"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT"
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis, and Commentary
"The Art of Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World"
"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT" Year 04, Number 116
Action Ukraine Coalition (AUC), Washington, D.C.
Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA), Huntingdon Valley, PA
morganw@patriot.net, ArtUkraine.com@starpower.net (ARTUIS)
Washington, D.C.; Kyiv, Ukraine, THURSDAY, July 15 2004
-----INDEX OF ARTICLES-----
"Major International News Headlines and Articles"
1. AMBASSADOR JOHN F. TEFFT APPOINTED DEPUTY ASSISTANT
SECRETARY OF STATE FOR EUROPEAN AND EURASIAN AFFAIRS
Several personnel changes at the U.S. Department of State regarding Ukraine
Ambassador Carlos Pascual moves to a new position
By E. Morgan Williams, Executive Director
Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA)
Washington, D.C., Thursday, July 15, 2004
2. "AN ORWELLIAN STRATEGY FOR YANUKOVYCH"
OP-ED by Myron Wasylyk, Kyiv Post, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thur, Jul 15, 2004
3. "WEST FEARS UKRAINE ELECTION FRAUD"
JANE'S INTELLIGENCE DIGEST
Jane's Information Group, Coulsdon, Surrey, UK, July 16, 2004
4. UKRAINIAN PRIME MINISTER VIKTOR YANUKOVYCH
ISSUES HIS PRESIDENTIAL "CAMPAIGN MANIFESTO"
Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, Ukraine in Russian. 9 Jul 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Friday, Jul 09, 2004
5.UKRAINIAN OLIGARCHIC PARTIES BACK PRIME MINISTER
VIKTOR YANUKOVYCH'S PRESIDENTIAL BID
ANALYSIS: by Jan Maksymiuk
Feature Article: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL)
Prague, Czech Republic, Wednesday, 14 July 2004
6. 7 MILLION UKRAINIAN VOTERS LIVE OUTSIDE UKRAINE
Evidently all these voters will have no opportunity to vote
UNIAN, Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, July 12, 2004
7. UKRAINE SAYS IT IS NECESSARY TO REFORM THE OSCE
Does not favor OSCE's monitoring of adherence to human rights
By Anton Vodiznyi, Ukrainian News, Kyiv, Ukraine, July 13, 2004
8. VOLIA INITIATING CREATION OF INDEPENDENT PUBLIC
COUNCIL TO ENSURE TRANSPARENCY OF ITS CABLE
NETWORK DURING PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
By Anastasia Savytska, Ukrainian News, Kyiv, Ukraine, July 12, 2004
9. UKRAINIAN WORLD COORDINATION COUNCIL URGING
AUTHORITIES AND PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES TO
HOLD HONEST PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS
By Daria Hluschenko, Ukrainian News, Kyiv, Ukraine, Wed, July 24, 2004
10. ROMANIAN PRIME MINISTER CALLS ON UKRAINE TO
ENSURE ECOLOGICAL PROTECTION OF DANUBE DELTA
Rompres news agency, Bucharest, Romania, Wednesday, July 14, 2004
11. EUROPEAN COMMISSION ASKS UKRAINE TO STOP
WORK ON THE BYSTROE CANAL IN THE DANUBE DELTA
Rompres news agency, Bucharest, Romania, Wednesday, July 14, 2004
12. ODESSA IN SUMMER
By Kristin Cavoukian, Special to the Post
Kyiv Post, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thursday, July 15, 2004
13. PLAY TIME IN YALTA
Charlotte Cory watches the little dramas that make Chekhov's last home
so special. Next week is the centenary of writer Anton Chekhov's death.
By Charlotte Cory, The Telegraph, London, Wednesday, July 14, 2004
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 116: ARTICLE NUMBER ONE
========================================================
1. AMBASSADOR JOHN F. TEFFT APPOINTED DEPUTY ASSISTANT
SECRETARY OF STATE FOR EUROPEAN AND EURASIAN AFFAIRS
Several personnel changes at the U.S. Department of State regarding Ukraine
Ambassador Carlos Pascual moves to a new position
By E. Morgan Williams, Executive Director
Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA)
Washington, D.C., Thursday, July 15, 2004
WASHINGTON, D.C. - Ambassador John F. Tefft has been appointed
U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs
(EUR). His appointment was effective on July 6, 2004. He has been a
career member of the Foreign Service since 1972 and has specialized in
European affairs.
Ambassador Steven K. Pifer, the previous Deputy Assistant Secretary
and former U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine, completed his assignment in
early July. For several years Ambassador Pifer has been one of the top
experts in the U.S. government regarding Ukrainian issues.
In his new position Ambassador Tefft supervises the offices in the State
Department's European Bureau responsible for U.S. bilateral relations
with Ukraine, Russia, Moldova, and Belarus, as well as the office of
Policy and Regional Affairs, which coordinates non-proliferation,
security assistance export control and other issues throughout the
European Bureau.
Tefft most recently served as International Affairs Advisor (Deputy
Commandant) at the National War College in Washington, D.C. From
2000 to 2003 he was U.S. Ambassador to Lithuania.
Leaders of the Baltic community in Washington speak very highly
of John Tefft's service while U.S. Ambassador to Lithuania. They say
he handled several difficult issues very successfully and assisted
Lithuania in making the right decisions in some tough, key areas.
Tefft served as Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in
Moscow from 1996-1999, and was Charge d'affaires at the
Embassy from November 1996 -September 1997.
Mark Taplin has been serving as the Director for Ukraine, Moldova
and Belarus in the European and Eurasia office under Ambassador
Pifer. Mark previously served in the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv. His
assignment will be completed in late summer. Karen Stewart will
become the new Director. Her previous assignment was Deputy Chief
of Mission (DCM) at the U.S. Embassy in Minsk, Belarus.
Julie Nutter has been the Deputy Director and Senior Ukraine Desk
Officer in the Ukraine, Moldova and Belarus office. Julie's assignment
will be completed at the end of this week. Marcus Micheli will
assume this position. Marcus has been serving in the U.S. Embassy
in Moscow. His previous assignments included a tour at the Embassy
in Kyiv.
Peter Higgins, Ukraine Desk Officer (economic issues) and Dr. Paul
Carter, Ukraine Desk Officer (political issues) will continue in their
positions at the Ukraine, Moldova and Belarus office.
Another one of the top U.S. State Department experts regarding Ukraine
has moved to a new assignment, Carlos Pascual, former U.S. Ambassador
to Ukraine, has just left the position of U.S. Assistance Coordinator in the
Europe/Eurasia Bureau (EUR) and has been appointed to a new, high-
level State Department position dealing with fragile and post-conflict
states.
Ambassador Pascual's deputy, Tom Adams, has now become the new
U.S. Assistance Coordinator in the Europe/Eurasia Bureau. Also in that
office Milan Sturgis has assumed the position previously held by Mike
Scanlan as special advisor for democracy issues.
The members of The Action Ukraine Coalition give a very special word
of thanks to Ambassador Steven K. Pifer, Ambassador Carlos Pascual,
Mark Taplin, Julie Nutter, and Mike Scanlan for their outstanding work
and service regarding Ukrainian matters over the past few years. We
wish them the best possible success in their new responsibilities.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
NOTE: Additional biographical information for the new Deputy Assistant
Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs Ambassador John
F. Tefft:
Tefft has also served as Director of the Office of Northern European Affairs
from 1992 to 1994, Deputy Director of the Office of Soviet Union (later
Russian and CIS) Affairs from 1989 to 1992 and Counselor for
Political-Military Affairs at the US Embassy in Rome from 1986 to 1989.
His other foreign assignments included Budapest and Jerusalem, as well as
service on the US Delegation to the START arms control negotiations in 1985.
Among his awards are the State Department's Distinguished Honor Award
and the DCM of the Year Award for his service in Moscow.
Tefft holds a Bachelor of Arts degree from Marquette University in
Milwaukee, Wisconsin and a Master of Arts degree from Georgetown
University in Washington, D.C. His spouse, Mariella C. Tefft, is a
biostatistician and nurse. They have two daughters. (END) (ARTUIS)
=========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 116: ARTICLE NUMBER TWO
=========================================================
2. AN ORWELLIAN STRATEGY FOR YANUKOVYCH
OP-ED by Myron Wasylyk, Kyiv Post, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thur, Jul 15, 2004
If a free and fair election for the presidency of Ukraine were held today,
the leader of Our Ukraine, Viktor Yushchenko, would become the country's
third president since independence in 1991. But the election isn't for
another four months, and in the coming weeks, an intense power struggle will
be played out before Ukrainians and the international public.
The choice before voters won't be between moving closer to either Russia or
the West, or to either NATO or the CIS, or between Russian speakers and
Ukrainian speakers. The choice facing voters is between bringing into office
people who will end corruption by putting Ukraine's national interests above
clan interests; and letting stay those who propose "stability," i.e.,
governing the old fashioned way - getting rich by stealing from the state at
the expense of the people.
It's clear from polls that Yushchenko is the candidate most favored by
voters. His base of support is nationwide and encompasses all age groups,
income categories, education levels and nationalities. He appeals to both
sexes. He is a family man, a consolidating politician, an intellectual and
an experienced reformer who has vision and the trust of the electorate.
A question arises, then: Why do people not believe Yushchenko will be
elected president? The answer is simple - Ukrainians don't believe a free
and fair election will be held. They are as cynical about the election as
they are about those in power - who will, incidentally, conduct it.
Events throughout the past year demonstrate that Orwellian tactics are alive
and well among the authoritarians running modern-day Ukraine. For a few
examples look to: the unsolved murders of journalists Georgy Gongadze and
Ihor Oleksandrov; the insider privatization of the Kryvorizhstal steel mill;
the debacle in Donetsk last fall, when an Our Ukraine meeting was broken up
by thugs; and the Prosecutor General's cover-up of election fraud in this
spring's Mukachevo mayoral race.
Given that a candidate associated with the "party of power" has never had
the trust of voters, nor ever won an election outright in Ukraine, it's
going to be interesting to see how the regime's candidate, Prime Minister
Viktor Yanukovych, can win this fall. The only way he'll be able to do it is
to run against Kuchma and the ruling regime with which he's so tied. How
can he do that? A couple of scenarios are in play.
First, why are those in power insisting on rapid constitutional reform?
First and foremost, to keep the single most popular politician in Ukraine
captive in Kyiv rather than let him out onto the campaign stump. Having
Viktor Yushchenko's policy team defending positions on the constitution
diverts them from offering a national program to lead the country out of
crisis. The constitutional debate brings the popular Yushchenko down to the
level of typical out-of-touch politicians fighting for power.
Yushchenko has proved that his high popularity ratings over the past two
years cannot be lowered by the shenanigans of those in power. So rather than
try to decrease his poll numbers, those in power will do everything possible
to keep Yushchenko from increasing them. A "Where's Yushchenko?" campaign
will be launched by the same power-brokers who censor him from the media
everyday; by that method they'll try to keep undecided voters from turning
his way.
Second, why has the "Kuchma 3" scenario been bruited about? The idea that
Kuchma would run for a third term is a game of smoke and mirrors. The story
that the soon-to-be 66-year-old Kuchma, the most unpopular politician in the
country, would run for an unconstitutional third term is a bluff to deflect
opposition attention away from the main threat - Yanukovych. While the rumor
mills spin, Yanukovych will have put together the financing and bought the
team needed to give him a shot at the presidency.
With such diversions at work, what else does Yanukovych have to do to
win? He'll have to cleanse himself of his two criminal court convictions:
Watch for him to get the dirty laundry out early, in the hopes that
Ukrainians forget it around election day.
AMPING IT UP
Strategists are also toying with the idea of staging a fight with the
president. Distancing himself from Kuchma by either being fired or
temporarily replaced is a prerequisite for convincing people that he
shouldn't be linked to the regime's various sins.
As Yanukovych distances himself from Kuchma and his record, the president's
trusted crisis manager, Viktor Medvedchuk, will be made acting prime
minister to preside over the lame duck government. Medvedchuk's true
assignment will be to manage the regional governors, law enforcement
officials and foreign ambassadors put into office during the past two years
to control administrative resources for Yanukovych.
In four short months, Yanukovych's small regional support base in Donetsk
and the east will be expanded nationwide and hyped into a country-wide mass
movement. Workers at oligarch-controlled factories in the east will be
coerced into voting for him. Poor central Ukrainian farmers, like those in
Poltava's electoral district 151, will be paid Hr 50 each to vote for
Yanukovych. Pop singers and Olympic athletes will lead rallies and concerts
on his behalf.
Yanukovych will consistently trail in the public opinion polls, because
nobody from the party of power has ever had a popular following. In the
closing days of the campaign, media sympathetic to him will show Yanukovych
closing in on Yushchenko. Studio 1+1's "Prote" and other state-sponsored
forums of "free speech" will link Yushchenko to nationalists, anti-Semites,
ethnic conflicts in Crimea, religious animosities, possible terrorist
attacks, Iraq and any other problems that appear - suddenly and during
election season - in an otherwise peaceful Ukraine. Headlines will scream
that Yanukovych will ensure "national stability" and claim that rising
Yanukovych poll numbers indicate public trust in the Donetsk strongman.
In the end, the election will be decided after polls close. Just as in
Mukachevo, hundreds of black-leathered thugs, with militia help, will be
dispatched to carefully target electoral districts in the interests of
ensuring "proper" vote-counting.
The will to disbelieve the horrible is a powerful human instinct. But can
this whole scenario actually happen? Take a look at what those in power have
staged during the past year to get a glimpse of what future events may occur
in Ukraine. The parallels are so striking and predictable that not only
Ukrainians are taking cynical notice. (END) (ARTUIS)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Myron Wasylyk is Senior Vice President and Managing Director of The PBN
Company in Ukraine. He has lived in Ukraine for 12 years and has been an
election observer in the country.
========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 116: ARTICLE NUMBER THREE
========================================================
3. "WEST FEARS UKRAINE ELECTION FRAUD"
JANE'S INTELLIGENCE DIGEST
Jane's Information Group, Coulsdon, Surrey, UK, July 16, 2004
Ukraine's presidential election campaign began earlier this month and is
already creating serious concern for Western governments and
international organisations. JID's regional correspondent reports on why
NATO, the European Union, the Council of Europe and the Organisation
for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) fear the outcome of a
poll that threatens to escalate into an international crisis.
Although outgoing President Leonid Kuchma has repeatedly stated his
support for a free and fair election, there is a declining band of
hopefuls who still believe in these promises. Recent opinion polls
suggest that around three-quarters of Ukrainians expect these elections
to be fraudulent.
Meanwhile, Kuchma has been taking time out to travel. He attended
meetings at the NATO summit in Istanbul on 30 June and at the annual
EU-Ukraine summit in Holland last week. In both cases, the message
given by NATO and the EU to Kuchma was the same: hold free and fair
elections this year. Although Kuchma emphasised his commitment to
democracy, both NATO and the EU are seeking proof that all presidential
candidates are being given a level playing field.
In practice, there is little evidence that Kuchma is willing to move
beyond words. The election campaign is already being marred by
allegations of favouritism in the state-controlled media toward Kuchma's
anointed successor, prime minister Viktor Yanukovych. In contrast, the
opposition parties claim to have little or no access to state or private
television stations and also claim to be suffering from the impact of
so-called 'black ops' - dirty tricks - directed against them.
DIRTY TRICKS FROM KIEV
Techniques that are allegedly being used include: the preparation of
censorship instructions (temnyky) to television stations; the
publication of compromising materials on the opposition; and the
production of faked leaflets designed to divide the opposition. Also
right-wing nationalists who claim to support the opposition parties are
undermining the credibility of the main challenger, Viktor Yushchenko.
Meanwhile, the opposition fears that plans are being prepared for the
rigging of the poll, such as some speculate happened in the April
mayoral elections in Trans-Carpathia's Mukachiv region. In the Mukachiv
election, opposition groups alleged that fake ballots and forged
signatures were used to rig the vote. The opposition candidate was
originally believed to have won, but ultimately the pro-Kuchma candidate
from Medvedchuk's Social Democratic United Party was declared the
winner. Alleged fraud of the election protocols was accompanied by
reports of the destruction of ballot papers and violence by organised
crime enforcers. Although these events were severely condemned by
members of the Ukrainian parliament and by Western governments and
organisations, little action has been taken to address the alleged
fraud.
The EU, NATO and the USA have warned Kuchma of the consequences
should he fail to uphold his pledge to hold a free and fair election. Both
NATO and the EU have told the president that Ukraine's efforts towards
Euro-Atlantic integration will only be advanced if the elections are
conducted fairly. However, the impact of such threats rests upon the
supposition that Kuchma remains sincere in his desire for Ukraine to
join the EU and NATO. Although Kuchma and his allies have exploited
rhetoric in favour of greater Euro-Atlantic integration in order to keep
Russia at a distance, Ukraine has still undergone its worst period of
regression from democracy.
Warnings from NATO and the EU are also being ignored for two other
reasons. First, Kuchma has been given credit by the Bush administration
for sending the largest non-NATO military force to Iraq. Not upsetting
Kuchma particularly appeals to the Pentagon and National Security
Council who prioritise Iraq over anything else in the run up to the US
presidential elections in November. Second, the EU's threat remains
empty because it is not actually offering Ukraine future membership.
Brussels cannot use its most influential 'carrot' to induce Ukraine into
playing by the rules.
RELATIONS BECOME ICY
During last week's summit, Ukraine's relations with the EU plummeted
further. The EU continued to refuse to grant Ukraine market economic
status, which is an important step on the road to membership of the
World Trade Organisation. Ukraine, in turn, downplayed the importance
of 'Action Plans' that are to be drawn up within the EU's 2003 Wider
Europe Initiative. Kuchma is uninterested in these as they consign Ukraine
to being merely a 'neighbour' (in the same category as all EU neighbours,
from Morocco to Russia), with no prospect of actual membership.
If the EU's threat is ultimately devoid of meaning, so too is the
Council of Europe's. The Council has never expelled any member. Indeed,
it has only threatened to suspend Ukraine's membership if Kuchma and his
allies continue to railroad through constitutional changes in an
election year.
The OSCE is even more toothless. Its election reports are usually
over-objective and often refrain from criticism.
Last week, nine members of the Commonwealth of Independent States
(CIS) - including Kuchma in his role as the head of the CIS Council of
Heads of State - complained about even mild criticism by the OSCE as
"interference" in their internal affairs. This return to Soviet-era
rhetoric is a reflection of the growing regression in democracy taking
place throughout the CIS. The Parliamentary Assembly of the OSCE
replied by issuing a statement that called upon Kuchma to guarantee
free elections.
Kuchma and his allies are afraid of only two scenarios if the elections
are judged as being neither free nor fair. First is the unofficial US
threat to withhold visas from senior Ukrainian officials. Such a policy
has only been adopted by the USA and the EU against Belarus and the
separatist Trans-Dniestr enclave in Moldova. A subsidiary element of
this threat is to launch investigations into bank accounts of Ukrainian
oligarchs in offshore zones. They could very easily start with the
British Virgin Islands, Ukraine's fifth largest foreign investor.
Kuchma's second concern is that the OSCE, the Council of Europe and
the EU might refuse to recognise the outcome of this year's elections.
During last week's EU-Ukraine summit, Kuchma complained that the
West would only understand a 'free election' if the opposition won them.
Non-recognition of the election outcome could lead to the withholding of
visas and Ukraine's international isolation. If the West really wants to
hold Kuchma to his promise of holding free and fair elections, both of
these threats would have to be made clear. Other sanctions, such as
slowing down Ukraine's integration into Euro-Atlantic structures or the
prospect of suspension from the Council of Europe, carry no weight with
Kuchma.
Unless stronger pressure is brought to bear against Kuchma, it is
unlikely that he will permit free elections to take place. The
temptation to fix the elections in favour of a Yanukovych victory will
prevail because of the fear of the consequences should the opposition
candidate, Yushchenko, win.
Kuchma and his allies do not see NATO membership as urgent enough to
justify the risk of implementing genuine democratic reforms or holding
free elections. The administration is planning to postpone attempts to
push ahead with NATO membership until 2009 to 2013, giving them
sufficient time after Kuchma leaves office to ensure a transition period
under Yanukovych that would strengthen the domination of the ruling
oligarchs over Ukraine. (END) (ARTUIS)
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 116: ARTICLE NUMBER FOUR
=======================================================
4. UKRAINIAN PRIME MINISTER VIKTOR YANUKOVYCH
ISSUES HIS PRESIDENTIAL "CAMPAIGN MANIFESTO"
Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, Ukraine in Russian. 9 Jul 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Friday, Jul 09, 2004
Ukrainian Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych is reported to be running for
president on a manifesto of providing welfare for all. According to an
electoral manifesto obtained by the Interfax-Ukraine news agency, he pledges
to raise wages, cut VAT, boost welfare payments to the needy, increase
spending on public works, cap the cost of utilities and fight corruption.
The following is the text of the report by Interfax-Ukraine news agency.
KIEV - Ukrainian Prime Minister and presidential candidate Viktor Yanukovych
has promised to increase the average wage 2-2.5-fold, raise the minimum wage
to the level of the minimum basket, and lower VAT to 12 per cent, if elected
president.
This comes from the candidate's election manifesto, a text of which is in
the possession of Interfax-Ukraine. "I shall try to be the president of
prosperous citizens who are building a strong and democratic state
themselves, and have a worthy standard of living and work! And we shall
achieve this!," says the preface to the manifesto.
In particular, the candidate promises to organize competitive output at all
industrial and agricultural businesses, to create new, productive and modern
jobs, and ensure fair and timely payment of wages for both town and country.
Consumer power will be protected by a strong hryvnya [national currency].
Yanukovych intends to provide World War II and labour veterans, Afghan
war veterans, people involved in dealing with the Chernobyl disaster and the
victims thereof with a worthy standard of living, the medical treatment they
need, and the full range of benefits and privileges that they won through
their blood and heroic labour.
"We shall restore fair work pensions. We shall raise the minimum pension to
the level of the minimum basket. We shall significantly increase welfare
payments for the most vulnerable levels of society, and we shall eliminate
the disproportion in the scale of military pensions," the manifesto says.
The candidate plans to use revenues generated by privatization to compensate
citizens for [bank] deposits rendered worthless and provide decent pensions.
Yanukovych promises to carry out a large-scale programme of state housing
construction and to provide state help for young families in building and
acquiring housing.
The candidate proposes increasing competition in the utilities market,
improving their quality and not permitting a rise in their cost. He also
backs targeted aid for poor families and help for them to repay utilities
debts.
As for protecting bank depositors, Yanukovych promises "to defend their
rights reliably". "Credits to build housing and buy consumer durables like
cars, furniture and white goods will be accessible," the manifesto says. The
candidate will prioritize the construction of roads in the countryside and
guarantee the quality of road facilities built with public money.
"We shall raise the prestige and payment of teachers, medics, artists and
scientists. We shall provide equal access for young people to quality
education and a further increase in grants. We shall set up a new rural
school system, computerized and equipped to modern standards," says the
manifesto. In addition, Yanukovych plans to support the development of
book publishing, cinema, theatre, national culture, libraries, museums and
archives.
He believes it necessary to consistently confirm the status of the Ukrainian
language as the state language and guarantee the free development of
Russian, the development of the languages of original ethnic minorities and
national cultures.
In the area of religion he guarantees action to satisfy the religious needs
of the faithful and interdenominational accord. Regardless of where people
live, Yanukovych plans to ensure the state pays for quality medical
services. The manifesto says that "gradually and in line with the rise in
the income of the population, we shall introduce a system of medical
insurance".
He also regards it necessary to introduce economic stimuli for the use of
ecologically clean and energy-conscious technology. The manifesto says that
"we will gradually move transit lorry vehicles and ecologically dangerous
industrial facilities beyond the confines of population points".
As regards the business sector, Yanukovych promises that registration and
the receipt of approval in accordance with the principle of "a one-stop
shop" will become a general rule, while information about buildings in state
and communal ownership which are sold and leased out, as well as on the
existence of land plots for new construction, will become accessible for
every businessman. "We shall expand the domestic market. We shall reduce
the VAT rate to 12 per cent", he says.
He is also in favour of harmonizing financial and tax accounting. "We shall
simplify tax administration and ensure its transparency for taxpayers",
Yanukovych's manifesto says.
Yanukovych also regards it necessary to increase innovation and investment
in economic growth by speeding up the development of the financial
infrastructure, the banking sector, the stock market and the system of
corporate governance. It stresses that "the rights of small shareholders
will be guaranteed". The manifesto also stresses that "credits for the
development of small businesses, agrarian enterprises and farms, the
creation of new jobs, first and foremost in depressed regions and villages,
will be substantially increased and made cheaper".
Yanukovych also says that he favours getting rid of any regional imbalance,
increasing the volume of Ukrainian exports, broadening transit opportunities
and guaranteeing the country's energy security.
In addition, he believes that it is obligatory that a wide circle of
community groups take part in the creation and implementation of state
policy and law-making, and also believes in political pluralism, open
dialogue, constructive corporation and collective responsibility. It is
stated in the manifesto that "constitutional, judicial and legal,
administrative and military reform will be directed towards developing
democracy, local government, protecting the rights and freedoms of citizens
and raising national security".
In the area of foreign policy, Yanukovych believes it necessary to deepen
Ukraine's participation in world and regional integration processes,
Euro-integration movements, cooperation with Russia and other states which
are traditional partners and will be subject to national interests.
The manifesto says "we shall rejuvenate high morality and patriotism. Only
honest professionals shall work in state posts. Always with the people and
everything for the people! Only in this way will we be able to ensure
prosperity for every family and the highest living standards in our home -
in our very own Ukraine! I shall give my strength, knowledge and experience
to this noble goal!" (END) (ARTUIS)
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 116: ARTICLE NUMBER FIVE
Send Us Names for the Distribution List of The Action Ukraine Report
=========================================================
5. UKRAINIAN OLIGARCHIC PARTIES BACK PRIME MINISTER
VIKTOR YANUKOVYCH'S PRESIDENTIAL BID
ANALYSIS: by Jan Maksymiuk
Feature Article: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL)
Prague, Czech Republic, Wednesday, 14 July 2004
Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych was proposed as a joint presidential
candidate of the pro-government majority in the Verkhovna Rada in
mid-April, shortly after this majority failed to pass a
constitutional-reform bill intended to limit the prerogatives of the
president and expand those of the prime minister and the legislature.
At that time, the appointment of Yanukovych as the main challenger of Our
Ukraine leader Viktor Yanukovych in the 31 October election was primarily
seen as a propaganda move on the part of pro-government parties. Following
the abortive vote on the constitutional-reform bill, the pro-government
majority was in visible disarray and urgently needed to reassure both itself
and its electorate that it still possessed political initiative.
The moment of truth for Yanukovych occurred last week, when most parties
constituting the pro-government coalition held their congresses in order to
confirm or reject his candidacy. Apart from the Party of Industrialists and
Entrepreneurs, which proposed its leader Anatoliy Kinakh, prime minister
from March 2001 to November 2002, as a presidential hopeful, all the other
parties threw their support behind Yanukovych. Simultaneously, these
congresses significantly reduced the probability that incumbent President
Leonid Kuchma will run for the post of president for a third time, an option
made possible for him by a ruling of the Constitutional Court in December
2003.
Perhaps, the most crucial of these forums was a congress of the Social
Democratic Party-united (SDPU-o) in Kharkiv on 10 July. The SDPU-o
is led by presidential-administration chief Viktor Medvedchuk, so the
party's decision on Yanukovych was expected as an important indicator
of Kuchma's real intentions in the 2004 presidential campaign. Medvedchuk
told the congress that power in Ukraine should remain in the hands of
"centrist forces" and stressed that Yanukovych is the only candidate of
these forces who can win the presidential election. Five hundred delegates
to the congress unanimously endorsed Yanukovych's candidacy.
Medvedchuk also told the delegates that the most important political task in
Ukraine is to implement constitutional reform in order to introduce a
"parliamentary-presidential model" of government. He stressed that
Yanukovych is a staunch supporter of such reform, which was initiated by the
SDPU-o in collaboration with the Socialist Party and the Communist Party.
Curiously enough, Yanukovych's election manifesto published this week does
not highlight the urgent need for a constitutional reform but mentions it
almost casually, in the same line with judicial, administrative, and
military reforms.
However, irrespective of what happens with the constitutional reform in the
future, one has to admit that it was a tremendously clever idea on the part
of Medvedchuk in particular and the pro-Kuchma camp in general. This idea
has driven a big wedge between Our Ukraine and the Socialist Party and, to
a large extent, prevented them from striking an election coalition deal.
For Viktor Yushchenko, the most disappointing event last week was apparently
a congress of the Popular Democratic Party (NDP), which is led by former
Prime Minister Valeriy Pustovoytenko. Pustovoytenko, prime minister from
July 1997 to December 1999, signaled earlier this year that he does not like
Yanukovych as a joint presidential candidate of the pro-government camp and
may run himself. However, the NDP congress on 10 July cast its support
behind Yanukovych.
The congress was attended by Viktor Pynzenyk, one of the leaders of Our
Ukraine. Pynzenyk ardently but unsuccessfully appealed to the congress to
back Yushchenko's presidential bid, arguing that the NDP and Our Ukraine
are pursuing the same political goals. Pustovoytenko was rewarded for his
backing of Yanukovych with the post of coordinator of the bloc called
"Together for the Sake of Future," which is intended to be a wider coalition
of political parties and other organizations supporting Yanukovych in the
election campaign.
Yanukovych's presidential bid was also backed by two other oligarchic
parties -- the Popular Agrarian Party headed by parliamentary speaker
Volodymyr Lytvyn and the Labor Ukraine Party led by National Bank head
Serhiy Tyhypko. Tyhypko became chief of Yanukovych's election staff.
Thus, all major oligarchs of the pro-Kuchma camp, in the face of the
"Yushchenko threat," have united behind Yanukovych's presidential bid,
even if, from their point of view, he does not seem to be the most suitable
candidate for the presidential job. Yanukovych is the leader of the
Donetsk-based Party of Regions and the Donetsk-based oligarchic clan.
Some fear that his possible victory in the presidential election may
considerably upset the current "oligarchic balance" in Ukraine, which is
ensured by Leonid Kuchma, and redistribute political and economic clout in
favor of one regional oligarchic group. The three weeks between the first
and second rounds of the presidential election could turn out to be one of
the most fateful periods in Ukraine's modern history.
All surveys in Ukraine indicate that Yushchenko is backed by some 23-25
percent and Yanukovych by some 16-18 percent of the electorate. This
proportion will most likely change in the course of the election campaign,
but almost all observers agree that there will be a second election round on
21 November, three weeks after the 31 October ballot, and that Yushchenko
and Yanukovych are the most probable contenders in that runoff. Thus, it
could turn out that these three weeks in November will become one of the
most fateful periods in Ukraine's modern history.
Given that Yanukovych's candidacy will be supported not only by the
state-administration machine but also by the united political, financial,
and media potential of most Ukrainian oligarchs, Yushchenko's chances to
win the election do not look very good. Yushchenko will hardly mobilize the
financial and propagandistic potential that could match Yanukovych's
campaign resources. But there is still time for Yushchenko to prevent his
election chances from becoming slim. (END) (ARTUIS)
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 116: ARTICLE NUMBER SIX
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6. SEVEN MILLION UKRAINIAN VOTERS STAY ABROAD
Evidently all these voters will have no opportunity to vote
UNIAN, Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, July 12, 2004
KYIV - By some estimates, nearly 7 million Ukrainian electors are staying
outside Ukraine. Out of them 3 million are in the European countries, and
3.5 million - in Russia.
"Freedom of Choice" coalition coordinator Vladyslav Kaskiv announced
it at a press conference in UNIAN today. He has said that, evidently, all
these electors will have no opportunity to vote.
V.Kaskiv has also said that "Freedom of Choice" coalition has information
that several months ago the Presidential Administration spread inquiries to
all local administrations to prepare lists of people, who did not vote for
several election campaigns. In his words, this information is collected to
assess volumes of electors, who will not come to vote, or to falsify. (END)
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7. UKRAINE SAYS IT IS NECESSARY TO REFORM THE OSCE
Does not favor OSCE's monitoring of adherence to human rights
By Anton Vodiznyi, Ukrainian News, Kyiv, Ukraine, July 13, 2004
KYIV - The Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine considers that it is
necessary to reform the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe (OSCE).
The deputy head of the Foreign Ministry's press service, Dmytro Svystkov,
disclosed this to journalists while commenting on the statement of the
foreign ministries of CIS countries that was issued at the meeting of the
OSCE. "This matter concerns the need to reform the OSCE as an
organization," he said.
Svystkov noted that the OSCE more often performs functions that are
extrinsic for it, such as for example, the monitoring of adherence to human
rights. In the words of Svystkov, it is precisely this that served as the
basis for this statement.
"It is precisely the shift of accent in the activity of the OSCE that became
the basis for this statement," he stated. Svystkov also observed that the
OSCE is not coping with finding solution to regional conflicts, such as for
example in Kosovo. "Are they resolved? No," he said.
As Ukrainian News reported previously, Ukraine had earlier called on the
OSCE to develop a mechanism for early prevention of conflicts.
In April, Ukraine initiated the creation of the OSCE's Antiterrorist
Operational Coordination Center. Ukraine urged the OSCE in December
2003 to more actively respond to threats poised to the territorial integrity
and existing borders of the organization's member countries. (END) (ARTUIS)
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 116: ARTICLE NUMBER EIGHT
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8. VOLIA INITIATING CREATION OF INDEPENDENT PUBLIC
COUNCIL TO ENSURE TRANSPARENCY OF ITS CABLE
NETWORK DURING PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
By Anastasia Savytska, Ukrainian News, Kyiv, Ukraine, July 12, 2004
KYIV - The Volia cable television company, the largest cable television
operator in Kyiv, is initiating creation of an independent public council to
ensure transparent operation of its cable networks during this year's
presidential elections and to prevent their use for political purposes. The
press service of Volia disclosed this to Ukrainian News.
"[To create a council] to ensure stability and transparency in the use of
cable networks as well as to eliminate possible abuses and speculations
surrounding their operations during the election campaign," the press
service said.
Volia is proposing creating an independent public council made up of
representatives of all presidential candidates as well as representatives of
the National Council for Television and Radio Broadcasting, television
companies, and the law enforcement agencies.
The company is promising to create all the necessary conditions for the
operations of the council. Volia also says that it is impossible to use its
cable network for political purposes because of several technical and legal
reasons: Volia will not change its programming and does not produce its
own programs.
As Ukrainian News earlier reported, the Volia cable television company on
Friday denied the claims by the Prosecutor-General's Office that the
company is run by citizens of the United States and that the company
performs financial operations through offshore zones in Cyprus.
The PGO said on July 8 that it considered the release of the company's
Director Serhii Boiko and Deputy Director Valerii Saliamov from detention
illegal. The Kyiv appeal court released Boiko and Saliamov from detention on
Wednesday, April 7, following their arrest on June 30 on the allegations of
distributing pornographic materials, operating without licenses, and
laundering money obtained through criminal means. [Allegations called by
some key observers in Kyiv as "Business Terrorism, Hostile Takeover
Ukrainian Style"]
Lawyers for Boiko and Saliamov asked the court to release them from
detention, arguing that their imprisonment was too severe for the
allegations against them.
The Kyiv prosecutor's office opened three criminal cases against Volia on
June 22 under Article 301 of the Ukrainian Criminal Code (importation,
manufacture, sale, and distribution of pornographic products).
The Volia cable television company provides analogue cable television
broadcasting services under the brand name Volia Cable and digital
broadcasting under the brand name Volia Premium TV. It also provides
Internet access via cable networks under the Volia Broadband trademark.
Over 500,000 apartments in Kyiv receive Volia's cable services. (END)
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 116: ARTICLE NUMBER NINE
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9. UKRAINIAN WORLD COORDINATION COUNCIL URGING
AUTHORITIES AND PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES TO
HOLD HONEST PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS
By Daria Hluschenko, Ukrainian News, Kyiv, Ukraine, Wed, July 24, 2004
KYIV - The Ukrainian World Coordination Council, headquartered in
Kyiv, is calling on the authorities, parties, social organizations and
presidential candidates to hold honest Presidential elections. This urging
is contained in the message of the Council entitled "Unity for the sake of
the Future", the text of which Ukrainian News has obtained.
"To conduct election campaigning under conditions of public peace, adherence
to moral and legal norms," the letter reads. The Coordination Council is
urging the Central Election Commission (CEC) to create equal conditions for
the candidates, and to make it impossible to exert pressure on voters.
The Council is asking the CEC and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to help so
that Ukrainians aboard would be able to vote in these elections. The Council
is asking law enforcement agencies to excuse themselves from the campaigning
and to guarantee the safety of all the participants in the elections without
exception.
"The infamous events in Mukacheve should by no means be repeated on a
large scale in Ukraine!" it is mentioned in the letter. The Coordination
Council is asking presidential candidates in its letter to be tolerant and
respectful to each other.
The Council is asking Ukrainians to put human values and the interests of
the state above political favoritism. The organization urges politicians to
manifest wisdom and thoughtfulness. The Council warns against attempts to
divide the country along regional, national and language lines.
As Ukrainian News earlier reported, campaigning for the Presidential
elections in Ukraine started on July 3. The Presidential elections will be
take place on October 31. (END) (ARTUIS)
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10. ROMANIAN PRIME MINISTER CALLS ON UKRAINE TO
ENSURE ECOLOGICAL PROTECTION OF DANUBE DELTA
Rompres news agency, Bucharest, Romania, Wednesday, July 14, 2004
BUCHAREST - Any move to build new economic infrastructures in the Danube
basin will have to take into account the necessity to protect this
ecosystem, Prime Minister Adrian Nastase said on Wednesday [14 July] at the
second Ministerial Conference of Danube Cooperation.
Nastase voiced hope that the final document to be adopted at the end of the
conference will show the fact that the entire Danube is "a unique ecosystem,
which is part of the universal heritage and must be protected by all means".
"The Danube is a symbol and an axis of our existence and development and,
therefore, we are responsible to use it for the benefit of our peoples,"
Nastase said, adding that the Danube cooperation process is one of the
cornerstones that will underlie European stability and unity. The Romanian
prime minister said that all countries in the Danube basin area share a
common responsibility in ensuring the ecological protection of the Danube
Delta (southeastern Romania).
As regards the construction of the Ukrainian Canal Bystroe in the Danube
Delta, Nastase stressed that the Romanian Government's stance was officially
expressed in the letter sent to his Ukrainian counterpart and by the moves
made in the European bodies.
"I believe we all take an interest in clarifying aspects related to the
works conducted there and the effects these works might have, which have an
economic motivation, on an extremely complex ecosystem such as the Danube
Delta," Nastase added. (END) (ARTUIS)
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11. EUROPEAN COMMISSION ASKS UKRAINE TO STOP
WORK ON THE BYSTROE CANAL IN THE DANUBE DELTA
Rompres news agency, Bucharest, Romania, Wednesday, July 14, 2004
BUCHAREST - The European Commission has asked Ukraine to stop
construction works on the Bystroe canal in the Danube Delta (southeastern
Romania) until a complete environmental impact study is being carried out,
Director General of the European Commission Environment Directorate-
General Catherine Day told Rompres on Wednesday [14 July].
Day had talks on Wednesday in Bucharest during the Ministerial Conference of
the Danube Cooperation Process with the Ukrainian delegation headed by
Foreign Affairs Deputy Minister Oleksandr Motik.
Day pointed out that last week during the Ukraine-EU summit, both European
Commission President Romano Prodi and European Commissioner for External
Relations Chris Patten expressed the union's concern over the canal's
construction.
"We are not against developing the Danube Delta region, but we want to be
sure that it doesn't have a negative impact upon the environment", Day
added. The European official was convinced that Kiev understood the European
Union's views and voiced her confidence that EC bodies will be informed in
detail during the next period on the canal construction to make it possible
for a debate to be held on the canal's impact on the environment.
Day also said that she had received some documents related to the issue on
Wednesday and that the Ukrainian authorities showed readiness to provide the
requested materials. Moreover, Ukraine's President Leonid Kuchma agreed with
European Commission experts paying a fact-finding visit and the experts are
ready to accept the invitation. (END) (ARTUIS)
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12. ODESSA IN SUMMER
By Kristin Cavoukian, Special to the Post
Kyiv Post, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thursday, Jul 15, 2004
Summer in Ukraine wouldn't be complete without at least one trip south to
the Black Sea. Had your fill of Crimea's seaside villages and want a more
urban coastal adventure? Take the night train to the port city of Odessa.
THE PERFECT CHARM
Odessa's charm comes from its perfect mix of old and new, excitement and
relaxation, city and beach. The historic city is connected with writers such
as Pushkin and Gogol, and its sycamore tree-lined streets house a variety of
crumbling 19th-century architectural gems (the famous Vienna-style Opera
House is still being renovated).
But fun in the sun has no better venue than a beach, and Odessa has a long
strip of excellent beaches stretching all the way to the southern reaches of
the city and boasting a vital feature missing from much of the Crimean
coastline: sand. Odessa's golden sand varies in texture along the stretch,
from fine powder to larger granules, but it's all conducive to taking a
relaxing nap in the sun after a dip in the sea.
Before getting to any Odessa beach, you'll have to traverse a steep hill.
Instead of the stairs, take the cable ride at Kanatnaya Doroga. Reminiscent
of a ski lift, this device takes two people at a time from Frantzusky to the
beach below for a mere Hr 5. More importantly, after a long day at the
beach, it makes the return trip a joy.
WHEN IN ROME
The jewel of Odessa is Arkadia Beach, a nonstop party locale with
restaurants, bars and clubs and, of course, a lovely stretch of sand and
sea. Colorful wooden beach chairs line the waterfront, and crowds of bathers
can be found enjoying the sunshine after a swim, while fishermen line the
pier in hopes of catching something to take home. Join in a pick-up game of
volleyball, or marvel at an impromptu gymnastics competition.
Above the beach, the patios of a dozen theme restaurants and bars provide
shady spots from which to people-watch and take in the scenery. Sample
delicious local seafood or various ethnic cuisines while also enjoying
ice-cold beer or cocktails. The best tables are often reserved, but good
service and smiles are not uncommon here. After the sun has set the music
takes over and the Arkadia strip comes alive with dancing and nightlife,
becoming what some call the biggest party in Ukraine.
THE HISTORIC CENTER
Leaving the beach for the city, be sure to visit the Potemkin Steps, the
legendary staircase which saw a 1905 battle between mutinying sailors and
forces loyal to the Czar. The clash was immortalized in Eisenstein's 1925
silent film, "Battleship Potemkin." Take a stroll down the steps, and
venture across the street to the long pier to catch a boat cruise, or hike
back up for the best workout around.
Odessa's shady parks and tree-lined streets are perfect for an afternoon
stroll. Wander through the park on pedestrian-friendly Deribasovskaya,
opposite the Passazh Hotel, which features a bandstand with live music, a
host of vendors, and plenty of outdoor bars, restaurants and cafes. Mind
your wallet and the pickpockets.
When dining out, try excellent Mexican at Estrellitas, near the Potemkin
Steps, which serves up spicy staples such as burritos, quesadillas, soft
tacos and, for starters, homemade corn tortilla chips and pico de gallo
salsa. Fat Moses, on Ekaterinskaya, has the funkiest upholstery in town on
its patio, and serves flavorful light dishes like calamari and Greek salad.
While people-watching, sip a refreshing "Moses" lemonade featuring a
pineapple ring on top. Also recommended is the Cuban restaurant Fidel's,
and there are great Chinese and European restaurants nearby.
OTHER NOTES
When the sun's not out, sift through one of Odessa's nine museums. The
Archeology Museum (admission Hr 7) boasts the country's largest collection
of prehistoric, Greco-Roman, and early Slavic relics from the northern coast
of the Black Sea. Spend the extra Hr 2 to see the golden artifacts in the
basement.
Another diversion is to hire a car and venture outside Odessa to the
Catacombs, an underground labyrinth that once sheltered World War II
partisans. Bargain hunters should not miss the Seven Kilometer Market, the
largest bazaar in the country, accessible from the center by marshrutka or
bus.
Hotels abound in the city, and the best way to find one is through
www.e-hotels.com.ua, a Web site listing Odessa hotels by city, price and
class. To get to Odessa, there are two overnight trains operating daily from
Kyiv. A round-trip ticket in sleeper class costs Hr 116, while first class
is just less than twice that at Hr 313. (END) (ARTUIS)
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 116: ARTICLE NUMBER THIRTEEN
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13. PLAY TIME IN YALTA
Charlotte Cory watches the little dramas that make Chekhov's last home
so special. Next week is the centenary of writer Anton Chekhov's death.
By Charlotte Cory, The Telegraph, London, Wed, July 14, 2004
'You went where?" Anastasia, the piano student I met in Kiev, was
astonished. She had been so amused by my attempt to conduct a
conversation about Stalin with a man selling old books in the
market, when he could speak no English and I haven't a word of
Russian, that she joined in as unofficial interpreter. When I
explained over a coffee afterwards that I was whiling away the
afternoon on my way home from Yalta, it was as if I had confessed to
spending a week in Blackpool, wearing a kiss-me-quick hat. "Why
ever did you go there?" she laughed.
My new acquaintance eventually seemed satisfied with the explanation
that next week is the centenary of [Anton] Chekhov's death [1860-1904],
and that I had been to Yalta to see where he spent the last five years of
his life (fighting the tuberculosis that later killed him, and writing
stories such as The Lady with the Little Dog and plays including The
Cherry Orchard and Three Sisters). I then astonished her again by
saying how much I had enjoyed the place.
Despite the fact that citizens of the former Soviet Union can now
travel freely, millions still head to this overbuilt Black Sea resort
every summer to crowd the Promenade and pebble beaches, soak
up the sun and do what people do the world over when on holiday
beside the sea. It is probably one of the best places to see Russian
speakers of every description enjoying themselves en masse. Chekhov
himself liked Yalta so much that he owned two houses there. One he
built at Autka, just above the town, the other is on its own
promontory, a few miles along the coast at the far end of a pretty
fishing village called Gurzuf.
Today, both Autka and Gurzuf are part of Greater Yalta, which
sprawls around the whole bay, occupying nearly all the narrow strip
of land sandwiched between the sea and the mountains. Both
Chekhov's houses are now museums with all his original furniture and
fittings preserved. They are havens of quiet, each with luxuriant gardens
originally planted by the author, who was a keen amateur gardener.
At his house in Autka - now a suburb of Yalta called Chekhova, a 20-
minute bus ride from the main market place - you can view among the
photographs, manuscripts, playbills and literary memorabilia his
secateurs, gardening gloves, handwritten plant tags and rose
catalogues.
It was overcast when I landed at Simferapol, the airport an hour's
flight south of Kiev that serves the Crimea, now an autonomous
region within the Ukraine. The advantage of the changeable climate
became apparent during the ensuing 90-minute drive through the
central mountains to Yalta.
Full of cypress trees and long rows of poplars, this rich Italianate
landscape is remarkably green. Almost exactly halfway between
Chekhov's two gardens are the splendid botanic gardens at Nikitsky,
founded in 1812, where rare exotic specimens grow to enormous size.
Many of the lower slopes of the mountains are covered with
vineyards, the Crimea having been famous for centuries for its
variety of high-quality wines. The Massandra district just outside
Yalta supplied the Queen Mother over many years with its celebrated
dessert wine, Muskat White of Red Stone, and the makers, not
surprisingly, proudly ascribe her longevity to their product.
It was dark by the time I reached Yalta, so it was only when I
opened my curtains next morning that I saw the array of painted
wooden houses behind my hotel. I was admiring their pretty gardens
when I realised that their own views must be obliterated by my big
box of a hotel.
In fact, my hotel was fairly innocuous by Yalta's standards. The
worst offender is the Inturist Hotel Yalta, a 17-storey concrete wedge
on the most beautiful stretch of coast in the old part of town. Even
Chekhov's lovingly preserved houses have been encroached
upon. At Gurzuf, his idyllic cove has been despoiled by a
monstrosity built on top of the ancient Genoese fortress directly
behind.
At Autka (where in 1942 his sister ingeniously put a sign up on the
door marked "Cholera" to prevent Nazi officers pillaging the house
he had bequeathed her), the hill above, and his views to the
mountains and sea, are covered by tower blocks. Such insensitive
development has made Yalta notorious, where a political decision has
obviously been made to allow as many people as possible to enjoy a
stay beside the Black Sea.
Chekhov spent much of his time in Yalta, when not building houses
and planting gardens, strolling on the Promenade gathering material
for his fiction. The Promenade, which runs the length of the sea
front, is still lively today. Old men play chess, children romp in
their best clothes, couples of every description stroll - including
elderly Americans on honeymoon with their mail-order Ukrainian
brides. There were plenty of ladies with little dogs parading and
flirting - as if in homage to the author - but there were also
ladies with big dogs, and men with owls, monkeys and iguanas on
leads.
When Anastasia asked where else I had been in the Crimea, I had to
admit that I had spent so much time idling on the Promenade, I had
not visited any of the nearby beauty spots. Watching old women
between the statue of Lenin and the new McDonald's, wrapped in
shawls and selling excursion tickets to nearby palaces, was more
fascinating than any excursion. And the shop selling souvenirs,
including a bronze model of Churchill, Stalin and Roosevelt sitting
on a bench at the Livadia Palace, interested me more than catching a
bus to Livadia itself.
The old theatre at which Chekhov's plays were performed when he
became too ill to return to Moscow is now boarded up, but Yalta
probably feels it does not need a theatre. I, for one, could happily
have spent a week on the Promenade watching its drama unfold.
YALTA BASICS: GETTING THERE
Regent Holidays (0117 921 1711; www.regent-holidays.co.uk) offers
five nights' b&b at the Hotel Vremna Goda in Yalta from £495 per
person (£550 in high season), including flights with Turkish
Airlines from Heathrow to the Ukraine, via Istanbul. Private
transfers from Simferopol to Yalta are £75 per car each way.
Travellers require a Ukrainian visa, which costs £62 per person
through Zierer Visa Service (020 7833 2709; www.visaservice.co.uk).
=========================================================
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Mr. E. Morgan Williams, Coordinator, Action Ukraine Coalition (AUC);
Executive Director, Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA);
Senior Advisor, Government Relations, U.S.-Ukraine Foundation (USUF);
Advisor, Ukraine-U.S. Business Council, Washington, D.C.;
Publisher and Editor, www.ArtUkraine.com Information Service (ARTUIS),
http://www.ArtUkraine.com Ukrainian News and Information Website;
CONTACT: P.O. Box 2607, Washington, D.C. 20013,
Tel: 202 437 4707, morganw@patriot.net
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