"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT"
An International Newsletter
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis, and Commentary
"The Art of Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World"
"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT" Year 04, Number 162
The Action Ukraine Coalition (AUC), Washington, D.C.
Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA), Huntingdon Valley, PA
morganw@patriot.net, ArtUkraine.com@starpower.net (ARTUIS)
Washington, D.C.; Kyiv, Ukraine, TUESDAY, September 14, 2004
-----INDEX OF ARTICLES-----
"Major International News Headlines and Articles"
1.WHAT LESSONS CAN UKRAINE DRAW FROM THE EXPERIENCE
OF DEMOCRATIC DEVELOPMENT IN THE BALTIC STATES?
Remarks by H.E. Mr. Vygaudas Usackas
Lithuanian Ambassador to the United States
"Ukraine's Quest for Mature Nation Statehood: Roundtable V
Ukraine's Transition to a Stable Democracy"
Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., Tue, Sep 14, 2004
2. "COLD COMFORT FOR UKRAINE"
Looks like European Union letting unique opportunity simply slip away
EAST OF THE ODER
COMMENTARY By Kataryna Wolczuk and Roman Wolczuk
The Wall Street Journal Europe, Brussels, Belgium, Fri, Sep 10, 2004
3. "A MORE CYNICAL VIEW OF WHAT GOES ON IN UKRAINE"
Letters to the Editor: From Kasia Wolczuk and Roman Wolczuk
Financial Times, London, UK, Tuesday, September 14 2004
4. UKRAINE GOVERNMENT ORDERS REGIONAL OFFICIALS TO
PUT FOREIGN ELECTION OBSERVERS UNDER SURVEILLANCE
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian, 13 Sep 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Mon, Sep 13, 2004
5. DESERTIONS DEAL BLOW TO ELECTION HOPES OF UKRAINE
PRIME MINISTER VIKTOR YANUKOVICH
By Tom Warner in Kiev, Financial Times, London, UK, Tue, Sep 14 2004
6. UKRAINE PRO-GOVERNMENT COALITION LEADERS
"DEPRESSED" AFTER MEETING WITH PRESIDENT KUCHMA
Source: Ukrayinska Pravda web site, Kiev, in Ukrainian 13 Sep 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Mon, Sep 13, 2004
7. FIVE MEDIA ORGANIZATIONS DECRY UKRAINE MURDER INQUIRY
Agence France Presse (AFP), Kiev, Ukraine, Tuesday, Sep 14, 2004
8. MEDIA BIAS CAN SWING UKRAINE'S PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
Source: Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian, 13 Sep 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Monday, Sep 13, 2004
9. "SUPPRESSING TRUTH IN RUSSIA"
EDITORIAL, The Washington Post
Washington, D.C., Saturday, September 11, 2004; Page A20
10. "GENOCIDE"
LEAD EDITORIAL, The Washington Post
Washington, D.C., Sunday, September 12, 2004; Page B06
11. MONUMENTS TO SARDINIAN, FRENCH, TURKISH, BRITISH
AND RUSSIAN WARRIORS IN CRIMEAN WAR WERE UNVEILED
SIMULTANEOUSLY IN SEVASTOPOL, CRIMEA, UKRAINE
Black Sea TV, Simferopol, Ukraine, in Russian, 10 Sep 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Friday, Sep 10, 2004
12. CRIMEAN WAR: LIGHT BRIGADE LESSONS
War was about curbing the power of Russia
The rest of the world still does not know what to do about Russia
The Guardian, London, UK, Saturday, Sep 11, 2004
13. ST MIKHAIL FRESCOS SAVED FROM SOVIET DESTROYED
CATHEDRAL TAKEN BY GERMANS NOW RETURNED TO KYIV
Eighteen pieces now returned out of twenty-nine that were stolen
ICTV, Kyiv, Ukraine, Saturday, September 11 2004
=======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.162 ARTICLE NUMBER ONE
=======================================================
1. WHAT LESSONS CAN UKRAINE DRAW FROM THE EXPERIENCE
OF DEMOCRATIC DEVELOPMENT IN THE BALTIC STATES?
Remarks by H.E. Mr. Vygaudas Usackas
Lithuanian Ambassador to the United States
"Ukraine's Quest for Mature Nation Statehood
Roundtable V: Ukraine's Transition to a Stable Democracy"
Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., Tue, Sep 14, 2004
Ladies and Gentleman,
Let me first of all thank the organizers of the Roundtable on "Ukraine's
quest for mature nation statehood" for the invitation to share my thoughts
on the experience of the Baltic countries and specifically of Lithuania with
the development of democracy and integration into the Western institutions.
My remarks will of course focus on the implications of Lithuania's
experience for Ukraine's choices. This is appropriate, for the big lesson we
learned that integration begins at home-it is primarily a task of domestic
policy. But, as we all know, these tasks are often difficult, requiring
considerable political effort and, some times, political and economic
sacrifice. We expanded this effort because we were convinced that it would
be good for Lithuania. But there is also no doubt that it was easier for us
to do this, because we also knew- and could tell our publics-that membership
in Euro-Atlantic institutions was a realistic goal if we stayed the course.
So there is also a responsibility for the West here. I believe it needs to
provide a similar perspective for Ukraine.
Therefore, for the sake of security, stability and prosperity of a wider
Europe, time is ripe to move forward the debate within EU, NATO and
Ukraine towards achieving a common understanding that EU and NATO
would (or: "is open to.") welcome Ukraine's choice to seek EU and NATO
membership and would help her in this endeavor, provided Ukraine under-
takes and continues necessary domestic reforms( first and foremost showing
in deeds its commitment to freedom of press, freedom of expression and
conduct of free and democratic elections) to prove its eligibility/
qualification for membership in the EU and NATO.
I do understand that at this moment most likely neither the Euro-Atlantic
institutions nor Ukraine is ready or willing to pledge for Ukraine's
membership in the EU and NATO.
However, having in mind the domestic and external challenges faced by
Ukraine as well as Ukraine's strategic importance for European security and
development of democracy in the region, a statement from "the West" to
welcome political perspective for Ukraine to be a part of Euro-Atlantic
institutions and readiness to assist it, would motivate Ukrainian leaders
and society at large to better define the way where the country is going to
and move ahead with vigorous reform package.
Looking from the Lithuanian perspective and answering the question of what
was the secret of our success (democracy, free market, EU and NATO
memberships) achieved during the 14 years of independence, I would argue
that to a large extent our strategic vulnerability (which was rightly or
wrongly perceived by the West as proximity to Russia as well as weak
economic performance in the beginning of 1990ies) has served as a major
motivation for rigid, comprehensive and consistent reforms. However close
to the defined goals we felt, we have never taken things for granted and
never accepted complacency as the way to move forward.
On the contrary, a sense of unpredictability on how broader international
relations may impact our cause to be free, independent and integral part of
the West, strong consensus within the society and among leadership about
the historical "window of opportunity" and cordial enthusiasm of young
bureaucracy to embrace the wind of change were among key factors which
influenced our successful historical journey to be an institutional part of
Europe whole and free.
Our internal reforms have been pursued in parallel to a gradual outreach
towards neighbors, specifically Russia and Kaliningrad region, so as to
create conducive political environment for a profound geopolitical change in
the region. Slowly and steadily our neighbors agreed that the enlargement of
the area of security and prosperity to the borders of Russia is good for
Russia itself.
Our experience may not fully apply to other countries. Nevertheless, I
would like to offer the following "lessons learned" for my Ukrainian friends
to consider:
- Try to turn existent and/or perceived vulnerabilities into
advantages and motivating force for the definition of clear goals and stick
to them. In the case of Lithuania, we acknowledged that the Russia factor
and weak economic performance were our major vulnerabilities and we
addressed them accordingly by robust and transparent economic reforms
as well as outreach to Kaliningrad region;
- Consolidate efforts of political parties and society at large to
pursue vigorous and consistent democratic and free market reforms. The
useful start for Lithuania was the adoption by all major political parties
in Lithuanian Parliament of a Security Policy Agreement that defined their
common support to the shared objectives of NATO and EU membership.
It was a forceful public commitment, which helped to consolidate efforts
of population at large for robust reforms. It also served as an important
message to our Western partners about the consensus existing in Lithuania
with respect to Euro-Atlantic integration.
- However important it is to get a clear perspective, don't wait
until you receive promises for future membership in the Euro-Atlantic
organizations. Work tirelessly to create sound liberal democracy, free
market and concrete facts of integration. Ultimately, you are doing that
not for NATO or EU, but for your own citizens' sake.
- Insure that no one has reason to question your democratic
credentials. At the end of the day, the principal decision on country's
membership prospects in NATO and the EU will be made first and foremost
based- on not so much- of the growth of GDP or low inflation rate (which
are important), but rather on unquestionable reputation that "you are like
us" (this what I used to hear from many Lithuanian friends in the US and
Europe prior to membership in NATO and EU). You will never be considered
as "one of us" if you do not act "like us" (I mean "the West") in
conducting
democratic elections and respecting freedom of press and freedom of
expression. In this context, the forthcoming presidential elections in
Ukraine will be a major "litmus test" and demonstration of democratic
maturity of Ukraine. The free, fair and transparent electoral campaign and
elections this fall will be the crucial factor for further prospects of
Ukraine's relations with the EU and NATO.
- As you advance your cause for future membership in Euro-Atlantic
institutions, make sure to implement a legal and administrative reform to
free your public administration from corruption and crime. Promote
transparency and accountability of the administration, in particular
concerning the reform of the civil service based on European standards.
There are many examples of anticorruption programs and their applications
internationally, including in my own country. Draw lessons learned in other
countries and make use of them at home.
- As you pursue free market reforms, open your market to innovation,
"know how" and investment and gradually harmonize national laws with the
EU regulations, always remember that you do that not to please the European
Commission or Washington D.C., but because it is the key for success of
your country's economy.
- Remember that your best and most trusted ambassadors abroad are
foreign direct investors (FDI). They do not only make risk, invest and
gain/or loose profit. If successful, they create jobs, bring new
technologies and promote new culture of doing business. They directly
contribute in raising living standards for Ukrainian people. And, most
importantly, they travel and spread stories about your country in Berlin,
Brussels, Warsaw or Washington D.C. It is the FDI whose judgment
international institutions respect and who best multiply efforts to promote
better appreciation of countries in transition. Hence, improve further the
climate for FDI and business environment in general and you will become
even stronger economically and politically to pursue you cause of reforms
and integration.
- Even if you have not yet received a political perspective to
become member of the EU yet, lay down the strategies and programs of
government institutions aimed at fulfilling Copenhagen criteria, which are
the following:
o 1. Be stable democracies, guaranteeing the rule of law, human rights
and the protection of minorities;
o 2. Be functioning market economies with the capacity to cope with
competitive market forces within the EU;
o 3. Accept the "acquis communautaire" , that is to say, all the EU
laws and regulations that run over 80,000 pages.
- These criteria can serve you as a political roadmap towards the
practical preparations of Ukraine for EU membership. I know from our own
experience how desperately important it was to get the pledge on membership
from NATO and the EU. However, as you fight on diplomatic front, don't
loose the moment at home by creating the facts of approximation of laws,
structural reforms, fighting corruption and improving public administration.
This is useful for your citizens anyway. Moreover, it will help to better
position you for the start of negotiations.
- In pursuit of your goal to join the EU, rally widest political
support possible at home. EU integration is a hell of a job, which involves
and affects everyone from agricultural sector to mining industry. Political
parties, interest groups, shareholders, trade unions and mass media should
be engaged in transparent and continuous discussion of "pros" and "cons" of
European integration, what will be required and how long it would take to
implement a particular EU directive. Preparations for membership in the EU
will create new realities and new economic and political culture in your
country.
- Remember, that membership in the EU is not a "zero sum" game. As
you get access to a 0.5 billion. EU consumers market, you will also open
your own market for the EU goods, capital and services. People will be able
to travel and settle freely both ways.
- In pursuit of EU membership, your laws and regulations will change
according to the laws agreed in Brussels, not in Kyiv, Donetsk,
Dnepropetrovsk or Lviv. However big and geopolitically important your
country is, you will not enter the EU on your own terms. You may only start
negotiations and eventually join the EU after European Commission's thorough
examination on how Kyiv complies and implements the EU laws and regulations.
This was the case for Spain, this was the case for Poland and Lithuania and
this will be the case for Ukraine as well.
- In early 2002 President Kuchma declared EU membership a long-
term goal, with Ukraine aiming to fulfill the relevant criteria for lodging
an application by 2011. It is an ambitious goal which only you are able to
fulfill. Hence, start the homework now, not tomorrow. For example, you
could start identifying those parts of the acquis, which you need to
implements for your own sake most urgently, both to facilitate economic
modernization and reforms and to improve prospects for trade and invest-
ment with the EU.
- Make full use of existing opportunities and instruments provided
by Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) and European
Neighborhood Action Plan (NEAP).
- Embrace the Ukraine- EU Action Plan, which is now under the
preparation. The Action Plan will provide for you immediate guidelines for
gradual economic integration and deepening of political cooperation.
Implementation of the Action Plan will significantly advance the
approximation of Ukrainian legislation, norms and standards to those of the
European Union. The pace of progress of the relationship will acknowledge
fully Ukraine's efforts and concrete achievements in meeting commitments to
common values.
- Your practical contribution to the stability and security in other
regions of the World, particularly in the hot spots of Wider Middle East, is
greatly appreciated. It is a part of the resume whether "you are like us"
and it does increase your "strategic stock". Hence, maintain your engagement
and don't intend to trade it. The coalition may lose the valuable asset of
an army division. But you may lose credibility! It is all the more important
as you wish to maintain attention and enlarge the circle of friends to
support your own cause of transformation and integration in the context of
international shift towards the advancement of democracy in the Wider
Middle East.
- Ukraine has already gained a status of an active partner of NATO.
You should build on that and pursue defense reforms in such a way as to
increase your military contributions to future NATO missions "out of area".
Continue robust implementation of the Prague Action Plan. That will help you
to get support for the real Membership Action Plan, provided the political
expectations on the forthcoming elections and pace of reforms in Ukraine are
fulfilled.
- However, impressive your macroeconomic data might be, remember
that there will always be a part of population in society in transition, who
failed or were unable to breathe the wind of change and feel deserved
benefit. Pay due attention to them and design policies accordingly to those
who expect and need support from the society and government. If you don't
pay due attention, it may turn against you not only as the social and
economic headache but also as a very serious political problem.
The year of 2004 is a historical year: finalization of Europe whole and free
for Lithuanians, Latvians, Estonians, Bulgarians, Romanians, Slovenians and
Slovaks. It may also become a year of promise of a Europe whole and free
for Ukraine. However, the start is always the hardest one. And it will be
the Ukrainians themselves who will define the conditions for their
historical journey. (END)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
FOOTNOTE: We appreciate the Lithuanian Ambassador to the United
States, H.E. Mr. Vygaudas Usackas, making a copy of his remarks
available to The Action Ukraine Report. I am attending the two-day
Roundtable in Washington, D.C. and we will publish more of the pre-
sentations just as soon at they become available. (EDITOR)
=======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.162: ARTICLE NUMBER TWO
=======================================================
2. "COLD COMFORT FOR UKRAINE"
Looks like European Union letting unique opportunity simply slip away
EAST OF THE ODER
COMMENTARY By Kataryna Wolczuk and Roman Wolczuk
The Wall Street Journal Europe, Brussels, Belgium, Fri, Sep10, 2004
The European Union currently has a unique opportunity to shape the political
configuration in an important country east of its borders. But unfortunately
it looks like it will let this chance simply slip away.
Ukraine, a state of 48 million people and with an estimated 5% of the
world's total mineral resources, expressed its desire to join the EU.
However, rather than taking advantage of Kiev's ambitions of cozying up to
the West in order to bring more democracy into this part of the world, the
EU responded last May with the somewhat limp and non-committal "European
Neighborhood Policy." Rather than bringing Kiev closer to Europe, all it did
was to alienate Ukraine.
The ENP has the worthy and ambitious objective of "promoting prosperity and
stability" among the neighbors along the EU's new eastern frontier. However,
the document makes no reference to any possibility for Ukraine to eventually
join the EU. It thus deprives the Union of an important lever to influence
developments in Kiev and to empower the pro-reform forces there. Hence,
Ukraine is in danger of remaining in the grasp of the same oligarchs who
currently run the country basically as their own fiefdom.
Even worse is the threat that the political climate in Ukraine may
deteriorate further as the country's elite, cold-shouldered by the EU, might
find comfort in the support of kindred spirits in Moscow. Russia is the only
major state where the Ukrainian president, Leonid Kuchma, is guaranteed a
warm welcome. For Moscow, the ability to exert influence in what it
considers its own backyard takes precedence over any concerns the Kremlin
might have about Mr. Kuchma's "reformist credentials."
The West has long been concerned about Mr. Kuchma's regime, in particular
the questionable means by which he was re-elected in 1999 and his
increasingly authoritarian style. Mr. Kuchma's reputation probably reached a
low point when he was implicated in the murder of a journalist critical of
his regime in late 2000. While he redeemed himself somewhat in the eyes of
Washington by sending Ukrainian troops to Iraq, as part of the Polish-led
peacekeeping battalion in the south, he still remains unwelcome in the
capitals of the West.
A new European divide is in the offing. Poland, one of the EU's easternmost
members and a neighbor and ally of Ukraine, is being left with few options
but to turn away from a country it has tried so hard to "Europeanize." With
Belarus already cast adrift, an unanchored Ukraine should be the last thing
the EU wants. Seen from this perspective, the ENP exposes a lack of
ambition and foresight on the part of Europe's policy makers.
The dangers of marginalizing Ukraine are becoming ever more evident. Despite
committing itself to NATO membership in 2002, Mr. Kuchma, under pressure
from Moscow, didn't even mention this anymore in Ukraine's soon-to-be-
published new Military Doctrine. This omission is significant insofar as it
once more exposes the indeterminate nature of Ukraine's foreign policy.
Indeed, it can hardly be classified as a policy as it has become so amenable
to change.
Undoubtedly, most of Ukraine's problems are homegrown. Too often leaders
in Kiev have paid only lip service to Western calls for economic and
political reforms. In addition, members of the political elite in Ukraine
have manipulated the political system to their own benefit, exploited state
resources and ignored or even eliminated domestic dissent.
In light of these problems, it is understandable that the EU is hesitant to
make any promises to Ukraine. However, the EU could exert an enormous
influence in Ukraine without committing itself. For example, it could
formally recognize Ukraine's European aspirations without explicitly ruling
out membership as it currently does. This would send out a message of
support to reformers in Ukraine who need some legitimacy if they are to
successfully push for much needed economic and political reforms.
Secondly, the EU could help that process also by making greater trade
concessions to Ukraine, a perennial sticking point in the relations between
the two parties. Kiev has long criticized the EU for protectionism in
agriculture and steel, key industries where Ukraine is an unwelcome
competitor for Europe. The EU is reluctant to make even relatively minor
concessions in these areas, contravening even its own ENP, which considers
economic incentives to be a key part of the dialogue with its neighbors.
Thirdly, the EU could soften its stance on the visa regime imposed on
Ukraine, the costs and constraints of which make travel to the Schengen zone
a major undertaking for impoverished Ukrainians. Not only has the visa
regime contributed to a sense of alienation in Ukraine ("being excluded from
Europe") but has also contributed to real hardship amongst those who used
to make a living from cross-border exchanges.
Finally, the EU should find a way to legalize the presence of the hundreds
of thousands of Ukrainian workers. This would actually reduce the number
of illegal immigrants as many of the workers only stay on because it is so
difficult to get back once they leave. It would also prevent their
exploitation and reduce human trafficking.
If the EU really wishes to achieve its long-term goal of having a stable and
prosperous neighbor on its eastern border it needs to display more ambition
and vision. It needs to do so using a set of incentives the Ukrainians find
enticing rather than those that the EU thinks they ought to find appealing.
Only in this way might Ukraine implement the political and economic reforms
necessary to realize its European ambitions -- and the EU might just end up
with the kind of neighbor it wants and needs. (END)
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Ms. Wolczuk is a senior lecturer in East European Politics at the University
of Birmingham and Mr. Wolczuk is a research fellow at the University of
Wolverhampton, U.K.
=======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.162: ARTICLE NUMBER THREE
=======================================================
3. "A MORE CYNICAL VIEW OF WHAT GOES ON IN UKRAINE"
Letters to the Editor: >From Kasia Wolczuk and Roman Wolczuk
Financial Times, London, UK, September 14 2004
Sir, Your correspondents take a benign view of Viktor Yanukovich, the
Ukrainian prime minister and presidential candidate, and his decision to
"retreat" from demands for Ukrainian membership of the European Union
("Ukraine changes tack with Brussels", September 10). A more cynical
interpretation would suggest that he is in fact revealing his true colours.
By changing the emphasis from membership of the European Union to
"short-term practical co-operation agreement", he is seeking to release
himself from the economic and political commitments that come with
membership aspirations and instead pursue the more narrow sectoral
interests of the industrial and regional groups he represents.
The move can also be seen as pre-emptive. By reducing Ukraine's aspirations
for EU membership, Mr Yanukovich is simultaneously reducing the leverage
of the EU in the event of his victory: if he does not want EU membership for
Ukraine, any criticisms the EU might have about his election can be more
easily portrayed as interference in Ukraine's domestic affairs.
Unfortunately for the country, this cynical interpretation more accurately
reflects what is going on in Ukraine. (Kasia and Roman Wolczuk,
Birmingham B13 8RN, UK) (END)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
FOOTNOTE: To read the FT article referred to in the letter above check
The Action Ukraine Report, Number 159, Sep 9, 2004, article two.
=======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.162: ARTICLE NUMBER FOUR
=======================================================
4. UKRAINE GOVERNMENT ORDERS REGIONAL OFFICIALS TO
PUT FOREIGN ELECTION OBSERVERS UNDER SURVEILLANCE
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian, 13 Sep 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Mon, Sep 13, 2004
Viktor Asadchev, an MP and ally of opposition presidential candidate Viktor
Yushchenko, has said the government is sending out instructions to regional
officials to put foreign election observers under surveillance. The
following is the text of report by the Ukrainian news agency UNIAN:
KIEV - Valeriy Asadchev, an MP and head of Viktor Yushchenko's regional
campaign headquarters in Poltava, has said he has obtained a document from
the Poltava Regional State Administration ordering foreign observers at the
presidential election to be put under surveillance. The press service of the
Ukrainian People's Party, of which Asadchev is a member, quoted parts of
the document:
"An official must be put in charge of ensuring timely reporting to the
inter-agency working group under the Cabinet of Ministers about visits to
the district (or city) by [election] observers. The official's contact
telephone number must be provided. The official is charged with keeping
track of visits by foreign observers. Reports must be sent to the duty
officer of the working group on the phone number provided. The reports
must include the following information:
- number of observers, their names and the country (organization) they
represent
- which places they have visited and who they met
- what queries have been made, which issues raised and how they were
resolved
- comments and assessments of the election campaign by the observers
- other information
"The reports must be sent to the duty officer of the regional working group
immediately after answers to the above questions have been obtained...
[ellipsis as published] There must be an official on duty every day of the
week (including weekends)."
Asadchev also said who the letter was addressed to: "From the Poltava
Regional State Administration to the head of the district state
administration, mayors of major cities of the region, and the head of the
territorial election commission."
"The instruction concerns the entire executive structure, and refers to a
`protocol decision of a meeting chaired by the first deputy minister of the
Cabinet of Ministers, head of the inter-agency working group O.S Shnypko
on 29 July, and the resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers No 37051/0/1-04
of 20 August. This shows where the real election campaign headquarters of
[Prime Minister and presidential candidate] Viktor Yanukovych is,"
Asadchev said. "The election headquarters of the prime minister is in the
Cabinet of Ministers, which is against the law," he said. (END)
=========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.162: ARTICLE NUMBER FIVE
=======================================================
5. DESERTIONS DEAL BLOW TO ELECTION HOPES OF UKRAINE
PRIME MINISTER VIKTOR YANUKOVICH
By Tom Warner in Kiev, Financial Times, London, UK, Tue, Sep 14 2004
KIEV - A series of desertions has deprived Ukraine's prime minister of
majority backing in parliament, dealing a blow to his hopes of success in
the October 31 presidential elections.
Viktor Yanukovich, who is running for the presidency with the support of the
outgoing incumbent, Leonid Kuchma, has been hit by a re-grouping in
parliament that has seen some 40 lawmakers quit the pro-government coalition
in the past few days. "It's unpleasant for me to talk about, but I must say
that today parliament has become an unreliable partner," Mr Yanukovich said
at the weekend.
The deserters, including Volodymyr Lytvyn, parliament's speaker, are taking
a neutral position in the elections, in which Mr Yanukovich has been
struggling to catch up with Viktor Yushchenko, a popular opposition leader.
A poll released at the weekend showed Mr Yushchenko ahead by six points.
Most of the newly neutral members of parliament represent medium-sized
business groups that feel their interests are being ignored by both
candidates' campaigns. Many are concerned that whatever the election result,
the contest has become so polarised that the poll will be disputed.
Mr Lytvyn told the Financial Times he was doing his best to ensure
parliament continued to meet and work during the run-up to the election.
Some of Mr Yushchenko's supporters have threatened to block parliament
with demonstrations, while many of Mr Yanukovich's supporters have
suggested calling a recess. "I am against revolution," Mr Lytvyn said. "I
mean especially a revolution in parliament, because that would mean
destabilisation of society."
Mr Lytvyn pushed a resolution through parliament last week calling for a
joint commission to monitor the fairness of the elections. This would be
made up of lawmakers and representatives of the executive branch.
After Mr Yanukovich and Mr Kuchma resisted forming the commission, Mr
Lytvyn's Agrarian party announced that it was quitting the coalition. Twelve
lawmakers from another faction quit the coalition in protest at a plan to
merge the state oil company, Ukrnafta, with two refineries. They said the
merger amounted to a pre-election gift to a big business group. (END)
=======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.162: ARTICLE NUMBER SIX
=======================================================
6. UKRAINE PRO-GOVERNMENT COALITION LEADERS
"DEPRESSED" AFTER MEETING WITH PRESIDENT KUCHMA
Source: Ukrayinska Pravda web site, Kiev, in Ukrainian 13 Sep 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Mon, Sep 13, 2004
KIEV - The leaders of what remains of the pro-government coalition in the
Ukrainian parliament after the loss of 45 members were coming out
"depressed" from a meeting with President Kuchma and refused to talk to
the press, an opposition-leaning web site has said. Parliament speaker
Volodymyr Lytvyn's faction, which quit the coalition last week, did not take
part in the meeting.
The president reportedly told participants that the decision on whether to
pursue controversial political reform was now up to them, the site added,
quoting a senior pro-government MP. None of Ukraine's government-linked
TV channels has mentioned the meeting in the evening news. The following
is an excerpt from report by the Ukrainian Ukrayinska Pravda web site on
13 September:
President Leonid Kuchma is not dramatizing the situation following the
collapse of the parliamentary majority, the leader of the United Social
Democratic Party faction, Leonid Kravchuk, has told journalists. "The
president's reaction to the events in parliament was surprisingly calm. He
was not emotional at all," Kravchuk said.
"He just said, `Well, it is regrettable that people don't understand that
the [parliamentary] majority and the [constitutional] reform is needed by
Ukraine, not by the president. That is regrettable. But we aren't going to
turn everything upside down just because they don't understand,'"
Kravchuk quoted the president as saying.
He also quoted Kuchma as saying that "if the parliamentary majority and
people involved believe that the political reform is not topical, it is up
to them to decide".
"The president said that he will not be personally involved in reform,"
Kravchuk said. "I have not been involved personally, and I will not get
involved. It is up to the prime minister and part of the parliamentary
majority," Kravchuk quoted Kuchma as saying.
[Kuchma's supporters had sought to push the reform through before the
election, but some pro-government MPs have said the collapse of the
pro-government majority in parliament may mean these plans will have to
be reviewed.]
He [apparently Kravchuk] added that "in the rest of the world, if a
situation like that arises, the president dissolves parliament, if he has
such power". According to Kravchuk, nothing terrible has happened.
"Parliament is in revolt but Ukraine carries on."
"Ukraine will carry on no matter what happens in parliament, no matter what
stance the speaker or his deputy assumes, as well as the Agrarian faction or
the Centre faction. There are problems in parliament, and they will be
resolved in parliament. This will not have any direct effect on the work of
the government, the president and his administration, or the work of the
majority." Kravchuk said he believed that "we are exaggerating" the
importance of what happens in parliament. [Passage omitted: reiteration]
According to Kravchuk, the meeting was initiated by the parliamentary
majority leaders. They also had two meetings with Prime Minister Viktor
Yanukovych today in order to understand what happened in parliament.
Members of the People's Agrarian Party [led by speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn]
did not take part in the meeting with Kuchma. "They have suspended
[membership of the pro-government coalition], so no surprise there,"
Kravchuk said. Other members were coming out of the meeting [with
Kuchma] looking depressed and refused to talk to the press.
[Ukrayinska Pravda has also quoted parliamentary majority coordinator Stepan
Havrysh as denying after the meeting that the pro-government majority had
collapsed and saying it had 230 members in the 450-seat chamber. Asked to
comment on the decision by three factions, including the People's Agrarian
Party, to suspend membership of the coalition, Havrysh said, "If you lower
your trousers, that does not mean you take them off completely," the web
site reported. It added that Havrysh was speaking in "raised tones".] (END)
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 162: ARTICLE NUMBER SEVEN
========================================================
7. FIVE MEDIA ORGANIZATIONS DECRY UKRAINE MURDER INQUIRY
Agence France Presse (AFP), Kiev, Ukraine, Tuesday, Sep 14, 2004
KIEV - Five media defence organisations have denounced the "opacity" of
an official inquiry into tape recordings that purportedly implicate
Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma in the murder of an opposition journalist
four years ago.
On the tape, Mr Kuchma is allegedly heard discussing a plan to abduct Georgy
Gongadze, whose headless body was found in woods near Kiev in November
2000. The Ukrainian Justice Ministry says that the sound recordings are poor
quality fakes.
However, the media watchdogs - the International Federation of Journalists,
Reporters Without Borders (RSF), Article 19, Britain's National Union of
Journalists and Ukraine's Mass Media Institute - say the examination has
taken place "in the utmost opacity".
In such circumstances, "we cannot accord any credit to the conclusions that
the authorities want to draw from it," the groups say in a joint statement.
They note that the Ukrainian authorities have rejected their two requests to
take part in the expert analysis of the tapes.
Mr Kuchma has consistently dismissed the allegations, which are based on a
July 2000 recording said to have been made in his office by a former
bodyguard, Mykola Melnitchenko. Mr Melnitchenko is now a political refugee
in the United States.
The tapes, representing 36 hours of recordings, are regarded as key evidence
in the case that remains unresolved. The Ukrainian prosecutor's office has
long dismissed them as fakes.
That view was reaffirmed on Friday by a commission of five experts - three
Ukrainians, a Russian and a Lithuanian - appointed by Mr Kuchma last March.
The murder of Mr Gongadze, whose online journal had been a thorn in the side
of the Ukrainian authorities, sparked a fully-fledged political scandal.
=======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.162: ARTICLE NUMBER EIGHT
=======================================================
8. MEDIA BIAS CAN SWING UKRAINE'S PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
Source: Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian, 13 Sep 04
BBC Monitoring ServiceUK, in English, Monday, Sep 13, 2004
KIEV - If presidential candidates have equal access to the media, the
election will be won by [opposition] Our Ukraine leader Viktor Yushchenko.
If the [media] situation does not change, the election will be won by Prime
Minister Viktor Yanukovych.
This is the result of an opinion poll conducted by the Kiev International
Institute of Sociology together with the Democratic Initiatives foundation
from 25 August to 3 September, head of the Institute of Sociology Valeriy
Khmelko told a news conference. A total of 1,980 people were polled in
all of Ukraine's regions. The margin of error did not exceed 2.3 per cent.
Given equal access to TV and radio coverage of the candidates' campaign,
Yushchenko will receive 29 per cent of the vote and Yanukovych - 23 per
cent, the poll showed. If the candidates continue to enjoy the same terms of
access to the media as before, Yanukovych will get the most votes - 31 per
cent, and Yushchenko - only 23 per cent.
Almost half of those polled - 48 per cent - believe Yanukovych will be the
next president, while only 23 per cent think it will be Yushchenko.
If the election were held now, however, Yushchenko would get 28.7 per
cent of the vote and Yanukovych - 23.5 per cent. Socialist leader Oleksandr
Moroz would get 6.6 per cent, Communist Party leader Petro Symonenko -
6.1 per cent and Progressive Socialist Party leader Nataliya Vitrenko - 1.5
per cent.
Less than 1 per cent would vote for the leader of the Ukrainian Union of
Industrialists and Entrepreneurs, Anatoliy Kinakh (0.4 per cent), Kiev Mayor
Oleksandr Omelchenko and Yabluko party leader Mykhaylo Brodskyy (0.3
per cent each), and leaders of the Green Party and the Brotherhood party,
Vitaliy Kononov and Dmytro Korchynskyy (0.1 per cent each). The
remaining 16 candidates together would get less than 1 per cent.
Four point one per cent would vote against all. Five point two per cent
would not vote at all, and 21.4 per cent did not reply to the questions.
In the runoff, 36.9 per cent would vote for Yushchenko, 31 per cent for
Yanukovych, 9.6 per cent - against all, 6.4 per cent would not vote and
16.1 per cent could not reply. [Passage omitted: opinions on sincerity of
responses] (END)
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.162: ARTICLE NUMBER NINE
=======================================================
9. "SUPPRESSING TRUTH IN RUSSIA"
EDITORIAL, The Washington Post
Washington, D.C., Saturday, September 11, 2004; Page A20
IN THE CHAOS and high emotion that invariably surround terrorist
attacks on civilians, the provision of reliable official information is
critical to the prevention of mass panic. During the horrific terrorist
occupation of a school in Beslan, southern Russia, last week, no such
information was available. The Russian government lied about how many
people were in the building, about the identities of the attackers and
about the nature of negotiations with them. The authorities also instituted
a virtual news blackout. There was no reporting of early, independent
attempts at negotiation. Indeed there was almost no reporting at all - and
the blackout may have contributed to the disastrous outcome. It now
appears that uninformed vigilantes armed with rifles started the shooting
that led to the storming of the building. That led to the deaths of hundreds
of children as well as Russian troops, some of whom were killed,
accidentally, by the vigilantes themselves.
The controls on the news were even heavier than anyone knew at the time.
The eminent war correspondent Anna Politkovskaya says she was given a
drug that knocked her out on the plane to southern Russia, after she used
her cell phone to try and get in touch with Chechen separatist leaders whom
she hoped would negotiate with the terrorists. Radio Liberty reporter
Andrei Babitsky, also known for his refusal to toe the authorities' line,
was arrested in Moscow and prevented from traveling to Beslan altogether.
The generally pro-establishment editor of the newspaper Izvestia, after
bravely producing some accurate coverage of the situation, was fired for
doing so. Government control of the media is no longer a matter of
television stations run by Kremlin proxies, and subtle pressure. These
are brutal, Soviet-era tactics, and it is stunning that so few outside
Russia have denounced them.
Their use bodes ill for Russians but carries even worse harbingers for the
people who live in the northern Caucasus, near Beslan. Because of the
delicate, Balkan-like relations among ethnic groups in the region -- and the
consequent potential for revenge attacks and further violence -- reliable
official information is going to matter even more in the coming weeks.
Rumors will need to be countered, passions may have to be calmed. But if no
one trusts the government, and no one believes the media, who can do so?
=======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.162: ARTICLE NUMBER TEN
=======================================================
10. "GENOCIDE"
LEAD EDITORIAL, The Washington Post
Washington, D.C., Sunday, September 12, 2004; Page B06
THE MORAL ORDER we inhabit fell into focus on Thursday, and it was
an awful moment. In an act without precedent since the U.N. Genocide
Convention was adopted in 1948, a government accused a sitting counter-
part of genocide -- a genocide, moreover, that even now is continuing. And
yet the accused government may not pay a price for committing this worst
of all humanitarian crimes, because there is a limit to how much powerful
nations care.
Secretary of State Colin L. Powell, who leveled the accusation of genocide
against Sudan's government, is to be commended for his honesty. During the
Rwandan genocide in 1994, the Clinton administration initially shrank from
using the word lest it compel a risky intervention. Mr. Powell, by contrast,
dispatched a team of expert investigators to interview Sudan's victims; they
were careful to collect only first-person accounts and to conduct a
sufficiently large survey on which to base a strong conclusion. Of 1,136
people interviewed, a third had heard racial epithets while being attacked,
and three-quarters had seen government insignia on the niforms of their
attackers. The culpability of Sudan's government, along with its racial
motive, seems beyond doubt. Aerial photographs of Darfur, the western
Sudanese territory that is the scene of the killing, show the selective
destruction of ethnic-African villages. Numerous reports from journalists
and human rights observers reinforce the verdict that the Arab-led
government has been waging a war of ethnic extermination.
And yet, having spoken the truth about Sudan's barbarity, Mr. Powell
offered little hope of ending it. "No new action is dictated by this
determination," he told a Senate hearing on Thursday; the administration
will continue to press other countries to press the United Nations to press
Sudan's government. The uncertainty of this strategy was immediately
apparent after Mr. Powell spoke. Brushing aside the evidence, France
and Germany declined to call the killings genocide. Pakistan, currently a
member of the U.N. Security Council, warned of the danger in terminating
engagement with Sudan's government. China, the leading foreign investor
in Sudan's burgeoning oil fields, said it might veto a tough Security
Council resolution.
Mr. Powell cannot be blamed for the cynicism of other powers, but he does
face a choice about how to respond to it. So far he has attempted to lead
from within the pack: The United States has drafted U.N. resolutions but has
been careful to word these gently in an effort to bring allies along; it has
supported negotiations between Sudan's government and Darfur's two rebel
groups, but it has mostly left the mediation to the Nigerian government. The
result is a draft U.N. resolution that is likely to be too weak to affect
Sudan's behavior and negotiations that have wasted time on misguided
proposals, for example, that the rebels agree to be confined within cantons
while ceding control of nearly all territory to the government.
The Bush administration should set its sights higher. As Mr. Powell told the
Senate on Thursday, the goal must be to get a large, neutral
civilian-protection force into Darfur, so that the continuing murders and
rapes can at last be ended. This will not happen unless Sudan's government
invites the force in; but the invitation must be squeezed out of the regime
by means of U.N. sanctions. Of course, China and its allies may attempt to
block this path. But do these countries really want to cast themselves as
abettors of genocide? Mr. Powell and President Bush must force them to
answer that question. (END)
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
FOOTNOTE: Genocide, anywhere it is found in the world, is of special
concern to Ukrainians as millions of Ukrainians were murdered in the
genocidal famine of 1932-1933 by Stalin and his government. Not one
country at the time called what was happening in Soviet Ukraine genocide
and not one country came to the aid of the Ukrainians who were being
murdered. (EDITOR)
========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.162: ARTICLE NUMBER ELEVEN
========================================================
11. MONUMENTS TO SARDINIAN, FRENCH, TURKISH, BRITISH
AND RUSSIAN WARRIORS IN CRIMEAN WAR WERE UNVEILED
SIMULTANEOUSLY IN SEVASTOPOL, CRIMEA, UKRAINE
Black Sea TV, Simferopol, Ukraine, in Russian, 10 Sep 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Friday, Sep 10, 2004
SEVASTOPOL - [Presenter] Five monuments were simultaneously unveiled
in Sevastopol today [10 September]. These are monuments to Sardinian,
French, Turkish, British and Russian warriors who died in Sevastopol during
the Crimean War. Britain's Prince Michael of Kent arrived in Sevastopol to
attend the ceremonies marking the 150th anniversary of the beginning of the
Crimean war.
[Correspondent] Those who love history will remember Friday, 10 Sep-
tember 2004, for a long time. On that day five monuments to warriors of
different nationalities who died 150 years ago in Sevastopol were unveiled
practically simultaneously. A six-metre obelisk made of white marble was
erected on the site of a Turkish military cemetery. Turkey did not finance
its construction, but provided the material.
Turkish Naval Forces Commander Admiral Ozden Ornek attended the
ceremony to unveil the monument. Britain did not provide funds to
immortalize the memory of its soldiers either. The tetrahedral granodiorite
stele was erected using the Ukrainian government's money. Nonetheless,
a representative of the British royal family, Prince Michael of Kent,
attended the commemorative ceremony.
[Prince Michael of Kent, speaking in Russian] Even though the horrible
events of that conflict happened many years ago, and generations changed
since that time, the suffering of all those who took part in the war remain
in our hearts and our minds up to this day.
[Correspondent] According to the British, today they remember and honour
the Eastern Campaign [another name for the Crimean war] in Great Britain.
They consider it to be the last war of gentlemen. Every family of peers and
lords knows and remembers the bloody attack of the light cavalry brigade
during the battle of Balaklava. In the attack, the best part of the British
nobility died from Russian bullets. In Britain, they still honour the heroic
deeds of their ancestors.
[First Sea Lord Sir Alan West, in English, with Russian translation
superimposed] My great-great-grandfather was a gunnery officer on the
battleship Agamemnon. He died there.
[Correspondent] The Stone of Reconciliation [monument] united the
descendants of those who died and those who survived in that war. The
monument was erected in the Balaklava valley 10 years ago. Today, official
representatives from all countries who took part in the Crimean war met
there. [Video shows the ceremony, the monuments, Prince Michael of Kent
and Lord Alan West speaking] (END)
========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.162: ARTICLE NUMBER TWELVE
========================================================
12. CRIMEAN WAR: LIGHT BRIGADE LESSONS
War was about curbing the power of Russia
The rest of the world still does not know what to do about Russia
The Guardian, London, UK, Saturday, Sep 11, 2004
If it had not been for two remarkable people - Lord Tennyson, who wrote a
timeless poem about it, and Florence Nightingale, who became a national icon
as a result of it - the Crimean war would nowadays be an even more distant
and forgotten conflict than it is. Though thousands of British troops died
in the Crimea, they are rarely commemorated on our war memorials.
Relatively few inhabitants of the Alma Roads and Sebastopol Terraces that
dot our cities know why their streets bear the Crimean names they do. Yet
the conflict in the Crimea, which started 150 years ago this week, is in
many respects the first modern war, full of resonances and lessons for the
21st century.
The Crimean war was a terrible conflict. At least half a million people died
in it, the majority of them Russian, at least 100,000 of them French, and
around 60,000 from this country. Britain had never shipped such a large
force to fight a war in such a distant land, but it was the shape of things
to come. Two thirds of the casualties in the Crimea were from unexpected
disease and hardship, not from battle.
This had one immediate and two lasting consequences: the immediate
consequence was the fall of the prime minister, Lord Aberdeen, who had
taken the country to war; the lasting ones were, first, the revolutionising
of field hospitals and army medical support and, second, the constraining
role of the war correspondent. Every post-Crimean war journalist, embedded
or otherwise, is following in the steps of the legendary WH Russell of the
Times.
The Crimean war perplexed posterity. What was it about? British historians
subsequently persuaded themselves that it was about the "eastern question"
and preserving the route to India. In reality it was more about curbing the
power of Russia, whose military position in Europe did not recover from its
Crimean defeat until 1945.
Yesterday's international ceremonies of reconciliation in Sebastopol took
place in a country, Ukraine, that did not even exist in 1854. But the rest
of the world still does not know what to do about Russia. (END)
========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.162: ARTICLE NUMBER THIRTEEN
========================================================
13. ST MIKHAIL FRESCOS SAVED FROM SOVIET DESTROYED
CATHEDRAL TAKEN BY GERMANS NOW RETURNED TO KYIV
Eighteen pieces now returned out of twenty-nine that were stolen
ICTV, Kyiv, Ukraine, Saturday, September 11 2004
KYIV - Ancient relics have returned to Kyiv after 60 years of wandering, as
the priceless fresco paintings from the St. Mikhail Cathedral were
repatriated from the Hermitage. The frescos are almost 1,000 years old.
Priests and believers managed to save some of them when Soviet officials
destroyed the cathedral.
They were stored in the Sofia Cathedral. Nazi Germans took the frescos to
Germany, and after the war Americans found them and sent them to the Soviet
Union. They went to Novgorod, Leningrad and Moscow, and some were stolen.
Nine years ago Kyiv scientists started looking at the possibility of having
the paintings returned to Ukraine. They had to comb through thousand of
papers in archives in order to confirm Ukraine's rights to the masterpieces.
Russians did all they could to block the return of the frescos.
"Debates over identifying the frescos were heated," said Sergey Kot, a
researcher at the Ukrainian History Institute. Russian experts did not agree
that the fresco paintings initially were taken from Kyiv."
At last, Russia confirmed Ukraine's rights and returned seven frescos to
Kyiv in 2001, and 11 more now. Experts are sure that at least 29 pieces were
stolen, so it is necessary to find and return the items. Kyiv residents
soon will have a chance to view the sacred paintings, which have sustained a
long and hard road home. (END)
========================================================
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PUBLISHER AND EDITOR
Mr. E. Morgan Williams, Executive Director, Ukrainian Federation of America
(UFA); Coordinator, The Action Ukraine Coalition (AUC);
Senior Advisor, Government Relations, U.S.-Ukraine Foundation (USUF);
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"POWER TENDS TO CORRUPT,
ABSOLUTE POWER CORRUPTS ABSOLUTELY"
An observation that a person's sense of morality lessens as his or
her power increases. The statement was made by Lord Acton, British
historian of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
True then, true today, true always.
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THE ACTION UKRAINE COALITION
"Working to Secure Ukraine's Future"
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