"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT"
An International Newsletter
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis, and Commentary
"The Art of Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World"
"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT" Year 04, Number 179
The Action Ukraine Coalition (AUC), Washington, D.C.
Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA), Huntingdon Valley, PA
morganw@patriot.net, ArtUkraine.com@starpower.net (ARTUIS)
Washington, D.C.; Kyiv, Ukraine, SUNDAY, October 3, 2004
-----INDEX OF ARTICLES-----
"Major International News Headlines and Articles"
1. UKRAINE NOT MEETING ITS COMMITMENTS ON FAIR AND
TRANSPARENT ELECTIONS ACCORDING TO U.S. AMBASSADOR
Institute of Mass Information (IMI), Kyiv, Ukraine, Fri, October 1, 2004
2. EU URGES UKRAINE TO ENSURE EQUAL ACCESS TO MASS
MEDIA FOR PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Wed, September 29, 2004
3. PARLIAMENT CHAIRMAN LYTVYN CONSIDERS PRE-ELECTION
CAMPAIGN IS DISGRACING UKRAINE IN FRONT OF THE
INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, October 1, 2004
4. YANUKOVYCH'S REPRESENTATIVE SAYS EVALUATION OF
UKRAINIAN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION BY PACE RAPPORTEURS
SEVERINSEN AND WOHLWEND IS BIASED
Are acting in the interest of the opposition
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, September 30, 2004
5. "THOUGHTS: THE PRESIDENTIAL DEBATES AND WHAT HAS
NOT BEEN ACCOMPLISHED"
What is the Ukrainian diaspora's foreign policy input?
COMMENTARY: by Oksana Bashuk Hepburn, Canada
The Action Ukraine Report, Washington, D.C., Sun, October 2, 2004
6. "UKRAINE'S FUTURE ON THE LINE"
Deals between Ukraine's Leonid Kuchma and Russia's Vladimir Putin
Jane's Intelligence Digest (JID), UK, Friday, October 1, 2004
7. YANUKOVYCH TO INTRODUCE DUAL CITIZENSHIP IF
ELECTED PRESIDENT HE SAYS AT MEETING IN ISRAEL
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Wed, September 29, 2004
8. "THE TURNING POINT -- UKRAINIAN ELECTIONS:
UKRAINE, RUSSIA, THE U.S. AND WEST, AND DIASPORA"
KEYNOTE REMARKS: by Orest Deychakiwsky
Staff Advisor, U.S. Helsinki Commission, Washington, D.C.
Ukrainian American Bar Association (UABA) and
Ukrainian Medical Association of North America (UMANA)
Miami, Florida, Saturday, September 25, 2004
9. "EYEWITNESS ACCOUNTS: UKRAINIAN FAMINE-GENOCIDE"
LECTURE BY REV. DR. YURII MYTSYK: TUESDAY, OCTOBER 5
The Ukrainian Canadian Research and Documentation Centre
and Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies,
Office in Toronto, Ontario, Canada, Saturday, October 2, 2004
10. UKRAINIAN OFFICIALS INCREASINGLY DENOUNCE
OPPOSITION AS "EXTREMISTS" AND "TERRORISTS"
By Taras Kuzio, Eurasia Daily Monitor
Volume 1, Issue 96, The Jamestown Foundation
Washington, D.C., Thursday, September 30, 2004
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.179: ARTICLE NUMBER ONE
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1. UKRAINE NOT MEETING ITS COMMITMENTS ON FAIR AND
TRANSPARENT ELECTIONS ACCORDING TO U.S. AMBASSADOR
Institute of Mass Information (IMI), Kyiv, Ukraine, Fri, October 1, 2004
KYIV - There are a number of important infringements at the course of the
election campaign in Ukraine, especially the using of the state resource,
the pressure onto candidates, and onto mass media and the manipulation of
information at some mass media outlets that belong to the oligarchs, - once
more reiterated US Ambassador, John Herbst.
USA does not see that Ukraine is meeting its commitments as to conducting
fair and transparent elections, told John Herbst, US Ambassador in Ukraine.
This statement was made at the round table discussion "Presidential
elections =development + image". John Herbst said also Washington is
expecting that the voting in Ukraine would be held in a honest way. That is
very important the engagements Ukrainian leadership had made would be
achieved. But till now we do not see the commitments are met as to the way
of the campaigning, he said.
J. Herbst said he was surprised by these sort of statements about influence
from USA or Canada onto election campaign. "All that want Ukrainian people
chose its president without any pressure from the exterior". These elections
are clue for the development of the state not only in a domestic sense, but
at a world level, it is clue element for stability in Europe and beyond its
limits too, he added. (http://eng.imi.org.ua/?id=read&n=1289&yy=2004)
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.179: ARTICLE NUMBER TWO
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2. EU URGES UKRAINE TO ENSURE EQUAL ACCESS TO MASS
MEDIA FOR PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Wed, September 29, 2004
KYIV - The European Union is urging the Ukrainian leadership to ensure
equal access to the mass media for all presidential candidates, and also to
guarantee the independence and freedom of the mass media themselves.
This is mentioned in a statement issued by the Dutch EU Presidency, the
text of which Ukrainian News has obtained.
"The EU appeals to the Ukrainian leadership to ensure all necessary
conditions for holding free and fair presidential elections...This implies
equal and impartial access to the mass media...unbiased coverage of
candidate's positions in the media, in particular...by the nation-wide TV
channels," it is mentioned in the statement.
The EU is particularly urging the Ukrainian authorities to forego
interference in the activity of the mass media. "... The absence of any
interference from the authorities, including by sending instructions or
indications to the media (so-called temnyky)," it is mentioned in the
statement.
The European Union also urges the authorities to stop pressuring the
mass media. "... The absence of registration and licensing procedures
according to political criteria, as well as the cessation to cut-offs for
private television channels due to 'technical reasons'..." it is mentioned
in the statement. Besides the existing EU member countries, the statement
was also signed by Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey, Croatia, Albania, Bosnia
and Herzegovina, Serbia and Montenegro, Iceland, Liechtenstein and
Norway.
As Ukrainian News reported previously, the EU also called on the Ukrainian
authorities to enable domestic observers, including non-partisan observers,
to monitor the Ukrainian presidential elections. The co-rapporteur of the
Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe and the American social
organization Freedom House had also criticized the use of 'temnyky' by the
Ukrainian authorities. -30-
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.179: ARTICLE NUMBER THREE
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3. PARLIAMENT CHAIRMAN LYTVYN CONSIDERS PRE-ELECTION
CAMPAIGN IS DISGRACING UKRAINE IN FRONT OF THE
INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, October 1, 2004
KYIV - Verkhovna Rada Chairman Volodymyr Lytvyn considers that the
current pre-election presidential campaign is disgracing Ukraine in front of
the international community. Lytvyn made the statement to journalists in the
Cherkasy region.
"Ukraine today has been degraded by the course of the pre-election cam-
paign. If [one] were to take and read even in the abstracted form what
[they] are writing about Ukraine in this period, [one] becomes sadden and
shame for our state," he said.
In Lytvyn's words, the future president will have to at first spend time
proving to the international community that Ukraine is a civilized state.
"And instead of working over a solution to great tasks, he will be forced to
deal with once again stitching together the basic structure of the state,"
said Lytvyn. Lytvyn called on presidential candidates to concentrate on the
need to maintain a positive image of Ukraine.
"There is a need to draw conclusions from this that life does not end with
the elections and to return the image, and deal with the stitching together
and cementing of our state," he said. As Ukrainian News earlier reported, as
a result of several visits of the co-rapporteurs of the Monitoring Committee
of the Parliamentary Assembly of Europe, Hanne Severinsen and Renat
Wohlwend, the assembly expressed concern over the fact that Ukraine is
ignoring the calls of the PACE concerning the holding of democratic
presidential elections.
The United States Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe
(Helsinki Commission) stated that there were violations in the course of the
pre-election presidential campaign in Ukraine. Campaigning in this year's
presidential elections in Ukraine started on July 3, and the elections are
planned for October 31. -30-
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.179: ARTICLE NUMBER FOUR
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4. YANUKOVYCH'S REPRESENTATIVE SAYS EVALUATION OF
UKRAINIAN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION BY PACE RAPPORTEURS
SEVERINSEN AND WOHLWEND IS BIASED
Are acting in the interest of the opposition
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, September 30, 2004
KYIV - Parliamentary Deputy Stepan Havrysh, who is presidential candidate
and Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych's authorized representative in the
Central Electoral Commission, has expressed the belief that the evaluations
of the Ukrainian presidential elections by the rapporteurs of the
Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe's Monitoring Committee,
Hanne Severinsen and Renate Wohlwend, are biased. Havrysh expressed
this belief to journalists.
According to Havrysh, the evaluations of the presidential elections by
Severinsen and Wohlwend are humiliating to Ukraine. Havrysh further said
that Severinsen and Wohlwend were acting in the interest of the opposition.
"...They have since become the instrument of a specific political force,"
Havrysh said.
He added that Severinsen's and Wohlwend's evaluations of the Ukrainian
authorities' actions during the presidential elections largely correspond to
the evaluations of the other Western politicians who have visited Ukraine.
In particular, Havrysh cited former United States president George H.
Bush's evaluation of the situation in Ukraine as an example.
As Ukrainian News earlier reported, Parliament Speaker Volodymyr
Lytvyn, Severinsen, and Wohlwend discussed this year's Ukrainian
presidential elections in June. The presidential elections will be held on
October 31. -30-
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.179: ARTICLE NUMBER FIVE
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5. "THOUGHTS: THE PRESIDENTIAL DEBATES AND WHAT HAS
NOT BEEN ACCOMPLISHED"
What is the Ukrainian diaspora's foreign policy input?
COMMENTARY: by Oksana Bashuk Hepburn, Canada
The Action Ukraine Report, Washington, D.C., Sun, October 2, 2004
Listening to the Kerry/Bush foreign policy debates has made me do some
thinking about Ukrainian diaspora foreign policy input.
The Presidential candidate Kerry makes a blunder in mixing up Treblinka
prison with Lubyanka, as Stefan Lemieszewski pointed out on the internet.
And the President cozies-up to "Vladimir" in fighting terrorism as if they
both were into observing little league baseball, with a facial expression
that sends chills through the heart while bloodied childrens' limbs fly
around the world.
Neither convinced that there is a foreign policy vis' a vis Russia that will
help US to promote democracy and contain ongoing Russian imperialist
tendencies world. or for that matter, end global terrorism real soon. Watch
Putin capitalize on this even further in Chechnya and keep making trouble
for the US wherever he can. But that's another subject.
The debate begs a question: who from the US Ukrainian diaspora is talking to
the movers and shakers in Washington-- Paula Dobrijansky's et al (??) in an
attempt to influence this global power's foreign policy? If we're NOT there
pushing for what we believe should be the US policy regarding Ukraine,
someone else is for sure, with results that might favour the Kremlin, the
oligarchs--Khodorkovsky notwithstanding- rather than Ukraine's people.
It's one thing to invite candidates to rallies and politicians to community
events. This is nice, especially for the politicians when they are on the
campaign trail. It is NOT the same, however, as making policy--and hard
nosed policy at that. We have had statements around Ukraine's presidential
elections but it's a far cry from having been America's major priority that
Ukraine was some 13 years ago.
Closer to home, in Canada, the UCC [Ukrainian Canadian Congress] has
put out a Briefing Document on Canada Ukraine relations--please ask them
what that means; I certainly know what it means in a government context and
what has been issued to the general public neither briefs the community is
not quite what it calls itself.
One of it's biggest achievement, according to the paper, is sending
elections observers to Ukraine. Take note that these are short term
observers staying a matter of days rather than weeks or months. Which
means that by the time they get over the jetlag, arrive at their designated
areas--some as far as Zakarpattya or Kerch, a day's travel from Kyiv--
find the polling station and begin differentiating between voters,
scrutineers, media, etc., their effectiveness will be somewhat curtailed.
And they have to pay their own way for this good deed. Am I saying
they should not be there? Not at all; here's my point.
Canada has sent some 13 long-term observers to work under the OSCE
auspices for an approximate 3 months duration. Among these is only one
Ukrainian name, perhaps two. Why were credible Ukrainian Canadian
candidates with political science credentials and former elections
monitoring experience bypassed? Who is making these decisions and
where was the UCC insisting on having more from our community in the mix?
To my mind the UCC "briefing" to the Foreign Affairs Minister should have
been just that: brief, forceful and to the point. UCC should have insisted
that qualified members of our community should have dominated the group
monitoring Ukraine's elections at the official country level; not as an
add-on, at their expense. In Canada's dealing with Ukraine we need to be
in the front lines, be heard, and we need to insist that our views are taken
into account. That is formulating and influencing policy and deliverables;
everything else is a photo op and smoke and mirrors without any longer
term consequences.
We're too smart to be fooled by such shenanigans in Canada's main stream
politics and we mustn't put up with this nonsense any longer in our own
community. Going to Ukraine's elections as long term observers and
developing a Canada Ukraine policy strategy falls into the category of being
credible players in the political game in Ottawa; and having influence. The
UCC election observer mission to Ukraine is ok, but its not that. It's a
placebo.
And regrettably, in the same vain, the UCC Briefing paper is not much of
a foreign policy input either. It's a document put out to placate the UCC
Congress attendees: look what we've accomplished. Smoke and mirrors
once again as it has been for the last six years. While foreign policy
reviews were taking place in Ottawa, UCC was most noticeable by its
silence.
But there is hope. The Canadian government is undergoing another a major
foreign policy review. It's mandatory that UCC have a thought-out input.
The new UCC president cannot be allowed to lead by silence; and we must
be ever vigilant and speak out on matters that concern us. -30-
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Oksana Bashuk Hepburn is President of Ukraine-Canada Relations
Inc. (U-CAN) and Past National President of the Ukrainan Canadian
Professional Business Federation (UCPBF).
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.179: ARTICLE NUMBER SIX
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6. "UKRAINE'S FUTURE ON THE LINE"
Deals between Ukraine's Leonid Kuchma and Russia's Vladimir Putin
Jane's Intelligence Digest (JID), UK, Friday, October 1, 2004
Ukrainian authorities continue to deny plans to withdraw the Ukrainian navy
from the Crimean port of Sevastopol, thereby leaving it fully in the hands
of Russia's Black Sea Fleet (BSF). In reality, JID has learned that outgoing
President Leonid Kuchma has agreed to this as part of a deal with Russian
President Vladimir Putin, whereby Ukraine will pull out of the port in
return for
Putin's agreement to back Kuchma's chosen successor, Prime Minister Viktor
Yanukovych, after Kuchma leaves office following presidential elections
scheduled for 31 October.
During the Russian-Ukrainian summit in Sochi in August, Putin agreed to
remove VAT on the export of oil to Ukraine. This means that Ukrainian petrol
will cost 16 per cent less, representing a cost to the Russian budget of
$800 million. The move was clearly intended as a gesture of support for
Yanukovych's presidential candidacy and its announcement comes at the same
time as his government has promised voters large student grants, as well as
salary and pension increases.
Yanukovych has claimed that the removal of VAT would pave the way to a
Russian-Ukrainian free trade zone in 2005, something that Kuchma has sought
since 1994. The premier also stated that Ukraine and Russia will now only
join the World Trade Organisation (WTO) together after the bilateral free
trade zone has been created.
These steps are a strategic victory for Russia. Putin has always argued that
states from the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) should co-
ordinate their approach to entering the WTO and other international
organisations.
Control of Sevastopol is now at the top of the Kremlin's agenda. In 1997
Ukraine and Russia signed a 20-year basing agreement dividing the former
Soviet Black Sea Fleet and leasing four bays to Russia in Sevastopol
(Sevastopolska, Pivdenna, Karantynna and Kozachya), while allowing the
Ukrainian navy to use only one (Striletska). The Striletska bay cannot
accommodate large vessels, meaning the Ukrainian frigate Hetman
Sahaydachnyi, the command ship Slavutych and the frigate Sevastopol are
based at the Sevastopolska bay, one of the four leased by Russia.
Ukraine agreed to withdraw its navy from Sevastopol after one of the many
summits held between Kuchma and Putin. It was regarded by the Ukrainian
opposition as yet another step in the direction of accommodating Russia's
strategic interests.
These leaks come on the back of Russian Defence Minister Sergey Ivanov's
recent statement that the Russian fleet would remain in Sevastopol after the
end of the 20-year lease in 2017. Even though a new Russian naval base will
by then have been built in Novorossiysk in the northern Caucasus, it has
become clear that Moscow is determined to remain in full control at
Sevastopol.
Meanwhile, the first deputy commander of the Ukrainian navy, Ihor Kabanenko,
denied reports that the Ukrainian navy was being withdrawn from Sevastopol.
However, not long thereafter, Ukrainian naval and military spokesmen were
forced to admit that some vessels would be withdrawn to the Pivdenne naval
base in Donuzlav in the western Crimea. The need for this was explained as
part of the re-organisation of the Ukrainian navy into brigade formation,
meaning there would be insufficient space in Sevastopol for all the vessels.
The withdrawal of these vessels to Donuzlav would amount to a third of
Ukraine's navy being moved away from Sevastopol: 10 out of the 30 ships
under Kiev's control. However, JID's reliable sources reveal that this is
merely the first phase of a withdrawal of all Ukraine's naval vessels from
Sevastopol.
Ukraine's marine protection vessels were withdrawn in August to Donuzlav.
Other plans, as outlined in the Ministry of Defence's Strategic Defense
Bulletin (which details military reforms), include the re-location of the
naval staff and command from Sevastopol to Kiev.
Now that the Ukraine's military doctrine has dropped mention of Ukraine
seeking NATO membership, it is unclear why Ukraine's armed forces have
to be so radically downsized. This takes place at a time when the Russian
Black Sea Fleet is being rapidly built up under Putin's leadership. At
present, the Ukrainian navy is in desperate straits. Its newest vessel was
procured 10 years ago.
The deal over Sevastopol is not the only sweetener Kuchma has offered the
Kremlin. He has also reversed the oil flow in the Odessa-Brody pipeline in
order to carry Russian oil rather than Azeri oil, transported via Ukraine to
Poland.
Ukraine is also heavily involved in institutionalising the CIS Common
Economic Space. After the Sochi summit, Putin declared: "We have cleared
a very important hurdle on our way to establishing the Common Economic
Space. If we go along this route more actively, nobody will suffer any
losses." This suggests that Russia's economic and political influence in
Ukraine is set to expand at the expense of the West.
The major challenge to Putin's strategy for regaining effective control over
Ukraine's economy is likely to be the outcome of the presidential election.
Defeat for Yanukovych might yet derail the Kremlin's plans. His main rival,
pro-Western reformer Viktor Yushchenko, is unlikely to allow the Russians
a free hand in Sevastopol, nor accept Moscow's mounting influence over
Ukraine's economy or foreign policy objectives such as NATO membership.
The forthcoming poll will also decide Ukraine's future independence. -30-
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.179: ARTICLE NUMBER SEVEN
There have now been 179 Action Ukraine Report for year 2004.
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7. YANUKOVYCH TO INTRODUCE DUAL CITIZENSHIP IF
ELECTED PRESIDENT HE SAYS AT MEETING IN ISRAEL
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, September 29, 2004
KYIV - Ukrainian presidential candidate, Prime Minister Viktor
Yanukovych intends to introduce dual citizenship if he is elected the
President. He announced this intention during his meeting with the
Ukrainian diaspora in Israel last night.
"One more question is dual citizenship. As a candidate I included this issue
into my program, and will fight for the introduction of dual citizenship in
Ukraine," Yanukovych said. He added that this question has a long story
and many uncertainties.
Yanukovych noted that the Ukrainian citizens who go to work abroad and
do not give up Ukrainian nationality are subject to discrimination and lose
incomes.
The diaspora met this statement with applauds. Yanukovych also said it is
possible to pay Ukrainian pensions to the citizens who earlier lived in
Ukraine. He also called for liberalization of visa regulations, saying that
he was planning to introduce it stage-by-stage.
As Ukrainian News earlier reported, Yanukovych departed on Tuesday
morning for a two-day working visit to Israel to meet with that country's
authorities.
During his meetings with Israeli President Moshe Katsav and Deputy Prime
Minister, Foreign Minister Silvan Shalom, Yanukovych discussed, among
other things, the issues of dual citizenship and payment of pensions to
immigrants from Ukraine.
On Tuesday, MP Mykola Tomenko, who is an authorized representative
of presidential candidate, leader of the Our Ukraine coalition Viktor
Yuschenko, called on Yanukovych to explain his statement about a possible
introduction of dual citizenship for the citizens of Ukraine and Russia,
which according Russian media he made while meeting with Russian media
tycoons where Ukrainian journalists were not invited. The Central Elections
Commission registered Yanukovych as a presidential candidate on July 6.
Campaigning in the presidential election started on July 3. The presidential
election will be held on October 31. -30-
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 179: ARTICLE NUMBER EIGHT
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8. "THE TURNING POINT -- UKRAINIAN ELECTIONS:
UKRAINE, RUSSIA, THE U.S. AND WEST, AND DIASPORA"
KEYNOTE REMARKS: by Orest Deychakiwsky
Staff Advisor, U.S. Helsinki Commission, Washington, D.C.
Ukrainian American Bar Association (UABA) and
Ukrainian Medical Association of North America (UMANA)
Miami, Florida, Saturday, September 25, 2004
Thank you for the honor of inviting me to speak to the UABA and UMANA,
two of among the most respected organizations in the Ukrainian-American
community. I have had the pleasure of working with some of you and others
in your organizations in various capacities over the years, including when I
was President of TWG, and it's good to see old friends. And UMANA was
an organization I feel that I literally grew up with, as my late father, Dr.
Mykola Deychakiwsky, was very active in UMANA, and for a long time
served as either President or Secretary of the Ohio Chapter.
THE CHOICE IS CLEAR
A number of analysts have stated that this is the most important year since
Ukraine became independent 13 years ago - specifically referring to the
October 31 (and, the very likely runoff three weeks later) November
presidential elections. Now you often hear that every election is
important, but this one truly is -- the stakes are high.
This election will determine Ukraine's future for years to come -- not only
with respect to who emerges as leader, but also because the election process
itself - how the election and election campaign is being conducted - sends
powerful signals as to Ukraine's commitment to democracy.
This election represents the first time since independence that a democratic
opposition candidate has a chance of winning and replacing the old order -
provided, of course, that the elections are free and fair. Opinion polls
in Ukraine have long signaled danger to Kuchma and the oligarch clans
supporting him.
With Our Ukraine leader Yushchenko's popularity growing (he's currently
the preference of around 40 percent of the electorate, which is very high
by Ukrainian standards), next month's election looks like it could result in
Kuchma supporters losing the reins over the presidency and the power
and assets that go with it.
The choice between the two candidates is clear. Yushchenko's vision is that
of a Ukraine founded on democratic European values, which will enable each
citizen to realize their socio-economic potential in a country governed by
the rule of law. On the other hand, Prime Minister Yanukovich essentially
wants to maintain the status-quo of preserving the current system of a
regime ruling over competing financial-industrial groups (i.e. oligarchs)
and corrupt government bureaucrats implementing unpopular policies with
little respect for individual liberties and basic human rights.
Given the status quo, it's no accident that 80 percent of Ukrainians believe
that Ukraine is heading in the wrong direction and two-thirds think
elections will be falsified. Trust in state institutions is at an all-time
low.
The regime appears to be putting considerable efforts to ensure the
election does not become a choice between democracy and oligarch
capitalism.
TROUBLING ASPECTS IN PRE-ELECTION ENVIRONMENT
There are many deeply troubling aspects in Ukraine's pre-election
environment - one need only recall the local Mukachiv elections of last
spring, which give new meaning to the term bad elections. But it goes
beyond Mukachiv. It's the closing of Radio Liberty and independent TV
outlets; attempts to shut down independent Ukrainian newspapers; temniki
(secret instructions to media from presidential administration about what to
or not to cover and how to cover it); pro-government domination of the
broadcast media; it's the Volia cable media company, which broadcasts the
objective, independent Channel 5 being disconnected in various regions and
its managers being arrested; it's sudden tax inspections; illegal searches
of opposition candidates office; disruptions or interference of Yushchenko's
meetings with voters; use of state resources to assist the Yanukovich
campaign; forcing workers to sign petitions of support or forcing them to
join rallies for Yanukovich; orders to local administrations to intimidate
people working on Yushchenko's campaign; the illegal video and taping of
Yushchenko's private life by interior ministry officials, an alleged
assassination attempt against Yushchenko involving a Kamaz truck (which
seem to be involved in a disproportionate number of suspicious "accidents"
in Ukraine), and, not least, the recent poisoning of Yushchenko.
OTHER "DIRTY TRICKS"
This is in addition to all sorts of other "dirty tricks" against Yushchenko,
including falsely portraying him and those close to him as extremist
nationalists and fascists in order to weaken him in eastern Ukraine - a
cheap attempt to divide, rather than unite, Ukraine. Moreover, there are
concerns about the ability of courts and electoral commissions to adjudicate
and resolve election law violations, and the heavy pro-Yanukovich
distribution of leadership posts on territorial and precinct election
commissions. And this is by no means a complete list of problem areas.
In short, the powers-that-be are working hard to stack the deck.
These election issues are part of a larger context of problems with the
media, human rights and civil society in Ukraine. The Freedom House
Nations in Transit publication annually surveys all 27 post-communist
states. Since the evaluations began in 1997, Ukraine's scores for electoral
process, independent media, governance, constitutional-legislative-
judicial framework, and corruption have all dropped. This reflects a
basic consensus by Western governments, media, think-tanks, as well
as by objective Ukrainian entities.
NOT ALL BLACK AND WHITE
But Ukraine is a complex entity, and not all is black and white. The
Ukrainian political system does have positive features. And everyone
recognizes that countries don't overcome the stifling, brutal legacies of
Soviet communist domination overnight. But what. What has been troubling
a bout Ukraine is the backsliding, the movement in the wrong direction.
First, Ukraine has its independence. The fact of independence is an
astounding historical achievement, and something many here - in one capacity
or another -- our parents, grandparents, relatives, friends actively
struggled for and some paid the ultimate sacrifice for. And, even with all
its serious flaws, independent Ukraine is preferable to Soviet Ukraine,
especially in terms of fundamental human rights and freedoms. The problem
is in the quality of Ukraine's independence.
So, in the good news category, but even this good news has caveats: The
economy (GDP) has been improving in the last few years - starting when
Yushchenko was Prime Minister -- following the dramatic decline of the
1990's. This is positive and encouraging. On the other hand, you have
Yanukovich and the other powers-that-be, instead of taking advantage of
this upturn to implement long overdue reforms in various sector or reduce
state bureaucracy, they've been very active in the last few months in
reaching back-room deals. During first six months of this year, for
example, more tenders have been awarded to the lowest bidder than during
the entire previous decade of state privatization.
I will quote from a recent Our Ukraine publication, because I think it sums
up the problem accurately: "Yanukovich's tenure in office has given a
clear definition to Ukraine's contemporary oligarch capitalist. Instead of
maximizing privatization proceeds and budget revenues to finance essential
state services and help the most needy, Yanukovich has developed a closed
circle whereby state assets are given to a small group of oligarchs who
enjoy significant tax privileges, returning little to the state budget for
public use."
There are some bright spots in Ukraine's democracy and human rights record.
Two important ones since independence have been in the area of respect for
national minorities and religious liberties. This is something that the
international community has recognized and went a ways in giving Ukraine a
positive initial reputation in the 1990's.
Unfortunately, this positive record has been seriously tainted for reasons
that anyone who follows Ukraine is at least broadly familiar with:
pervasive, debilitating corruption, including at the highest levels,
manipulation of elections, violence against the political opposition, the
murder of journalists, including the Gongadze case, which has become the
poster child with what's wrong with Ukraine, and the now four-year, high-
level cover-up, a cover-up that gives new meaning to the term contempt for
the rule of law. Sadly, the scandals of the Kuchma Administration make
Watergate look like child's play. Importantly, and thankfully, Ukraine has
some countervailing influences to the ruling regime.
DEMOCRATICALLY ORIENTED POLITICAL OPPOSITION
It does have an, active, democratically oriented political opposition and a
growing civil society - something missing in most of the other former Soviet
states, including Russia, where the political opposition is being
emasculated thanks to Putin's growing authoritarianism.
Indeed, the fact of genuine political opposition in Ukraine is one reason
why the current election campaign battle is so intense. The "vlada" fears
that, even with all of its cheating and machinations, Yushchenko might still
win.
Ukraine also has a real parliament, with a real opposition which does not
always do the president's or government's bidding. Indeed, just two weeks
ago, the pro-government parliamentary majority fell apart, something which
may seriously impair Yanukovich's election bid. And, to its credit, the
Rada passed resolutions calling for monitoring of the elections and, most
recently, creating an ad-hoc committee to investigate the poisoning of
Yushchenko.
This, too, contrasts sharply with Russia and Belarus where their parliaments
and civil society are much more constrained. (Although I hasten to add that
just because Russia, or Belarus, is worse, does not mean that what's going
on in Ukraine is by any means acceptable, or excusable, especially given
Ukraine's oft-repeated desire to join Europe.)
THE RUSSIA FACTOR:
Russian elites, not surprisingly, would prefer Yanukovich -and not only
because Yushchenko is perceived as being a Ukrainian nationalist and is
pro-Western. A substantial portion of Russian elites have never come to
terms with Ukraine's independence and would like to recover great power
status, hence, look askance, to put it mildly, at the eastward expansion of
NATO and the EU. Moreover, Russia considers that control of the gas and
oil pipelines through Ukraine is required for maintaining substantial
Russian control of the shipment of gas and oil from the former Soviet Union
to Western Europe.
The Russian political leadership seems to believe that a Yushchenko victory
would lead Ukraine to turn westward and put an end to all of Russian efforts
to integrate Ukraine. But part of it also has less to do with grand politics
and a lot to do with cold, hard cash, specifically the shady energy sector.
Russian energy related capital has had a very close relationship with Kuchma
and his assorted governments and there have been a lot of schemes in which
some people have made a lot of money, which under Yushchenko would likely
disappear.
Many Russian businesses would prefer operating in the murky environment
of the current status quo. It's not accidental that you don't hear calls
for free and fair elections in Ukraine from Putin or that the controlled
Russian media is biased towards Yanukovich. This is not to say that the
Russians would completely trust Yanukovich, just as they don't completely
trust Kuchma, or that some, especially those who value more transparent
business arrangements, don't even favor Yushchenko.
THE U.S. AND WESTERN RESPONSE
Another issue is US and Western response and interest in the elections.
There is serious and persistent interest - in Congress, where a resolution
calling for democratic elections in Ukraine sponsored by Rep. Henry Hyde and
Chairman Rep. Chris Smith and Co-Chairman Sen. Ben Nighthorse Campbell
at the Helsinki Commission has recently passed the Senate and is about to
pass the House; numerous statements from just about everyone - the Helsinki
Commission, US government, Canada, European Union, OSCE Council of
Europe; a whole host of prominent public figures from the United States
visiting to deliver the "free and fair elections message" - former president
Bush, Armitage, Brzezinski, Albright, Soros, McCain, Lugar, Holbrooke,
Clark, as well as President Bush at the NATO Istanbul summit - but is even
all this enough? Are they listening? Unfortunately, there are serious
doubts. Would the situation be even worse if the international community
remained silent?
Also, the election observer issue will be an important one. The OSCE, which
takes the lead in election observation in Europe and the not-so-newly
independent states plans to send some 700 people, which is one of the
largest contingents ever, and there will probably be several thousand other
international observers. Yet, people are legitimately asking whether that's
enough. In fact, members of your organizations may want to become part of
elections observation efforts - either in Ukraine, or here, at Ukrainian
embassies or consulates.
As important, in my view, as international observers, especially the OSCE,
who are essentially the ones who put the imprimatur on the elections for the
world, are domestic observers - both political party and non-partisan
observers. If both international and domestic observers are out in full
force and are unimpeded, it might help to reduce cheating on voting day
and the vote count.
US POLICY TOWARDS UKRAINE
A brief observation about our own elections here and US policy towards
Ukraine, recognizing that one can give several speeches on this topic alone
(and recognizing that I may be threading on thin ice among some given the
charged atmosphere of own forthcoming elections here). As one who
worked with various Administrations on Ukrainian issues, I've reached the
conclusion that given the same set of negative developments - Gongadze case,
Kolchuga, corruption, attacks on media freedoms, lying to US about arms
sales to Macedonia, and, very importantly, the U.S.'s understandably
changing priorities in the post 9/11 world and the war on terror, a
Democratic (i.e. Gore) administration would have had generally the same
approach towards Ukraine as the Bush Administration.
The reality is that a significant determinant in U.S. policy towards Ukraine
is the behavior of the Ukrainian authorities themselves. Nevertheless,
there is fundamental consensus across party lines in this country when it
comes to supporting an independent, democratic, rule of law Ukraine.
Both prominent Republicans and Democrats, liberals and conservatives -
a steady stream of who have been traveling to Ukraine over the last few
months - have all been delivering the free and fair elections message,
because there is a strong understanding of the importance of these elections
to Ukraine's future.
Can more be done? Certainly. At the same time, our leverage is, frankly,
not unlimited. Engagement with Ukraine will continue no matter who wins
the elections - ours and theirs, although the quality of that engagement
will depend a lot on what happens in Ukraine and on external factors.
ROLE OF THE DIASPORA
The painful dilemma for the Ukrainian diaspora is that we are witnessing
a leadership of an independent Ukraine that is largely in different to the
fate of the Ukrainian people - although there are good people in all
branches of government trying to do the right thing under difficult
circumstances -- but all too many among those who run the country are
what I call patriots of their "ridna kyshenya" (patriots of their native
pockets).
Unfortunately, Russia at times has exploited this weakness, and most
assuredly will continue to do so if the status quo continues after the
elections.
Sometimes you hear that the opposition is not much better than the current
regime. I say nonsense! Yes, the democratic opposition isn't perfect, and
even if Yushchenko wins it will take time to turn things around. However,
the opposition leaders do have something profoundly lacking among many
in the current ruling regime - and that is, a moral and ethical core and
patriotism - and that means a hell of a lot!
DIASPORA EFFORTS
As for diaspora efforts, I'm a big believer that almost everything helps -
the valuable efforts of UABA and UMANA and others, efforts large, small,
individual, in the legal, health, cultural, educational, youth, women's,
charitable, and other fields. There are people in the diaspora - including
many of you - contributing knowledge, time, energy, and, very importantly,
financial resources -- because you are not indifferent!
Diaspora efforts also include supporting and joining efforts for Ukraine to
become a real democracy, a key component of which is free and fair
elections. Most Ukrainian Americans are not duped and recognize the
realities of the current regime. After all, just think of how far ahead
Ukraine would be in terms of foreign investment if you didn't have the
current status quo. Or, if there were a genuinely independent judiciary -
something now lacking in Ukraine by almost everyone's admission -- or police
that respect the human rights of average citizens - how much better would
things be for the Ukrainian people? Or imagine how far ahead Ukraine would
be in the highly problematic health care field if you had rule of law, less
corruption, and accountability by the authorities to the people?
HIV/AIDS: TRAFFICKING; WORKING ABROAD
Let's take HIV/AIDS - a very serious problem in Ukraine, as many of you
know better than I do. Or trafficking. I realize that these are
multifaceted and complex issues, but I challenge anyone to tell me why you
wouldn't have more progress combating these scourges under a Yushchenko
Administration versus a Yanukovich one.. Imagine what can be done if the
billions that were stolen by the oligarchs sitting off shore - if even a
fraction of that was being used effectively by authorities who cared about
their own people -- to help build Ukraine's health, legal, educational,
political
infrastructures?
Let's not forget that 5-7 million Ukrainians have been compelled to seek
work abroad in the last decade. The Ukrainian population has also shrunk
by 5 million, a demographic disaster similar to that of the 1933 famine or
World War II. I believe that a decade of irresponsible leadership bears at
least some responsibility for this sad state of affairs.
EVERY EXPRESSION OF CONCERN MATTERS
Therefore, I'm a believer that every expression of concern matters - whether
by the US government, the Helsinki Commission, OSCE, or, for that matter,
the diaspora. The alternative is to remain silent, which only gives the
regime the green light to act with impunity. The West continues to support
democracy and human rights in Ukraine, which not surprisingly, the
pwersvlada resents. But it's important to stress that Ukraine freely joined
the OSCE and other European institutions, and thereby is obligated to adhere
to its commitments. Nobody put a gun to their head and said do it. The
regime wants respect from the international community, they want to be part
of Europe, but they aren't always willing to make the choices to achieve
that noble goal.
INTEGRATED INTO THE EURO-ATLANTIC COMMUNITY
As we all know, Ukraine's independence was the predominant value, the
driving force, if you will, of the Ukrainian diaspora for many decades.
Hence, the understandable frustration about current Ukrainian realities.
But the best way to assure Ukraine's independence and freedom for its
people that so many sacrificed for, is for Ukraine to become integrated
into the Euro-Atlantic community.
This does not necessarily mean joining all of the institutions right away,
but becoming a European country in terms of shared values - and that
means respect for human rights, democracy, rule of law,
I am firmly convinced that when Ukraine genuinely subscribes to these values
and becomes a true member of the Euro-Atlantic community of nations, she
will never again have to worry about domination from any "evil empire."
RESTORE THE HUMAN DIGNITY OF THE UKRAINIAN PEOPLE
We can't forget that the struggle for Ukraine's independence is also the
struggle to restore the human dignity of the Ukrainian people.
The promotion of human rights, civil society, democratic development -
including free elections -- in Ukraine is the best way to not only encourage
the material and spiritual well-being of the people. It is ultimately the
most genuine assurance of Ukraine's independence!
Will Ukraine achieve these goals? Obviously, an important indicator will be
these elections. And it's hard to predict what will happen with confidence,
because the situation is still quite fluid, and the scenarios abound. But
even if they don't come out the right way, I'm an optimist and I believe
Ukraine is destined to succeed, if not in the short-term, than in the
long-term.
My optimism is based on seeing the courage of those in Ukraine struggling
for democratic change and on centuries of Ukrainian history, during which
the Ukrainian people have shown their indomitable spirit, that they will
always struggle for freedom and human dignity until it is at last truly
achieved. -30-
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FOOTNOTE: Some additional sub-headings were added editorially
to the article by The Action Ukraine Report.
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.179: ARTICLE NUMBER NINE
========================================================
9. "EYEWITNESS ACCOUNTS: THE UKRAINIAN FAMINE-GENOCIDE"
LECTURE BY REV. DR. YURII MYTSYK: TUESDAY, OCTOBER 5
The Ukrainian Canadian Research and Documentation Centre
and Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies,
Office in Toronto, Ontario, Canada, Saturday, October 2, 2004
INVITE TO THE LECTURE
"Eyewitness Accounts of the Ukrainian Famine-Genocide of 1932-33"
LECTURE: by Rev. Yurii, Mytsyk, in Ukrainian, Professor of History,
Kyiv-Mohyla Academy National University, Kyiv, Ukraine
Compiler and Editor of a recent collection of eyewitness accounts of the
Famine-Genocide and a leading specialist on Ukrainian Cossack history
Tuesday, 5 October 2004, 7:00 p.m. at S. Vladimir Institute,
d floor, South Wing, 0 Spadina Avenue, Toronto, Canada
ROMAN SENKUS / POMAH CEHbKYCb
Director, CIUS Publications Program www.utoronto.ca/cius
Managing Editor, www.encyclopediaofukraine.com
Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, Toronto Office
University of Toronto; Spadina Crescent, Room 109
Toronto, ON, S 2J5, Canada, r.senkus@utoronto.ca
tel. (416) 978-8669, 978-6934; fax (416) 978-2672
========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.179: ARTICLE NUMBER TEN
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10.UKRAINIAN OFFICIALS INCREASINGLY DENOUNCE OPPOSITION
AS "EXTREMISTS" AND "TERRORISTS"
By Taras Kuzio, Eurasia Daily Monitor
Volume 1 Issue 96, The Jamestown Foundation,
Washington, D.C., Thursday, September 30, 2004
On the third anniversary of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, Ukrainian Prime
Minister Viktor Yanukovych remains convinced that his country should take
an active role in combating terrorism (UNIAN, September 11). However,
Yanukovych's call to combat "terrorism" has a different domestic meaning,
as Ukrainian leaders equate "extremism" with "terrorism" to disparage the
opposition.
The Ukrainian authorities began to routinely refer to opposition activities,
especially mass civic action, as "terrorist" in March 2001. As in the Soviet
era, "extremists" and "terrorists" are understood as western Ukrainians and
Crimean Tatars, both of whom strongly support Viktor Yushchenko,
Yanukovych's main presidential rival.
Stereotypes against "bourgeois nationalists" were widely inculcated in the
Soviet era and continue to play a role in both Russia and Ukraine. For
example, on September 10 the online newspaper Nezavisimoye voennoye
obozreniye listed nine lessons from the Chechen terrorist attack on Beslan.
Lesson six was for the Russian security forces to "recall the experience of
fighting bandits in western Ukraine and the Baltic republics after the
Second World War, which was undertaken with major sacrifices, and get
down to creating a network of subversive anti-terrorist agents."
The nationalist stereotype was further developed during Yanukovych's
September 24 visit to the west Ukrainian city of Ivano-Frankivsk, where he
was pelted with an egg. The incident was immediately used to condemn
Yushchenko and his western Ukrainian supporters as "extremists" practicing
"political terrorism." A government statement (kmu.gov.ua) charged that
Yushchenko encouraged the incident. "I now understand that nationalism is an
evil," the statement continued, clearly referring to Yushchenko and the Our
Ukraine bloc that he leads. However, the 17-year old student who threw the
egg is not a member of any political party (Ukrinform, September 25).
A statement by Yanukovych's Party of Regions was even more critical. The
egg-tosser, it claimed, was allegedly from "a group of extremist-inclined
young nationalists who were shouting "Yes Yushchenko!" Yanukovych's
press secretary blamed the egging on "radically oriented representatives of
Our Ukraine who were acting so aggressively that the premier's security
detail
were forced to defend him" (temnik.com.ua, September 24). Regions of
Ukraine parliamentary deputy Mykola Kruhlov went further, describing the
incident as Ukraine's first "terrorist attack" (temnik.com.ua, September
25).
Viktor Medvedchuk's Social Democratic United Party (SDPUo) was even
blunter in its dire warnings to Yushchenko: "Provocative, extremist, and
destabilizing actions on the part of the supporters of "nashism" [a play on
Nasha Ukrayina (Our Ukraine) that resembles "Nazis"] will, if the need
arises, be rebuffed forcibly and severely" (sdpuo.org.ua).
The egg incident has prompted more snickers than fears. Yanukovych is a
rather formidable-looking individual and his collapse to the ground after
the egg made contact looked highly stage-managed
(www.ukrpravda.com/archive/2004/september/24/video.shtml). Although
pro-presidential media claimed Yanukovych had been hospitalized because
of the attack, he was in fact back at work later that same day. Both the
Ukrainian and European press found the incident amusing.
The French-language version of Euro News said on September 25 that the
Ukrainian election campaign, "has assumed the character of a real comedy
del'arte, with Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych playing the main role." Euro
News's English-language version pondered whether Ukraine's chicken's eggs
were "especially heavy" or else what is taking place are "dirty
machinations."
The egg toss was exaggerated to deflect attention from the recent attempted
assassination of Yushchenko by poisoning, (see, EDM September 20). The
melodramatic event in Ivano-Frankivsk provided an opportunity to portray
both Yanukovych and Yushchenko as victims of attacks. Yet, it is difficult
to see how an assassination attempt, possibly using ricin, can be equated
with a single tossed egg.
Finally, the egg incident adds to the ongoing efforts to portray Yushchenko
as an "extremist" and "nationalist." Ukrainian voters are being in effect
warned not to vote for Yushchenko as this could lead to civil war and
inter-ethnic conflict. During an address to an Interior Ministry (MVS)
spetsnaz unit in the Crimea, President Leonid Kuchma threatened the
opposition with unspecified measures for plotting to come to power in a
"revolution" during the ongoing election campaign.
Kuchma complained that the opposition was involved in an "artificial,
deliberately created atmosphere within society" using "Trotskyist
phraseology" such as "revolution, uprisings, coups, and so forth." He
warned the opposition that it would not be allowed to undertake "any
kind of uprising or revolution in Ukraine" and reminded his audience of
their duty to prevent chaos and "not allow an uncontrolled evolution of
events" (Ukrayinska pravda, September 7). Three days later the
government issued its own statement denouncing "radical political
organizations" bent on destabilizing Ukraine (kmu.gov.ua).
By portraying Yushchenko and the opposition in such terms, Kuchma,
Yanukovych, and the government deny them legitimacy within Ukraine's
political system. Ukraine's ruling elites are essentially saying that only
centrists (i.e. themselves) should be allowed to rule Ukraine because
otherwise there will be chaos. -30-
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