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PRESIDENT GEORGE H. W. BUSH SPEAKS IN KYIV, UKRAINE
"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT" Year 04, Number 86
Action Ukraine Coalition (AUC), Washington, D.C.
Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA), Huntingdon Valley, PA
morganw@patriot.net, ArtUkraine.com@starpower.net
Washington, D.C.; Kyiv, Ukraine, MONDAY, May 24, 2004
INDEX OF ARTICLES
"Major International News Headlines and Articles"
1. PRESIDENT GEORGE H. W. BUSH SPEAKS IN KYIV, UKRAINE
Speech by President George H.W. Bush
Kyiv National Taras Shevchenko University
Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, May 21, 2004
2. "BUSH SR. CLARIFIES 'CHICKEN KIEV' SPEECH"
By Natalia A. Feduschak [in Kyiv]
The Washington Times, Washington, D.C., Monday, May 24, 2004
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THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 86 ARTICLE NUMBER ONE
Politics and Governance, Building a Strong, Democratic Ukraine
http://www.artukraine.com/buildukraine/index.htm
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1. PRESIDENT GEORGE H. W. BUSH SPEAKS IN KYIV, UKRAINE
President George H.W. Bush
Kyiv National Taras Shevchenko University
Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, May 21, 2004
Remarks Prepared For Delivery:
Thank you for that warm welcome, and my thanks for that very kind
introduction.
Acknowledgments : Victor Pinchuk (Member of Parliament; Founder/Interpipe
Group); Prof. Oleg Tretyak (First Vice Rector); Leonid Kravchuk (Former
President of Ukraine); U.S. Ambassador John Herbst; all government
officials; members of the diplomatic corps; distinguished guests; ladies and
gentlemen.
Let me start by saying that this is a trip I have been looking forward to
making for some time. I am delighted to have been invited back to Ukraine,
and back to Kyiv.
I am also honored to have been invited to share a few thoughts about our
world here in the grand Conference Hall of this wonderful university, which
enjoys a special status as a respected, leading institution of higher
learning.
Since the time of its foundation 170 years ago, what is known today as Kyiv
National Taras Shevchenko University has been a cradle of progressive
thinking - fueling the intellect and the highest aspirations of the
Ukrainian people, upholding your innate freedom-loving spirit. And before I
go any further, here before this distinguished audience I want to salute the
University staff, particularly the professors, who are contributing so much
to Ukraine's future by your service.
Not many people know this, but I spent a year in the late 1970s teaching as
an adjunct professor of business at Rice University in Houston, Texas - and
I loved my brief time in the world of academia. Teaching, as I discovered,
has its own rewards - and it is, as I put it, a genuine service.
Of course, my appreciation for what a superb academic team can accomplish
has been greatly enhanced in recent years with the launching of the George
Bush School of Government and Public Service at Texas A&M University.
What started out only five years ago is already one of the most respected
master's degree programs in the country - and a big part of this success is
thanks to a friend of mine, Dr. Roman Popadiuk, who I was proud to nominate
to serve here in Kyiv as our first Ambassador after Ukraine declared its
long-sought independence in 1991.
At the heart of our Bush School is the idea that society is best served when
informed citizens participate in the debate to help tackle the big issues of
their times. Only through fair and open competition in the marketplace of
ideas can true, lasting, enlightened progress be established and then
harnessed to spread the hope of peace with prosperity.
We started our school to help inculcate into future generations the idea
that, despite the controversy that sometimes erupts in our old but
ever-young democracy, public service remains a noble calling - and that
good people of all political persuasions can and should get involved in the
process.
This year, as in the United States, you have a raging battle of ideas taking
place as part of the run-up to Ukraine's presidential election this Fall - a
fact that, by itself, underscores how dramatically Ukraine has changed for
the better since my last visit here 13 years ago in August of 1991. That
visit came right on the heels of a historic visit to Moscow, where for the
first time we signed a treaty with the Soviets to reduce - not to limit, but
to reduce - our nuclear arsenals (START I).
Accompanying me to Ukraine that day on Air Force One, the President's plane,
was the Soviet Vice President, Gennady Yanayev - who was a noteworthy
guest for two reasons. First, he was surely the highest ranking Soviet
official ever to ride on Air Force One; and second, later that month, he
would
participate in a failed coup against Mikhail Gorbachev.
When we arrived here that bright day, I will never forget how - in addition
to the Soviet and American anthems - they also played Ukraine's national
anthem. Nor, I might add, will I ever forget the thousands of people who
lined the streets to give us a warm, and for me, emotional welcome.
After my lunch with Leonid Kravchuk, a man I respect, I was highly honored
to have been given the chance to address what was then called the Supreme
Soviet here in Kyiv - and during my remarks I sought to affirm the support
of the United States for those who explore the "frontiers of freedom." My
message that day was, I hope, a clear message to all: That the United States
of America would always welcome and support those reformers who joined
us on the path to a New World Order.
Of course, little did I, or anyone, realize that before the end of the month
the failed coup against Gorbachev would unleash a series of events that
ultimately set Ukraine and the other Soviet Republics on the path to
independence.
Hindsight is always 20/20, as the saying goes, and standing here today you
might say that visit - coming as it did in August of 1991 - marked the
daybreak of the new world order. For after August of 1991, we could more
clearly see the way forward. We knew freedom had finally prevailed in the
Cold War. And we knew a new and more hopeful era for mankind lay ahead.
That next month, in September, I had another visit with then-Chairman
Kravchuk - this time in Washington -and I remember how he bluntly me told
that the Ukrainian people wanted total freedom.
Dealing with Russia and Ukraine were critical issues as we dealt with the
dissolution of the Soviet Union, so it was with a sense of relief and wonder
that we watched on December 1st as 90 percent of your countrymen voted for
independence. Just a week later, on December 8th, I had a historic
conversation with Boris Yeltsin - who was meeting with newly-elected
President Kravchuk and President Stanislav Shushkevich of Belarus.
During our conversation, Yeltsin read what sounded to be a prepared
statement covering an agreement he had just signed with his two
counterparts. "This accord," he intoned, "consisting of 16 articles, is
basically a creation of a commonwealth or group of independent states." In
short, Yeltsin had just told me that he - and the presidents of Ukraine and
Belarus - had decided to dissolve the Soviet Union.
Suffice it to say, those were dramatic days indeed; and looking back today,
one might be tempted to think that the outcome of those heady events was
preordained. I can assure you nothing could be further from the truth. Had
your leaders acted irresponsibly or precipitously, for example, that could
have prompted a crackdown from the Soviet Army. But because Ukraine's
leaders acted not out of self-interest but rather in the national interest,
there would be no repeat of the Prague Spring here in Kyiv.
My point in recounting these events is to salute Ukraine for the key role it
played in the peaceful, legal transfer of power away from the center at a
time when the stakes could not have been higher. To that point in history,
revolutions were usually marked by brutal bloodshed followed by prolonged
periods of anarchy; but as we saw with the Velvet Revolution led by Vaclav
Havel in Czechoslovakia, and as we saw with Lech Walesa and Solidarity in
Poland, what transpired here 13 years ago marked a new and more hopeful
chapter for mankind. Near the end of the bloodiest century in history, your
peaceful, unrelenting revolution of ideas cast aside the bloody Revolution
of 1917.
This is a particularly important point for any students with us here today,
because history rarely affords us the opportunity to shape geopolitical
events in such fundamental ways - and looking back, I hope the historians
will say we got it right. I hope they will note how we tried to conduct
ourselves in ways that enhanced the long-term prospects for peace and
prosperity, while also seizing the opportunity to liberate tens of millions
of once-oppressed peoples who have just as much claim to freedom as any
American.
So it is deeply moving for me to return to Kyiv, and to see how far you have
moved down the path to freedom -a path you are still marching with pride
and great determination today.
Though I have been here just a short time, I can tell that the Kyiv to which
I have returned is a demonstrably more dynamic city. The signs of prosperity
are everywhere I look - from the shopping centers and other commercial
development, to, yes, even the traffic.
So clearly the economic reforms and the financial turnaround that took hold
in the 1990s are paying off. Life is getting better for the average
Ukrainian. Gone are the food lines, for one, and yet there is still so much
to do.
Over the past 13 years, the heady atmosphere that accompanied Ukraine's
quest for independence has gradually given way to the sober realization that
the process of self-governance can be difficult and even frustrating work.
After all, Ukraine has had to undergo three transformations: from a
Communist political system to democratic structures; from a command economy
to the market; and from a part of the Soviet Union to an independent state
with its own foreign relations. Ukraine has had to manage these
transformations simultaneously and, naturally, after decades of oppression
it has taken time to plant and nurture the roots of democracy and
self-governance.
I have read reports that there were some - including in Ukraine itself-who,
early on, doubted that the country could stand on its own. But now, more
than a dozen years since the fall of the USSR, Ukrainian statehood is
stronger than ever.
As you have charted your own course to the future, you have instituted some
badly needed and, thus, welcome internal economic reforms - particularly in
the agricultural and energy sectors. Last year, your Gross Domestic Product
grew by a remarkable 9.4 percent - driven by exports of manufactured goods,
and the booming construction sector. More importantly, ordinary Ukrainians
are beginning to feel the benefits: household income and consumption have
risen dramatically.
Ukraine has also outlined some ambitious political goals in the
international community designed to strengthen your political stability and
economic security. Here, of course, I am referring to the Ukraine's stated
Euro-Atlantic aspirations as far as joining NATO, the EU, the WTO are
concerned. These are worthy ambitions.
Lest there be any doubt, the United States wants to see Ukraine develop as a
stable, independent, democratic, economically prosperous country, a country
that increasingly draws closer to these kinds of institutions that promote
human rights and the rule of law - and which encourage positive,
mutually-beneficial relations with its neighbors.
Of course, as one of many who worked hard to drastically reduce the global
threat of nuclear conflict, I am particularly pleased to salute Ukraine for
keeping its word to return strategic nuclear weapons to Russia - and for
signing the Non-Proliferation Treaty. When the Soviet Union broke up,
Ukraine had on its territory the third largest strategic nuclear arsenal in
the world - greater than those of the United Kingdom, France and China
combined.
Your responsible action on this vital issue since then has enhanced the
security of the region, and indeed the world..
Moreover, by joining the "coalition of the willing," as the President of the
United States has referred to it, Ukraine is also making a significant,
positive, and praiseworthy contribution to the global war against terror.
Some might be surprised to know that you have sent 1,600-plus troops to
Iraq - the fourth largest contingent - to help secure the blessings of
liberty for the 25 million Iraqis who suffered too long under the brutality
of Saddam Hussein. But I, for one, am not surprised.
Following my speech here in 1991, I visited the memorial at Babi Yar - where
50 years before Nazi occupiers had systematically murdered tens of thousands
of Ukrainians, Jews, and others. What happened there during that time was
evil, pure and simple.
To Ukraine's credit, then, you have not stood idly by while a shadowy new
agent of evil in our world - terrorism -has bored its way into modern
society. Owing perhaps to the fact that it was not until a short time ago
that you reclaimed your long-lost freedom, you inherently recognize the
insidious nature of this threat - and are willing to help lead a global
coalition in turning it back.
And knowing the President of the United States as I do, I know he greatly
values the important contribution that Ukraine is making to the
stabilization effort in Iraq. Moreover, I know he mourns the three combat
fatalities your brigade there has suffered operating in the Al-Kut region.
There have been calls in some quarters for the withdrawal of your troops;
but President Kuchma has stood firm in his commitment, and freedom- loving
people everywhere thank Ukraine for its efforts and sacrifices.
Thirteen years on, then, Ukraine has indeed come a long way - and can point
to so much with pride. As the New World Order has entered its second decade,
the Ukraine I see today is more confident, more dynamic, and looking to the
future as never before.
Yet before the New World Order can take full hold here or anywhere, it is
critical to make sure old habits from the old order do not seep back into
society. You cannot fully embrace the future by resorting to the ways of the
past.
When I left here in August of 1991,1 noted that I was returning home and
would soon start campaigning for reelection. As I was soon to discover, it
would not be a particularly pleasant year ahead; and to be sure the outcome
in that 1992 election was not what we had hoped for. As Winston Churchill
once put it, I received the "Order of the Boot".
Losing an election is never easy, because you feel you have let so many
people down. Campaigns are not so much about the top person on the ticket as
they are about the ideas for which he or she stands - ideas, which, in turn,
band together political parties. I fought hard on the campaign trail every
day of 1992, and did my best to advance ideas to help move America forward.
At the end of the day, however, the American people decided to take a new
course -and as President, I respected the majesty of the democratic process.
I was always mindful that the Office of the Presidency is bigger than any
one person, and the people had spoken in a vigorously fought but fair
election. I give my opponents great credit for the successful campaign they
waged.
Incidentally, since the '92 election some have suggested - convincingly, I
must admit - that the vast majority of those working in the national news
media sided with my opponent; but that's a necessary part of the process
when you have a free press - sometimes they write and report stuff you don't
like. To be honest, I strongly disagreed with almost all of the news
reporting we saw in 1992. I thought it was totally biased against me, but
then I am hardly the first U.S. President to harbor such hard feelings
towards the media.
No less than George Washington, my country's very first president, once
complained that the press treated him in "such exaggerated and indecent
terms as could scarcely be applied to a Nero, a notorious defaulter, or even
to a common pick-pocket." As for me, suffice it to say that, while I always
defended freedom of the press as President, today as a private citizen I
rejoice in my freedom from the press.
The point is: The give and take of elective politics is never easy - one
side wins, other sides lose - but at the end of the day what is far more
important than who wins or who loses is maintaining a respect for the
process.
I don't think I have ever mentioned this in public, but after Al Gore gave
his concession speech following the 2000 election, I called him in his car
to tell him how much I respected the way he accepted a tough decision - and
because I knew how he must have been feeling at that time. It hurts to lose,
as I say, but Al Gore was gracious in defeat -just as I know George W. Bush
would have been equally magnanimous had the outcome been different.
Here in Ukraine, we are likewise hopeful that all sides in the forth-coming
presidential contest will work to ensure that Ukrainians have the free and
fair election you deserve. Indeed, as others have noted, a free and fair
election is key to strengthening Ukraine' s relations with the West.
In late March, I know Deputy Secretary Armitage carried a letter from
President Bush to President Kuchma on the importance of a free and fair
election for U.S.-Ukraine relations and the future of Ukraine. Secretary
Powell and his team have strongly conveyed the same point to senior
Ukrainian officials. And here I also want to salute Ambassador Herbst, who
is reaching out to Ukrainian officials, legislators, and others on a daily
basis to discuss the issue.
Moreover, the European Union, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of
Europe, the European Parliament, and the OSCE have all taken strong stands
on democracy and election issues in Ukraine, and so there is widespread
international interest in this. And why not? What happens here matters. What
happens in Ukraine has an impact on peace and stability in this critical
region of the world.
In the United States - as is the case, I am sure, here in Ukraine - speaking
frankly with someone is a sign of respect. So let me be candid and,
hopefully, clear on this point. Every election is about making a choice; but
in addition to the choice of candidates Ukrainians will have on the ballot
this October, how the election itself is conducted will also constitute a
choice that your leaders have made about your future. Some are concerned,
based on events in recent local elections, that similar mischief may mar the
process by which the next president is chosen. If so, that would be tragic.
But I have confidence that in 2004, as in 1991, Ukraine's leaders will act
not in their self-interest - but in the national interest. I think they will
realize that there is too much as stake, too much to lose, by acting
cavalierly or injudiciously - and that it will be far better, instead, to be
remembered for having contributed to a peaceful orderly transfer of power.
The ambitious, laudable goals Ukraine has publicly chosen to set for itself-
particularly as it relates to joining NATO, the EU, WTO, and other
multilateral institutions - are goals that rely on adopting shared values.
On October 31st, in that sense, Ukraine has a fantastic opportunity to show
the world it is ready to make that next step - that just as it is
discharging its domestic constitutional responsibilities with equanimity, so
too is it prepared to assume a growing role in the broader world community.
Lord knows, I could wish nothing more for you, because if Ukraine follows
this track I have no doubt that brighter days lie ahead. I am sure there are
some who are frustrated by the pace of reform - and others who are
frustrated by the checks and benefits of democracy that make progress
difficult to achieve - and to them I could find no better words than the
closing lines from Taras Shevchenko's poem, My Friendly Epistle:
Blest be your children in these lands
By touch of your toil-hardened hands,
And, duly washed, kissed let them be
With lips that speak of liberty!
Then all the shame of days of old,
Forgotten, shall no more be told;
Then shall our day of hope arrive,
Ukrainian glory shall revive,
No twilight but the dawn shall render
And break forth into novel splendor.
These words, which once upon a time satirized the oppression of Ukraine by
outside forces, today speak to a new truth - the new Ukraine, with unlimited
potential, which has had a new birth in freedom.
Ukraine's day of hope has indeed arrived, and I wish each of you well as you
strive to write the next chapter of accomplishment in the epic story that is
Ukraine.
So thank you very much for your warm welcome back to Kyiv, good luck to you
all, and now I will be happy to answer a few questions.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
Our thanks to the United States Embassy in Ukraine for making a copy
of President George H. W. Bush's speech available. LINK to the Bush
speech, United States Embassy in Ukraine website:
http://www.usinfo.usemb.kiev.ua/files/georgehwbush_speech_May04_eng.html
=========================================================
THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 86: ARTICLE NUMBER TWO
The Genocidal Famine in Ukraine 1932-1933, HOLODOMOR
Genocide Gallery: http://www.artukraine.com/famineart/index.htm
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2. "BUSH SR. CLARIFIES 'CHICKEN KIEV' SPEECH"
By Natalia A. Feduschak [in Kyiv]
The Washington Times, Washington, D.C., Monday, May 24, 2004
KIEV - Former President George Bush, the latest in a string of prominent
American visitors to Ukraine, said last week that what became known as his
"Chicken Kiev" speech in 1991 was misunderstood by his critics.
In that speech, delivered in Kiev months before a referendum in which
Ukrainians voted to withdraw from the Soviet Union, Mr. Bush cautioned
against "suicidal nationalism."
The remarks subsequently were derided as lacking sufficient resolve
against communism and, in any case, had little impact on the referendum,
which passed overwhelmingly.
Back in Kiev last week during a European tour to raise support for his
son's re-election campaign, Mr. Bush insisted that both Ukrainians and the
Western press had missed his point.
The message he had wanted to send was that Ukrainians should not do
"something stupid," he said. "If your leaders hadn't acted smartly, there
would have been a crackdown" from Moscow.
Mr. Bush told an audience of students and other invited guests that
Washington had felt a "sense of relief" when 90 percent of Ukrainians voted
for independence. "What transpired 13 years ago marked a new, hopeful
chapter for mankind," he said.
Like several other recent American visitors, Mr. Bush also called for a
free and fair vote in a presidential election scheduled for Oct. 31.
Similar messages have been delivered in recent weeks by U.S. financier
and philanthropist George Soros, former Secretary of State Madeleine K.
Albright and former National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski.
Mr. Bush generally was upbeat about the political climate in Ukraine,
saying, "I see a country of dramatic change. I get a sense here that things
are moving and there's a lively debate" over Ukraine's political future.
Some observers speculated that the visit would set the stage for a
meeting between the U.S. president and Ukrainian leader Leonid Kuchma.
Despite numerous meetings with his Russian counterpart, President Bush
has not met with Mr. Kuchma, partly because of charges that Ukraine sold a
high-tech radar system to Saddam Hussein in Iraq.
Kiev is hoping such a meeting will take place next month when the two
presidents attend the NATO summit in Istanbul. The elder Mr. Bush said he
has no influence over his son's decision, although joked that his wife,
Barbara, still does.
Both Mr. Bush and Mr. Brzezinski came at the invitation of Mr. Kuchma's
son-in-law, Ukrainian businessman and parliamentarian Viktor Pinchuk, or
institutions associated with him. (END)
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LINK: http://washingtontimes.com/world/20040523-101623-2724r.htm
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Kyiv vs. Kiev-----SPELLING POLICY--Chornobyl vs.Chernobyl
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