"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT"
An International Newsletter
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis, and Commentary
"The Art of Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World"
"Ukraine's President Leonid Kuchma is playing the Russia card ahead of
October's critical presidential elections, choosing East over West in an
effort to secure votes." [The Wall Street Journal, NY, article three]
"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT" Year 04, Number 130
Action Ukraine Coalition (AUC), Washington, D.C.
Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA), Huntingdon Valley, PA
morganw@patriot.net, ArtUkraine.com@starpower.net (ARTUIS)
Washington, D.C.; Kyiv, Ukraine, TUESDAY, August 3, 2004
-----INDEX OF ARTICLES-----
"Major International News Headlines and Articles"
1. "A SEASONAL SHIFT"
Kuchma's shift eastwards is unoriginal and disheartening
COMMENTARY: by Andrew Evans
THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT, No. 130
Washington, D.C., Tuesday, August 3, 2004
2. "PUTIN'S NASTY OUTBURST"
Russian approach to foreign affairs is alarming and infuriating
EDITORIAL, Kyiv Post, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thursday, Jul 29, 2004
3. "UKRAINIAN IS PLAYING THE RUSSIA CARD"
Ukraine's President Leonid Kuchma Chooses East Over West
to Garner Votes in Coming Elections
By Marc Champion, Staff Reporter, The Wall Street Journal
New York, NY, Friday, July 30, 2004; Page A9
4. "TROUBLE IN THE BORDERLANDS"
Belarus and Ukraine have existed in a political and geographic limbo
REVIEW & OUTLOOK, The Wall Street Journal
New York, NY, Friday, July 30, 2004
5. WARSAW UPRISING: "RUSSIA STILL HAS NOT ATONED"
"Putin's Russia, ruled by former KGB officers, does not
recognize its guilt for any crimes, past or present."
ANALYSIS: By Pavel Felgenhauer, Independent Defense Analyst
Moscow Times, Moscow, Russia, Tuesday, August 3, 2004
6. "UKRAINE'S TRANSITION TO A STABLE DEMOCRACY"
Roundtable Five: Washington, D.C., Mon-Tue, September 13-14, 2004
Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA)
Washington, D.C/New York, N.Y., Thursday, July 29, 2004
7. "UKRAINIAN-AMERICANS FOR KERRY-EDWARDS"
Steering Committee Launches New Website
Steering Committee, "Ukrainian-Americans for Kerry-Edwards"
New York, New York, Friday, July 23, 2004
8.US OBSERVERS NOTE ELECTION VIOLATIONS IN UKRAINE
Delegation of former U.S. Congressmen
TV 5 Kanal, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian, 30 Jul 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Friday, Jul 30, 2004
9. UKRAINE'S MP YANUKOVYCH CALLS FOR REDUCTION
OF TROOP LEVELS IN IRAQ
AP, Kiev, Ukraine, Monday, August 2, 2004 .
10.YUSHCHENKO SAYS KUCHMA MAY STAY IN POWER AS PM
Yushchenko and Moroz sign agreement on fair elections
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, Ukraine in Ukrainian, 2 Aug 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Aug 02, 2004
11. "THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT"
The Action Ukraine Program, Washington, D.C., Mon, August 2, 2004
12. UKRAINE CONFIRMS AUTHENTICITY OF BRITISH
FILES ON MURDER OF JOURNALIST HEORHIY GONGADZE
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, in Ukrainian, 2 Aug 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Monday, Aug 02, 2004
13. RUSSIAN STATE TV STATIONS ELECTION COVERAGE
HIGHLY FAVORS PM VIKTOR YANUKOVYCH--VIOLATES FAIR-
PLAY AND EQUAL ACCESS INTERNATIONAL MEDIA STANDARDS
BBC Monitoring Research Service, UK, Sat, 31 Jul 04
14. POLICE TORTURE RAMPANT IN UKRAINE
Ombudsman received 12,000 complaints about torture in custody
TV 5 Kanal, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian, 2 Aug 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Monday, Aug 02, 2004
15. THE COSSACKS ARE COMING--TO UKRAINIAN DAY!
Ukrainian Cultural Heritage Village, Sunday, August 8, 2004
Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, Monday, August 2, 2004
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.130 ARTICLE NUMBER ONE
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1. "A SEASONAL SHIFT"
Kuchma's shift eastwards is unoriginal and disheartening
COMMENTARY: by Andrew Evans
THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT, No. 130
Washington, D.C., Tuesday, August 3, 2004
It was only six months ago, in the midst of the frigid Ukrainian winter,
that some of the world's greatest foreign policy thinkers gathered in Kyiv
to discuss a realistic path for Ukraine's integration within the
transatlantic community and European Union. A very direct speech by
Secretary Madeleine Albright opened an array of powerful commentary
that impressed Ukraine's decision-makers enough to bring both Viktor
Yanukovych and Viktor Yuschenko to the table, literally. Side by side,
and in front of the cameras, each was made to hear the other's vision for
Ukraine.
Of course, both Viktors were highly in favour of Ukraine's almost
pre-destined move towards NATO, the EU, and the warmth of the global
democratic community. Such a tacit consensus on Ukraine's role in Europe
and the World has prevailed throughout the Kuchma administration,
neutralising some external critics and relegating the real debate to the
"how" and "when" of accession.
But President Kuchma's recent decree on changes to Ukraine's strategic
policy has conveniently swept away the executive vision of a European
Ukraine, asking 'if' Ukraine should even consider Europe, not to mention
NATO. Not only does this come as a timely boost to Yanukovych's
campaign strategy at home, it also eases the pressure to impress inquiring
multi-laterals and internationalists, implying less work and less
accountability.
Never mind that less than a month ago, Kuchma met with EU leaders at the
Hague, underscoring Ukraine's commitment to accession. Never mind his
resolute, albeit vague appearance in Istanbul for the NATO-Ukraine
commission. The latest meeting in Yalta carries more weight for Kuchma.
At ease in the Livadia Palace, in the very room where Stalin, Roosevelt, and
Churchill divided Europe into East and West so many years ago, the
presidents of Ukraine and Russia relied heavily on nostalgic references.
Putin accused 'Western spies' of blocking Ukraine's integration with Russia
and continued his pitch for the Single Economic Space with fellow
'democracies' Belarus and Kazakhstan.
The Russian president then urged Ukraine to hold back on its forthcoming
membership in the WTO, allowing Russia to first complete a 'joint strategy'
with Ukraine, so that accession come in unison. The request is symptomatic
of Russia's desire to dictate Ukraine's relations with the West and with all
multi-lateral institutions. Realpolitik is resurrected.
Disapproval and chastisement from the West grows tiresome, while Russia's
praise and capital are inviting. Kuchma's latest decree signifies lowering
the bar of democratic standards to those of Russia, urging average
Ukrainians to settle for less, and setting the stage for a questionable
election, complete with tightly controlled media, shady voting processes,
and minimal outside scrutiny.
Yanukovych should be delighted, but remains composed as he reassures
voters that Ukraine is simply 'not ready' to enjoy a developed civil society
and global economic prospects. Kuchma's website plays further into
Ukrainian sensitivities, calling the process of European integration a
'blitzkrieg'. After a decade of gazing west, the eastward turnaround
warrants complaints of whiplash from Ukrainian voters.
Too good for Russia, but not good enough for the EU, Ukraine finds itself
somewhere in the middle, ruled by leaders who are tempted by easy routes.
The phenomenon is not new-Ukraine has been a land in the middle from the
beginning, with Russia and Europe both vying for influence over their
respective periphery.
The upcoming presidential election marks a change in that scenario, when
Ukrainians will choose the direction of Ukraine's influence on the world.
Kuchma's shift eastwards is unoriginal and disheartening, but it clarifies
what this election is all about. There is no middle ground between
democracy and its alternatives. (END) (ARTUIS)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Andrew Evans is Program Director for the Global Fairness Initiative, a
Washington-DC based non-profit that works to mitigate the negative effects
of globalization by nurturing innovation and to expand the benefits of
global trade and investment. (See www.globalfairness.org) For more
information on the conference Ukraine in Europe and the World, please go
to www.ukraineineurope.org.ua.
======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.130: ARTICLE NUMBER TWO
======================================================
2. "PUTIN'S NASTY OUTBURST"
Russian approach to foreign affairs is alarming and infuriating
EDITORIAL, Kyiv Post, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thursday, Jul 29, 2004
Living in Ukraine, you're always conscious of the weight exerted on the
country by its massive, aggressive neighbor to the north. Russia's arrogance
and bumptious attempts to meddle in its Ukrainian little brother's affairs
are facts of life, something you often have to just tune out.
But then there are times when the strong-arming, and the dysfunctional
Russian approach to foreign affairs and reality in general, become alarming
and infuriating. This week was one of them.
The beginning of the week was distinguished by this amazing announcement
from Russian President Vladimir Putin: "[A]gents both inside our countries
and from outside are...trying to compromise the integration of Russia and
Ukraine."
Incredible: Paranoid, conspiratorial mutterings about subversion, coupled
with an evocation of the inevitability of Russian-Ukrainian union. What's
remarkable about this statement, beyond its low-bred, gutter-level
churlishness, is its open (and quintessentially Russian) contempt for the
idea of an independent Ukraine; that, and the fact that Ukraine's current
ruling class won't call him on it.
One can imagine the international furor that would result if George W. Bush
or Ariel Sharon grumbled out something so ugly: European Union bureaucrats
would fight to get in front of the cameras to denounce it. We hope the EU
will be able to rouse a fraction of that indignation to chide Putin for this
nasty provocation and his revanchist ambitions.
While they're at it, international observers might concern themselves with
Russia's announcement this week that it has no intention of giving up its
naval base in Sevastopol, even though by 2010 it will have completed another
Black Sea naval facility on its own territory in Novorossiysk. Apparently
one base isn't enough: Moscow needs one more, and located in another
country. Yes, we're familiar with Crimean history, and with the peninsula's
Russian ties. Yet Moscow's aggressive insistence on keeping a military
presence on Ukrainian soil can strike no one but the most committed Russian
chauvinist or decrepit nostalgist for the USSR as innocent.
At the risk of being simplistic, let's state the truth: In vulgar
provocations like this, Russia is motivated by an imperialist impulse that's
as fundamental to the Russian psyche as a taste for vodka. Ukrainians who
aren't blinded by propaganda about the "friendship of nations" and Slavic
unity should remember that every day of their lives.
And by the way, just why are the road signs in Crimea still in Russian?
========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.130: ARTICLE NUMBER THREE
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3. "UKRAINIAN IS PLAYING THE RUSSIA CARD"
Ukraine's President Leonid Kuchma Chooses East Over West
to Garner Votes in Coming Elections
By Marc Champion, Staff Reporter, The Wall Street Journal
New York, NY, Friday, July 30, 2004; Page A9
Ukraine's President Leonid Kuchma is playing the Russia card ahead of
October's critical presidential elections, choosing East over West in an
effort to secure votes.
In recent weeks, Mr. Kuchma and his officials have unveiled decisions that
appear calculated to please Moscow and distance Ukraine from the West.
The reversals of recent pro-Western policies, even if temporary, highlight
Ukraine's deep divisions over its place in the world, as well as the
delicate issue of how the European Union and North Atlantic Treaty
Organization secure alliances along the EU's newly expanded borders.
Yesterday, Ukrainian Defense Minister Evhen Marchuk told the Russian
news agency ITAR-TASS that Ukraine had begun negotiations with the
U.S. and Poland to withdraw its 1,650 troops from Iraq. A spokesman
later said no date for a pullout had been set, but "there will be a decrease
of troops." Russia opposed the U.S.-led war in Iraq.
During a visit to Ukraine by Russian President Vladimir Putin two days
earlier, Mr. Kuchma made public a July 15 decree removing the goals of
joining the EU and NATO from Ukraine's draft military doctrine. Mr.
Kuchma had just approved the draft in mid-June.
And earlier this month, Mr. Kuchma flip-flopped on another issue with
geopolitical implications, reversing a February decision that Ukraine's
418-mile Odessa-Brody pipeline should carry oil only from East to West,
favoring U.S. and other oil companies operating in the Caspian Sea. Instead,
the pipeline, with a capacity of nine million metric tons a year, is to
start carrying Russian oil from Western Ukraine to Odessa on the Black
Sea, where tankers would take it to markets in Europe.
If that stands, it would be "a blow toward Ukraine's energy independence,
and toward Ukraine's economic integration with Europe," U.S. Ambassador
to Ukraine John Herbst told reporters in Kiev, the capital, after the
decision.
Analysts and opposition politicians agree all the moves are aimed at
securing Kremlin support ahead of the presidential vote on Oct. 31. "It's
not a change of Ukrainian policy, just a correction of priorities for this
particular [election] period," said Oleksandr Sushko, director of the Center
of Peace, Conversion and Foreign Policy, a Kiev-based think tank.
Ukrainian government officials insist that none of the recent decisions
indicate any change in Ukraine's long-term goal of integrating with the
West, and that the pipeline flow can be reversed again as soon as an
extension has been built to pump oil across the Ukrainian border to Poland.
But Mr. Kuchma's serial U-turns also reflect frustration with rebuffs he
received at NATO's June 28-30 summit in Istanbul, Turkey, and at an
EU-Ukraine summit earlier this month. Both institutions said Ukraine had
no prospect of membership until Mr. Kuchma cleaned up his human-rights
act and ensured free and fair elections in October.
Though seen as pro-Russian, Mr. Kuchma has been wary of letting Moscow
dominate its smaller neighbor. At his meeting with Mr. Kuchma and Russian
and Ukrainian businessmen in Crimea Tuesday, Mr. Putin accused "Western
agents" of trying to drive the two countries apart.
Mr. Kuchma has said he won't stand for re-election in October, but his
chosen candidate -- Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovic -- is trailing the main
opposition candidate by about 10 percentage points in opinion polls.
Withdrawing troops from Iraq is a likely vote winner in Ukraine, where the
deployment is unpopular. Meanwhile, courting Russia is seen as smart
politics. "Getting the Kremlin's support is very important because Putin is
popular in Ukraine and the Kremlin has [financial] resources to offer and
control of media," Mr. Sushko said. About 20% to 25% of Ukrainians
watch Russian television channels.
In a poll earlier this year, Ukrainians picked Russia as Ukraine's
foreign-policy priority over the EU by a 10-point margin -- though they also
wanted to join the EU. Most analysts believe Mr. Yanukovic would return
to appealing to both East and West if elected.
EU officials soft-pedaled Mr. Kuchma's decision to erase joining the EU as
a goal in Ukraine's military doctrine, noting that the EU hasn't offered
Ukraine the prospect of membership. But the pipeline reversal has met with
more concern.
Efforts have been under way for several years to put together a consortium
that would extend the pipeline from western Ukraine into Poland and fill it
with oil from the Caspian oil fields. A person involved with the effort said
Ukrainian frustration was understandable, but "our fear is that if the
partners have been hesitant, they'll become even more hesitant now."
---------------------------------------------------------------------
Write to Marc Champion at marc.champion@wsj.com.
=======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.130: ARTICLE NUMBER FOUR
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4. "TROUBLE IN THE BORDERLANDS"
Belarus and Ukraine have existed in a political and geographic limbo
REVIEW & OUTLOOK, The Wall Street Journal
New York, NY, Friday, July 30, 2004
The Poles call them "kresy," lands on the edge, and Russians the "near
abroad." Belarus and Ukraine have traditionally existed in a political and
geographic limbo between East and West that more than a decade of
independence, and the highest of hopes, hasn't liberated them from.
The coming months will show whether these Slavic states can make a turn
for the better. Authoritarian leaders face challenges in elections from
mobilized opponents. A recently expanded EU sits on the border, providing
a useful contrast for electorates to envy.
Any progress toward normalcy would be welcome. But big hurdles stand in
the way. Ruled by Europe's last despot, Aleksander Lukashenko, Belarus is a
black hole on the Continent's new map. Freedom has sunk deeper roots in
Ukraine and this nation of 48 million could lead the way toward liberal
democracy. But entrenched elites have always proved difficult to dislodge
when there's so much to lose by leaving political office.
If greater repression signals weakness, then Mr. Lukashenko acts as if he's
vulnerable. The government this week closed down the European Humanities
University, one of the last independent institutions of any kind. Last week,
riot police were called out to beat up a few thousand pro-democracy
protesters. The turnout, if small, was impressive in a country ruled by
fear. Over the years, prominent opposition politicians have vanished without
a trace. Mr. Lukashenko's KGB -- yup, even the name didn't change --
snuffed out organized dissent and threw out foreign non-governmental
organizations (NGOs).
The results of October's elections for an impotent parliament don't matter.
But the president will soon after seek a way to hijack the constitution to
let him "run" for a third term. The pro-democracy parties must find a way to
galvanize an apathetic electorate and show Mr. Lukashenko that Belarus
need not be Europe's pariah state.
By contrast, Ukrainian politics are dynamic and its national identity far
stronger. The good news is that, barring a last minute surprise, a new man
will replace retiring Leonid Kuchma this fall. During his decade in office,
Mr. Kuchma shored up independence. But he leaves a tainted legacy.
Elections were rigged, opposition parties and free media suppressed, and
power abused. In the Kuchma era, Ukraine was ridden with corruption
and cronyism.
Unlike Russia's presidential elections this spring, Ukraine's October poll
will be contested, in keeping with its recent democratic tradition. In 1994,
power changed hands when Mr. Kuchma fairly defeated the incumbent. This
year, Viktor Yushchenko, a popular former prime minister who broke with the
president, leads in polls. Mr. Yushchenko favors market reforms and close
ties with the West. He formed an alliance with opposition leader, Yulia
Timoshenko. He could win.
Mr. Kuchma would rather hand over the reins to his own man, Prime Minister
Viktor Yanukovich. A majority of Ukrainians believe these elections won't be
free and fair. If the election is stolen outright, any incoming president
will need to contend with likely widespread protest and a weak legitimacy.
Yet the outgoing president has corrupted Ukrainian politics in other ways
that favor his hand-picked successor. Mr. Yanukovich will have the power
of the state behind him, with its ability to mobilize voters in state-owned
industries to its influence over state-owned TV.
Mr. Yanukovich also enjoys the support of Ukraine's industrial barons. His
somewhat surprising selection as heir apparent suggests that Ukraine's
normally competing regional clans came together to back him. Mr. Yanukovich
hails from Donetsk, a rough-and-tumble industrial region in eastern Ukraine.
Mr. Kuchma is from Dnipropetrovsk, whose other native sons had come to
enjoy unusual influence in the capital, Kiev.
As if to seal the marriage of convenience, two prominent businessmen from
Donetsk and Dnipropetrovsk last month joined forces to buy up Ukraine's
largest steel mill, Kryvorizhstal, in a privatization sale. Rinat Akhmetov
is close to the prime minister, while the man from Dnipropetrovsk, Viktor
Pinchuk, happens to be married to President Kuchma's daughter. The
privatization was shamelessly fixed to exclude any foreign competitors,
including Russia's Severstal and U.S. Steel, which separately bid nearly
double the winning offer of $800 million.
This apparent truce isn't good news for Russian (or Western) business
interests. But President Putin swallowed any concerns Monday by lavishing
praise on Mr. Yanukovich. His support will help in eastern Ukraine. Mr.
Putin presumably wants to nudge the Ukrainians back toward Moscow, and
sees Mr. Yanukovich as a safer bet. Afterwards, Mr. Kuchma moved to drop
the goal of eventual EU and NATO membership from the defense doctrine,
which surely pleased the Kremlin.
For the U.S. and Europe, the concern shouldn't be that Kiev might rush into
Russia's embrace. Ukrainians tend to be suspicious of Russian intentions and
any future president will need to walk a fine line between Moscow and
Washington. But as long as Ukraine and Belarus can't manage to build a real
democracy and respect human rights, the West's eastern flank will continue
to cause trouble, as it has for most of recorded history.
NATO and the U.S. seem to understand the need to work with these formerly
nuclear powers with dubious contacts in strange places. A mix of carrot and
stick works best. But the EU's policy comes down to, "Please, just don't try
to join." It's self-defeating. The bloc has little to lose and plenty to
gain by offering real incentives -- such as possible membership -- for
Ukraine and Belarus to be more like Poland and less like Russia. The kresy's
western neighbors, Poland and Lithuania, are now in the EU, and should make
it a priority to change the EU's approach. (END) (ARTUIS)
========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 130: ARTICLE NUMBER FIVE
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========================================================
5. WARSAW UPRISING: "RUSSIA STILL HAS NOT ATONED"
"Putin's Russia, ruled by former KGB officers, does not
recognize its guilt for any crimes, past or present."
By Pavel Felgenhauer, Independent Defense Analyst
Moscow Times, Moscow, Russia, Tuesday, August 3, 2004
Over the weekend Poland commemorated the 1944 Warsaw Uprising, a
highly contentious issue that still divides Germans, Poles and Russians 60
years later. German Chancellor Gerhard Schroder traveled to Warsaw to
accept his country's guilt and to express his condolences, but he was jeered
by onlookers and war veterans during the official ceremony. President
Vladimir Putin did not make the trip, since the Poles contend that Russia
has failed to acknowledge its culpability in the destruction of Warsaw.
In August 1944 Nazi Germany was collapsing. Adolf Hitler narrowly survived
an assassination attempt and a coup organized by disgruntled German
officers on July 20, 1944. The Nazi secret police were purging the German
military hierarchy. Many high-ranking commanders were arrested or forced to
commit suicide. The command structure of the Wehrmacht seemed to be in
disarray.
In the West, the Allies had won the battle in Normandy. They pierced the
German line and were sweeping through France with astonishing speed. Allied
troops and resistance forces liberated Paris on Aug. 25, 1944. The German
garrison in Paris capitulated in an organized fashion, disobeying Hitler's
orders to fight. The city was freed with negligible loss of life or
property damage.
In the East, the Red Army annihilated Nazi forces in Belarus in one of its
most successful operations of the war. In late July 1944, the Soviets were
already on Polish territory, sweeping toward the Vistula River and Warsaw.
On Aug. 1, 1944, up to 50,000 Polish underground resistance fighters of the
Home Army, or AK, suddenly attacked German positions in Warsaw. Polish
patriots believed that if they managed to liberate Warsaw and hold the
city, the Soviets would be forced to accept a noncommunist postwar Polish
government. But Josef Stalin had other plans for Poland and Eastern Europe:
to impose nondemocratic pro-Moscow regimes.
The Soviet advance halted on Warsaw's doorstep and resumed only in January
1945 when Warsaw was finally "liberated." In August 1944 the Nazis were
able to bring reinforcements and armor into Warsaw, while the Soviets stood
by on the other bank of the Vistula. The lightly armed AK fighters were
overwhelmed by superior firepower -- like the defenders of Grozny in 2000.
After 63 days of heroic resistance, the AK command capitulated. Warsaw was
reduced to rubble -- like Grozny in 2000. Some 10,000 soldiers and 200,000
civilians were massacred in Warsaw.
Official Russian historians contend that the Red Army was exhausted when it
reached the Vistula and did not have the capacity to save Warsaw. But the
Kremlin could have organized air and heavy artillery support to match
German armor, as was done successfully during the defense of Stalingrad in
1942.
In fact, the Soviet government not only failed to take action, it also
refused to allow the Western Allies to use Soviet airfields to airlift
supplies and to support the beleaguered Poles. Stalin was quite content to
watch the Nazis decimate his political enemies in Warsaw.
Many tragedies and treacheries divide Poles and Russians. In 1939
Vyacheslav Molotov and Nazi Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop
signed secret protocols attached to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact that
divided Eastern Europe into German and Soviet spheres of influence.
Russia annexed the Baltic states, attacked Finland and annexed Moldavia.
Soon after the Nazis began the war by attacking Poland in 1939, Soviet
troops, coordinating their actions with the Germans, invaded from the east.
Until 1989 the Soviet Union flatly denied the very existence of the
Molotov-Ribbentrop protocols.
During the invasion of Poland in 1939, the Soviets captured thousands of
Polish officers. Some 15,000 of them were later massacred on orders from
the Kremlin. In 1943, the Germans discovered mass graves containing the
remains of more than 4,000 Polish officers in the Katyn Forest near
Smolensk, but Moscow continued to deny its responsibility until 1992,
when a postcommunist government admitted its guilt and disclosed the
locations of other executions.
The 60th anniversary of the uprising was a good opportunity for Russia to
acknowledge its guilt in the interest of reconciliation. But Putin's
Russia, ruled by former KGB officers, does not recognize its guilt for any
crimes, past or present.
The Soviet Union was an aggressor nation that helped the Nazis start
World War II -- much to its own detriment. This is not a fact that will be
much publicized in Moscow as the 60th anniversary of victory in Europe
approaches. (END) (ARTUIS)
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FOOTNOTE: "Putin's Russia, ruled by former KGB officers, does not
recognize its guilt for any crimes, past or present." No one knows and
understands this better than Ukrainians who suffered under Russia's
cruel hand and murderous domination far too long. Just in 1932-1933
alone several million Ukrainians were murdered and millions more
had their lives crushed during the Holodomor, death by terror, death
by starvation. The Czar's, together with the Soviets, destroyed tens
of millions of lives in Ukraine over a very long period of time. (Editor)
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.130: ARTICLE NUMBER SIX
Ukrainian Information Website: http://www.ArtUkraine.com
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6. "UKRAINE'S TRANSITION TO A STABLE DEMOCRACY"
Roundtable Five: Washington, D.C., Mon-Tue, September 13-14, 2004
Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA)
Washington, D.C/New York,N.Y., Thursday, July 29, 2004
WASHINGTON-NEW YORK - The organizers of the Ukraine's Quest for
Mature Nation Statehood Roundtable Series are pleased to announce that
this year's Roundtable, the fifth of its kind, will be hosted by the U.S.
Library of Congress at its prestigious Montpellier Room /James Madison
Building complex in Washington, D.C. on Monday-Tuesday, September
13-14, 2004.
The forum will be entitled "Ukraine's Transition to a Stable Democracy"
and will be held at a crucial time for Ukraine: one month before the
presidential elections and the next big test for the country's democratic
institutions.
The two-day conference will run four regular sessions featuring twelve
panels, four focus sessions, two working lunches and two Roundtable
receptions. In total, more than seventy-five experts from Ukraine, the
United States and Europe are expected to address the conference
proceedings.
Three of the four regular sessions will be devoted to assessing Ukraine's
progress in developing (a) the Rule of Law, (b) Civil Society, and (c) the
Protection of Fundamental Rights.
The final session will compare models of governance in the post-Soviet
space and will ask panelists to weigh in on Ukraine's democratic
development in comparison with the Russian Federation, the Caucasus
Republics, the Central Asian Republics and the Baltic States. Panelists
and discussants will try to answer an essential question: "Does the
experience of its post Soviet neighbors in matters of state affairs, civil
society and individual rights provide any form of instruction for Ukraine?"
The four focus sessions will ask the speakers to address the issue of 'The
State of Democracy in Ukraine' from, respectively, the Ukrainian,
American, British and Polish perspectives.
Both working lunches will dwell extensively on the topic of the imminent
presidential elections in Ukraine. The first lunch will attempt to elicit
the opinion of Ukraine's Third Sector and Fourth Estate on the issue. The
second will feature representatives from across Ukraine's political
spectrum, including leading members of the Tymoshenko Bloc, Nasha
Ukrajina, Regions, Trudova Ukrajina, SDPU(o) and the Socialist parties
and parliamentary caucuses.
A Patrons' Reception will be held on the evening of the conference's first
day at the Wyndham Washington. After the conclusion of formal conference
proceedings, Freedom House, a perennial sponsor of the forum, will host the
traditional "post" Conference Reception. (END) (ARTUIS)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
For additional information: Event: Tamara Gallo, Executive Coordinator
(Director, UCCA National Office, NY) - ucca@ucca.org; Program: Walter
Zaryckyj, Program Coordinator (Director, UCIS USA) -waz1@nyu.edu;
Media: Stephen Bandera, Media Coordinator (Editor, The National Tribune) -
sbandera@fourfreedoms.net
=======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.130: ARTICLE NUMBER SEVEN
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7. "UKRAINIAN-AMERICANS FOR KERRY-EDWARDS"
Steering Committee Launches New Website
Steering Committee, "Ukrainian-Americans for Kerry-Edwards"
New York, New York, Friday, July 23, 2004
INFORMATION FROM NEW WEBSITE
http://www.ukrainianamericansforkerry.com/
Sponsored by "Ukrainian-Americans for Kerry-Edwards"
John Kerry has a proven track record of respect for issues important to
the Ukrainian American community. He is a co-sponsor of S. RES. 202
'Expressing the sense of the Senate regarding the genocidal Ukraine Famine
of 1932-33'. He favors an independent, strong Ukraine, and has
demonstrated his interest in these and other issues by consulting with the
Ukrainian community throughout the campaign.
WHY UKRAINIAN-AMERICANS SUPPORT
JOHN KERRY FOR PRESIDENT
With the direction the country has taken over the past three and a half
years, there are many reasons for all Americans to support John Kerry for
President. Besides these, Ukrainian-Americans have overwhelming reasons
of their own:
Under a Democratic Administration, Ukraine was a close ally. President
Clinton and the First Lady Hillary Clinton, Vice President Al Gore and
senior cabinet secretaries visited Ukraine o¬n a regular basis. Ukraine
became the third largest recipient of U.S. assistance.
Ever since President Bush peered into the soul of Russian President
Vladimir Putin and declared that it was good, the U.S. has turned its back
o¬n Ukraine and instead is leading a Russo-centric policy that fails to hold
that country to normal international standards. As a result, Russia
exercises a "Sphere of Intimidation," threatening Ukraine, the Baltic States
and Central Asian countries.
Senator Kerry is very much aware of the o¬ne-sided policy toward Russia
that has developed in the Bush Administration and resolves to reverse that
when he becomes president. The architects of the strong policy toward
Ukraine in the last Democratic administration are now advising candidate
Kerry.
By blocking the Senate Resolution o¬n the Artificial Famine in Ukraine,
George Bush shows his utter contempt for Ukrainian sensitivities and the
historical truth. John Kerry was an early co-sponsor of S. Res. 202 and
as a senator supported Ukrainian Independence and assistance to the
young democracy.
As candidate for President, Senator Kerry and his senior staff have been
reaching out to the Ukrainian-American community for our suggestions,
advice and support. This is a no-brainer: John Kerry for President; John
Edwards for Vice President! (END) (ARTUIS)
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LINK to website: http://www.ukrainianamericansforkerry.com/
======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.130: ARTICLE NUMBER EIGHT
Ukrainian Information Website: http://www.ArtUkraine.com
=======================================================
8. US OBSERVERS NOTE ELECTION VIOLATIONS IN UKRAINE
Delegation of former U.S. Congressmen
TV 5 Kanal, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian, 30 Jul 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Friday, Jul 30, 2004
KYIV - [Presenter] A delegation of former US Congressmen, who
have expressed a wish to observe the Ukrainian presidential election,
have met the head of the Central Electoral Commission (CEC), Serhiy
Kivalov.
The US delegation has arrived in Ukraine to see how electoral
legislation is being followed here. Delegate Gregory Laughlin [former
U.S. Congressman from Texas] told Serhiy Kivalov of the numerous
violations that they have noticed.
He meant primarily administrative pressure, forced collection of
signatures and participation in rallies in support of a candidate, local
councils supporting certain candidates, and biased media coverage
of candidates' activities. The CEC head issued the guests with eight
certificates of international election observers.
[Uncaptioned observer, presumably Laughlin, speaking in English with
overlaid Ukrainian translation] We saw a big banner at Kharkiv airport
this morning "Aviators Support Yanukovych." This is a state-owned
building, and we regard this as a violation of election registration.
[Kivalov, in Russian] The Central Electoral Commission reacts and
will keep on reacting to all violations if reports on them are sent directly
to the Central Electoral Commission. (END)
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FOOTNOTE: The members of the first delegation from the U.S.
Association of Former Members of Congress were: Greg Laughlin
(R-TX); Arlen Erdahl (R-MN); Jack Hightower (D-TX); Andrew
Maguire (D-NJ); Tom Sawyer (D-OH) and John Conlan (R-AZ).
Support for the delegation was provided by former congressman
Cliff Downen who spent several years working in Ukraine. The
election observation delegations are part of a larger program being
implemented by the US-Ukraine Foundation (USUF) in Ukraine,
sponsored by USAID.
========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.130 ARTICLE NUMBER NINE
Send The Action Ukraine Report to your friends in Ukraine
========================================================
9. UKRAINE'S MP YANUKOVYCH CALLS FOR REDUCTION
OF TROOP LEVELS IN IRAQ
AP, Kiev, Ukraine, Monday, August 2, 2004 .
KIEV --Ukraine's prime minister on Monday called for cutting the country's
troop contingent in Iraq, openly disagreeing with top defense officials who
want to increase the force.
The statement by Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych reflected deep divisions
over what is likely to be a key issue in Ukraine's Oct. 31 presidential
election, in which Yanukovych is a top contender.
Ukraine opposed the U.S.-led war in Iraq, but afterwards became one of
the largest contributors of troops to the postwar security efforts. Its
current 1,576 troops are the fourth-largest non-U.S. contingent.
On Sunday, Defense Minister Yevhen Marchuk said that a new brigade to be
rotated into Iraq beginning in September will number 1,722 - an increase of
nearly 10%. But "I believe the contingent should be reduced," Yanukovych
said, according to the news agency Interfax.
President Leonid Kuchma, who has the final word on the deployment, hasn't
indicated whether he would support Yanukovych's call for a reduction.
Yanukovych's statement appeared to be aimed at boosting his ratings among
Ukrainians who strongly opposed the deployment. Yanukovych is widely seen
as running in second place in the presidential campaign behind opposition
leader Viktor Yushchenko, who supports the deployment even though many in
his political bloc do not.
The government deployed the troops in part to mend ties with the U.S. that
were damaged by allegations that Kuchma approved the sale of radar to Iraq
in violation of a U.N. embargo. Seven Ukrainian soldiers have died in Iraq,
three of them in combat in April. About 20 have been wounded.
Marchuk said last week that Ukraine had begun talks with the U.S. and Poland
on an eventual Ukrainian withdrawal, but said no time frame had been
determined. The Ukrainian troops serve under the Polish command in southern
Iraq. (END) (ARTUIS)
=======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.130: ARTICLE NUMBER TEN
Please send us names from Poland for the Report's distribution list
=======================================================
10. YUSHCHENKO SAYS KUCHMA MAY STAY IN POWER AS PM
Yushchenko and Moroz sign agreement on fair elections
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, Ukraine in Ukrainian, 2 Aug 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Monday, Aug 02, 2004
KIEV - Even though incumbent Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma has not
submitted documents for registration with the Central Electoral Commission
[CEC], "the authorities have not yet given up the Kuchma-3 scenario".
Presidential candidate and [opposition] Our Ukraine bloc leader Viktor
Yushchenko said this after signing an agreement on fair elections with
Socialist Party leader Oleksandr Moroz at a news conference at the news
agency UNIAN [today].
Yushchenko said he thinks a scenario is being drafted according to which
Ukraine "in autumn will have a new prime minister with new powers - (the
powers) of the president, and it is not ruled out that his name will be
Leonid Kuchma, which is why it seems to me it is too early to celebrate".
As for the need for political reform, Yushchenko reiterated his position
that the reform is being used by the authorities not to make Ukrainian
society more democratic but to retain their power. For that reason his bloc
calls for a distinction to be made between the notions of presidential
elections and constitutional reform.
At the same time Moroz said that carrying out constitutional reform is an
extremely important issue. He said that at the moment the chances of
approving [constitutional] amendments are less than in April, "but the
chances are enough for it to take place". He thinks that the situation may
change in late September when a final vote [on constitutional reform] is to
be taken and that there may be enough votes, including probably from Our
Ukraine [to pass constitutional amendments].
Yushchenko and Moroz expressed confidence that their differing views on
political reform would not harm their relations. At midnight on 1-2 August
[2100 gmt on 1 August], the CEC stopped receiving documents for
registration from presidential nominees. (END) (ARTUIS)
========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 130 ARTICLE NUMBER ELEVEN
========================================================
11. "THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT"
A Publication Supported Financially By Its Readers
The Action Ukraine Program, Washington, D.C., August 3, 2004
"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT"-04, is an in-depth news and
analysis international newsletter, produced by the www.ArtUkraine.com
Information Service (ARTUIS). The report is now distributed to several
thousand persons worldwide FREE of charge using the e-mail address:
ArtUkraine.com@starpower.net. This is the 130th Report issued so
far in year 2004.
"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT" is supported through The Action
Ukraine Program Fund. Financial support from readers is essential to
the future of this Report. You can become a financial sponsor of The
Action Ukraine Program Fund. Individuals, corporations, non-profit
organizations and other groups can provide support for the expanding
Action Ukraine Program by sending in contributions.
Checks should be made out to the Ukrainian Federation of America,
(UFA), a private, not-for-profit, voluntary organization. The funds should
be designated for the Action Ukraine Program Fund (AUPF), and
mailed to Zenia Chernyk, Chairperson, Ukrainian Federation of
America (UAF), 930 Henrietta Avenue, Huntingdon Valley, PA
19006-8502.
For individuals a contribution of $45-$100 is suggested. Your contribution
to help build The Action Ukraine Program to support Ukraine and her
future is very much appreciated. (END)
======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 130 ARTICLE NUMBER TWELVE
Now a major source of Ukrainian news for thousands around the world
======================================================
12. UKRAINE CONFIRMS AUTHENTICITY OF BRITISH
FILES ON MURDER OF JOURNALIST HEORHIY GONGADZE
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, in Ukrainian, 2 Aug 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Monday, Aug 02, 2004
KIEV - Investigators who studied 180 pages of protocols [on the
murdered journalist Heorhiy Gongadze's case] published on the web
site www.delogongadze.org, have said that these documents correspond
to the case documents of the investigation, the press service chief of the
Ukrainian Prosecutor-General's Office, Serhiy Rudenko, told a news
conference in Kiev today.
An investigation into the publication of these documents and the information
published by the British newspaper The Independent are still continuing, he
said. The Prosecutor-General's Office confirmed that the published
information was a leak. At the same time, the Prosecutor-General's Office
has not established so far who caused the leak and cannot charge them
accordingly. (END) (ARTUIS)
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 130 ARTICLE NUMBER THIRTEEN
=======================================================
13.RUSSIAN STATE TV STATIONS ELECTION COVERAGE HIGHLY
FAVORS PM VIKTOR YANUKOVYCH--VIOLATES FAIR-PLAY
AND EQUAL ACCESS INTERNATIONAL MEDIA STANDARDS
BBC Monitoring Research Service, UK, Saturday, 31 Jul 04
KIEV - With the progress of the presidential election campaign in Ukraine a
regular feature of Russian TV reporting throughout July, one candidate
stands out. He is Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych, who - certainly in the
case of state-owned Russia TV and state-controlled Channel One - has been
given noticeable prominence and has been treated especially favourably.
Meanwhile, the main opposition candidate, Viktor Yushchenko, was given at
best marginal coverage. All others were largely ignored. Channel One and
Russia TV were by far the most active in their coverage, while NTV for the
most part abstained from the debate.
To begin with, however, a press article. The day before the start of the
presidential election campaign in Ukraine in early July, a noteworthy report
in Russia's Nezavisimaya Gazeta daily contained an account of Russian PR man
Gleb Pavlovskiy's news conference, at which he denied plans for him to "take
part" in campaigning on behalf of any candidate.
Somewhat sceptical in its attitude to Pavlovskiy's assurances, the article
commented on how, that declaration notwithstanding, he proceeded to "unleash
a barrage of criticism" against Viktor Yushchenko and praise Viktor
Yanukovych "in every way he could". For example, Pavlovskiy warned that
Yushchenko's victory would signify victory by the west of Ukraine over its
eastern regions, which would be a "disaster for Ukraine itself". Meanwhile,
Yushchenko himself was characterized by Pavlovskiy as "weak and not
independent". By contrast, Yanukovych, Pavlovskiy said, was a politician
"able to consolidate the nation".
YANUKOVYCH
In one of the first reports on the subject, Russia TV's "Vesti Nedeli"
Sunday current affairs slot on 4 July ran a feature on the presidential
election campaign in Ukraine. The report repeated Pavlovskiy's sentiment
with regard to Yushchenko almost word for word, and boosted Yanukovych,
who was credited with good economic growth in Ukraine. Yanukovych was
also the only one to have had his official registration as candidate for
president covered, in a report by Russia TV on 7 July.
The plugging of Yanukovych continued on 9 July, when both Channel One's and
Russia TV's main evening news bulletins reported on Putin's phone call to
Yanukovych to congratulate him on his birthday. In Russia TV's "Vesti",
Yushchenko was said to have lost some support, while Channel One's "Vremya"
added a footnote in the form of a report that Ukraine's Agrarians had now
decided to back Yanukovych for president. More support for Yanukovych was
seen to come in reports by both the channels the next day, 10 July, which
announced the intention of another political party, the United Social
Democrats of Ukraine, to throw their weight behind Yanukovych.
On 23 July, Channel One carried another report in which - "with exactly 100
days to go" before the election and "15 candidates now registered" -
Yanukovych seemed to be the only candidate who merited attention. Thus, we
were told that Ukraine's unions and youth were now firmly in support of his
bid for president. Yanukovych himself promised higher student grants, while
a "For Yanukovych!" banner at a youth rally served a graphic illustration of
his popularity.
The number of those in support of Yanukovych rose to "over 100 parties and
public organizations" in a Channel One report the following day, 24 July.
And a 2.5-minute item from Russia TV's "Vesti" main evening news the same
day reported that Yanukovych "has been guaranteed support by a union of
Ukrainian democrats, which includes more than a 100 organizations". "One of
the main priorities of my programme is to build new relations with
Russians - our strategic partner and our long-standing economic partner -
with whom we want to and will develop strategic relations," Yanukovych tells
a forum of his supporters, in Russian.
The same tone, favourable throughout, was in evidence in a Channel One
report on 25 July, which described in detail how "130" political parties and
public organizations, at a congress in Kiev the same day, "joined forces" to
back Yanukovych for president, with "five more" political parties ready to
accede to the accord. There was an excerpt from Yanukovych's speech to the
forum, in which he praised the achievements of his "coalition government".
It is noteworthy that, in its coverage of the event, Channel One was ahead
even of Ukraine's own TV since, as at 1400 gmt (the time of the broadcast),
no Ukrainian channel had carried a similarly substantial report.
Channel One's "Vremya" main evening news on 27 July continued the line.
Yushchenko, though not overlooked, was obliquely disapproved of in phrases
such as "the noise he made was the loudest" in the initial stages of his
campaign, and was all but written off when the 4.5-minute report highlighted
his failure to unite the opposition, with "only" Yuliya Tymoshenko's
"sacrifice" of her ambitions and others, such as Oleksandr Moroz, Petro
Symonenko and even a member of Yushchenko's own faction in parliament
to go it alone. The view was corroborated by a pundit.
The portrayal of Yanukovych, on the other hand, could not be more different.
In fact, the description of his activities accounted for at least the same
amount of time in the report as that allotted to all the other candidates
combined. In the report, not only did he "finally" become the single
candidate from Ukraine's "democrats" able to unite his supporters in an
effective parliamentary majority, with a "coalition" cabinet minister per
member of the coalition; he also enjoyed the support of a newly created bloc
of "25 political parties as well as 52 youth and 81 public organizations".
An account of Yanukovych's meeting with army officers (plans for steady
rises in spending on defence) and his campaign manager's news conference
(pledge of transparency) rounded off the dispatch.
OTHERS
With few exceptions, other candidates were almost entirely ignored. On 19
July, both RTV and NTV reported on nationalist candidate Dmytro
Korchynskyy's arrival at Ukraine's Central Electoral Commission (!) aboard
an APC. In RTV's case, there followed a feature about Yanukovych on the
campaign trail in Donetsk, plus Pavlovskiy's repeated assurances that Russia
would not get involved. And on 22 July NTV gave a minute of its airtime to
news of Russia's controversial media figure Sergey Dorenko's plan to adopt
Ukrainian citizenship and campaign on behalf of Communist candidate Petro
Symonenko.
By way of a statistical breakdown, the name of Yanukovych was monitored in
at least 10 news bulletins, almost exclusively by Russia TV and Channel One,
during July in connection with the election campaign (and on quite a few
other occasions, to do with a coal mine blast in Ukraine which claimed the
lives of more than 30 miners or his official engagements). By comparison,
Yushchenko cropped up in just two reports, in both cases on Russia TV and
on both occasions in a negative context. (END) (ARTUIS)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
FOOTNOTE: This article was published in The Action Ukraine Report,
No. 129, yesterday, August 2.There was an error in the headline stating
that the article was about Ukrainian state TV when the headline should
have said Russian state TV. The above headline has been corrected.
========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 130 ARTICLE NUMBER FOURTEEN
========================================================
14. POLICE TORTURE RAMPANT IN UKRAINE
Ombudsman received 12,000 complaints about torture in custody
TV 5 Kanal, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian, 2 Aug 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Monday, Aug 02, 2004
KIEV - Thousands of detainees are being tortured in custody in Ukraine,
and most of these crimes go unpunished, the Ukrainian opposition TV channel
5 Kanal has said in its special programme on 2 August.
The TV quoted the Ukrainian ombudsman, Nina Karpachova, as saying that
she had received 12,000 complaints about torture in custody. "Despite all
the measures taken by the ombudsman, the Prosecutor-General's Office and
the police themselves, we could not overcome this massive problem, the use
of illegal methods of investigation and torture of our citizens, first of
all, by the police," Karpachova said.
Mykhaylo Dyvak, the head of the department of personnel inspections of
the Interior Ministry, said that "isolated cases [of torture] do exist,
unfortunately".
Police detectives torture detainees in order to wring out confessions or
cash payouts, the channel said. The programme featured an interview with a
lawyer who said he had been taken to custody and beaten until he agreed to
pay 5,000 dollars to a policeman.
Detainees are beaten with rubber batons, hung upside down and doused with
ice-cold water. An unnamed former policeman said that many young officers
who come from remote villages and do not have a proper education sign up
for police service because they cannot find a better job.
Cases of torture usually go unpunished because prosecutors and judges are
not willing to have policemen convicted for the sake of preserving
"officers' dignity", the channel said. Prosecutors and police officers
usually work together on various cases, thus developing close working and
personal relationships.
"Policemen who do get convicted receive symbolic or suspended sentences.
Very few cases result in actual prison sentences being handed down by the
judges. Why? Because we have this corporate inter-dependence of
law-enforcement officials and the judicial branch," Karpachova said. [No
further processing planned] (END) (ARTUIS)
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 130 ARTICLE NUMBER FIFTEEN
=======================================================
15. THE COSSACKS ARE COMING--TO UKRAINIAN DAY!
Ukrainian Cultural Heritage Village, Sunday, August 8, 2004
Located Near Edmonton, Alberta, Canada
Ukrainian Cultural Heritage Village
Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, Monday, August 2, 2004
EDMONTON - Don't miss the Ukrainian Cultural Heritage Village's
largest and longest running annual event - Ukrainian Day on Sunday,
August 8. This one-day celebration brings Ukrainian culture and history
to life for visitors through entertainment, crafts and food.
A cultural stage show will showcase the best in Ukrainian talent.Headliners
include: Canada's National Riding and Dancing Cossacks and Company
with Zirka Ukrainian Dance Ensemble, Kalabai, St. Paul Ukrainian Choir,
Vegreville School of Ukrainian Dancing, Andrij Hornjatkevyc, Kharytia
and Mykola Bilash. The show will run from 1:00 to 5:00 p.m.
Before the stage show, sample the cuisine from A Taste of Ukraine food
fair, featuring pyrohy (perogies), kovbasa (garlic sausage), borshch
(beet soup), and pyrishky (stuffed buns). The food fair opens at
11:00 a.m.
A Ukrainian community showcase features cultural exhibits and displays
such as pysanky (Easter eggs), embroidery, spinning, weaving and
genealogy. There will be games, free face painting and a petting zoo
for children.
Ukrainian Day includes commemoration as well as celebration. Divine
Liturgies start at 10:00 a.m., followed by a Ukrainian Legion memorial
at 12:30 p.m. The Ukrainian Village will also recognize families
celebrating the 100th anniversary of their ancestors' arrival in
Alberta.
While at the Village take in Weavings From The Home, an exhibit of
historic weavings found in many Ukrainian pioneer homes from
east-central Alberta. Visitors are encouraged to bring a lawn chair and
arrive early to take advantage of the day's activities. Ukrainian Day is
held in conjunction with the Ukrainian Canadian Congress-Alberta
Provincial Council.
The Ukrainian Cultural Heritage Village is open daily from 10:00 a.m.
to 6:00 p.m. and is located 25 minutes east of Edmonton, Alberta,
Canada, on the Yellowhead Highway 16. Admission rates are: families
$20 (two adults and children seven to 17), adults $8, seniors $7 and
youth $4 (age seven to 17). Admission is free for children six and under,
and members of the Friends of the Ukrainian Village.
Inquiries may be directed to: Arnold Grandt; Head, Community and
Corporate Relations, Ukrainian Cultural Heritage Village, ph: (780)
662-3855 ext. 1109; dial 310-0000 for toll-free access, or visit
our website http://www.cd.gov.ab.ca/uchv ; Mailing Address: 8820
112 St., Edmonton, AB, Canada T6G 2P8. (END)(ARTUIS)
=======================================================
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Discussion and Personal Purposes Only
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(UACC), Ihor Gawdiak, President, Washington, D.C., New York, NY
B. UKRAINIAN FEDERATION OF AMERICA (UFA),
Zenia Chernyk, Chairperson; Vera M. Andryczyk, President; E.
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C. U.S.-UKRAINE FOUNDATION (USUF), Nadia Komarnyckyj
McConnell, President; John A. Kun, VP/COO; Markian Bilynskyj, VP,
Dir. of Field Operations; Kyiv, Ukraine and Washington, D.C., website:
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2. UKRAINE-U.S. BUSINESS COUNCIL, Kempton Jenkins,
President, Washington, D.C.
3. KIEV-ATLANTIC GROUP, David and Tamara Sweere, Daniel
Sweere, Kyiv and Myronivka, Ukraine, 380 44 295 7275 in Kyiv.
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----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Kyiv vs. Kiev----SPELLING POLICY--Chornobyl vs.Chernobyl
THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT" uses the spelling KYIV (Ukrainian)
rather than KIEV (Russian), whenever the spelling decision is under our
control. We do not change the way journalists, authors, reporters, the
news media spell these words or the other words they use in their stories.
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Senior Advisor, Government Relations, U.S.-Ukraine Foundation (USUF);
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=======================================================
"POWER TENDS TO CORRUPT,
ABSOLUTE POWER CORRUPTS ABSOLUTELY"
An observation that a person's sense of morality lessens as his or her
power increases. The statement was made by Lord Acton, British
historian of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
True then, true today, true always.
=======================================================