidered table
cloth), and underneath each of the four corners lay a clove of garlic to
ward off evil. In the corner of the dining room there was always a didukh (a
large sheaf of wheat), symbolizing our forefathers. The one that now
overlooks our table was made by me, thus bridging generations together.
I always felt a sense of excitement as I donned my vyshyvanka, my
embroidered Ukrainian shirt.
As the guests slowly arrived, they often caroled as they entered the house,
or at least recited the greeting. As the years went on, the number of guests
seemed to grow, as girlfriends and other friends that would have been alone
on Sviat Vechir joined us to celebrate. I remember one year, having 15 or 16
people around the table, although we only planned to have 11. Though we had
to scrounge for chairs, all were welcome. Prosymo, Hosti!
STAR LIGHT, STAR BRIGHT
As the youngest child, it was my job to watch for the first star to appear.
The meal would not begin until the first star could be seen. Taking my job
seriously, I planted myself by a window and occasionally went outside,
waiting for a glimpse of light to shine down.
Finally, we gathered around the table, singing Boh Predvichnyi, a
traditional carol as a prayer. At the end of the carol, my father always
said, "Khrystos Razhdaietsia," (Christ is born), to which we responded
"Slavite Yoho" (Let us praise him). After that, I remember lighting the
candle in the centre of the kolach, the braided circle of bread in the
middle of the table that symbolizes the sun, eternity and the family. This
was the pattern that we followed for years until Tato (my father) threw us a
curve ball.
One year, my father surprised us all after the prayer by throwing a spoonful
of kutia to the ceiling. Just like everything on Christmas Eve, this too was
filled with symbolism. If the kutia (traditionally the first and most
special of twelve dishes), made of poppy seeds, wheat grains and honey,
sticks to the ceiling, your family will have good luck and prosperity for
the rest of the year. After all of our guests recovered from the surprise
and my brothers and I stopped laughing, we looked at the ceiling and saw
that the kutia stayed in place. From what I remember it was a good year.
Subsequent years have seen other magnificent throws, such as my near failed
attempt, which saw kutia hitting one of our friends Ian and his rather
shocked girlfriend, who had never been part of a Sviat Vechir. In my
defence, the rest of it stuck to the ceiling.
As we all took our seats, there was always one extra place setting and one
empty chair, symbolizing those that could not be with the family that
evening or to those that have passed away. We always put kutia in one of the
bowls, inviting those spirits to join us, which both frightened and
enchanted me through childhood. Although I have little memory of my baba,
for some reason as a child I always imagined her joining us that evening.
YET MORE FOOD
After the kutia comes a barrage of delicious meatless and non-dairy
delights. There must be at least twelve different dishes. Even now, I am
still amazed at the wonders that come from the kitchen during that day. When
I was a child, I dreaded eating kutia, vushka (tiny wild mushroom-filled
dumplings) and various fish. These dishes now make my mouth salivate,
although I still cannot stand the oseledtsi (pickled herring).
The wine continues to flow freely during the evening, as conversation and
laughter takes over the room. Mama always has carols playing in the
background as we continued the festivities.
Soon enough, the favourite dishes emerged from the kitchen. The borsch (beet
soup), holubtsi (cabbage rolls) and varenyky (perogies) always made my
middle brother and I excited. I recall there were competitions years ago to
determine who could eat more of mama's varenyky. For the record I still
believe I won although my mother did not approve of the competition.
After the end of the meal, desert begins. Various tortes, cakes, cookies,
kompot (compote of dried fruit), fill the table and we all indulge the sweet
tooth. The laughter and conversation continues for a few more hours and more
carols are sung echoing the ones played over dinner.
My fondest memories of the evening occur long after the candle burns out and
long after our guests have left. Christmas, no matter when you celebrate, is
about friends and family. Even though my brothers have moved to different
cities over the last few years, we still come together here in Winnipeg. The
evening filled with rituals, tradition, and symbolism comes together at that
moment in time, as carols are still quietly played in the background. The
traditions are old, so very old, that they began even before Christianity
came to Ukraine more than a thousand years ago.
THE SINGING NEVER ENDS.
The next day, youth and church groups gather to carol from house to house,
bringing the joy of Christmas to other Ukrainians who have held on to the
traditions and symbols of the distant past. Doors open and the hosts greet
them again with open arms, like the countless years before, joining in the
song, rejoicing. Raduisia! Oj raduisia, Syn Bozhyi, narodyvsia (Rejoice! The
son of god is born).
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
EDITOR'S NOTE: Ruslan Tracz is the youngest son of Orysia Paszezak
Tracz, a well known Ukrainian-Canadian folk-art expert, writer of many
articles about Ukrainian folk-art, writer for The Ukrainian Weekly and other
publications. Orysia has also translated folk-art books from Ukrainian into
English. Orysia also leads a folk-art expedition to Ukraine each summer.
LINK: http://www.umanitoba.ca/manitoban/latest/cu_02.html
=========================================================
FOLK ART MAGAZINE: NARODNE MYSTETSTVO
A Great Magazine About Ukrainian Folk Art Culture....In Ukrainian
http://www.artukraine.com/primitive/artmagazine.htm
=========================================================
"UKRAINE REPORT-2004," No. 4:
SATURDAY-SUNDAY, JANUARY 9-10, 2004
In-Depth Ukrainian News and Analysis
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