"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT - AUR"
An International Newsletter
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis, and Commentary
"The Art of Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World"
"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT - AUR" - Number 513
Mr. E. Morgan Williams, Publisher and Editor
morganw@patriot.net, ArtUkraine.com@starpower.net
Washington, D.C. and Kyiv, Ukraine, SUNDAY, July 3, 2005
------INDEX OF ARTICLES------
"Major International News Headlines and Articles"
1. THE UKRAINIAN FILM AND MEDIA SECTOR IN TRANSITION
TO THE 21TH CENTURY
Presentation by Peter Borisow
Media and Entertainment Session
Ukraine-US Business Networking Series: Forum II
New York, New York, March 31, 2005
2. THE UKRAINIAN CARPATHIAN MOUNTAINS:
A NATURAL TREASURE OF GLOBAL IMPORTANCE AND
AN ETHNOGRAPHIC REGION RICH IN HISTORY
Dr. Marko R. Stech, Managing Director, CIUS Press
Project Manager, Internet Encyclopedia of Ukraine
Internet Encyclopedia of Ukraine (IEU) Newsletter
Toronto and Edmonton, Canada, April 2005
3. SIGMUND FREUD'S MOST FAMOUS PATIENT
By Stanislav Tsalyk, Kyiv Weekly, #25 (165)
Business and Socio-political Weekly
Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, Jul 1-8, 2005
4. KYIV: SIX TOWERS OF PECHERSK
There are several mysterious constructions made of brick in the Pechersk
District of Kyiv. They are round with almost walls nearly 2 meters thick.
By Stanislav Tsalyk, Kyiv Weekly
Business and Socio-political Weekly, #25 (165)
Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, Jul 1-8, 2005
5. RICH IN DIVERSITY
On growing up in a Saskatchewan family of Ukrainian immigrants who,
like many seeking a future in Canada, spoke neither official language.
By Roy Romanow, Maclean's Magazine
Toronto, Ontario, Canada, Friday, July 1, 2005
6. "ONE MAN'S SOUP IS ANOTHER MAN'S POISON"
EDITORIAL: Inside Ukraine Newsletter, Kyiv, Ukraine, Sun, June 3, 2005
7. UKRAINE SETS VISA-FREE REGIME FOR U.S. CITIZENS
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, June 30, 2005
8. UKRAINE EXPECTS US TO LIBERALIZE VISA REGIME FOR UKRAINIANS
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Fri, July 1, 2005
9. UKRAINE'S IRON LADY PROVOKES RIFT
David Smith in Kiev, The Observer, London, UK, Sunday July 3, 2005
10. HARDENED STEEL
Yulia Timoshenko - Iron Lady for Viktor Vekselberg
Maria Molina; Konstantin Kravchyuk, Kyiv; Maria Cherkasova, Ekaterinburg
Kommersant, Moscow, Russia, Friday, July 1, 2005
11. YUSHCHENKO POISONERS' LAB IS FOUND
By Robin Gedye in Kiev, News Telegraph,
London, United Kingdom, Friday, July 1, 2005
12. SUSPICION SHIFTS FROM RUSSIA OVER POISON USED ON LEADER
The investigation continues but Viktor Yuschenko's
would-be killer found his dioxin in Ukraine
By Giles Whittell, The Times, London, United Kingdom, Friday, July 1, 2005
13. UK 'INDEPENDENT' NEWSPAPER PRAISED FOR SECURING PAPERS
FOR MURDER PROSECUTION RELATED TO GEORGIY GONGADZE
Anne Penketh, The Independent, London, United Kingdom, Friday, Jul 01, 2005
14. UKRAINE: ELECTIONS AND DEMOCRATISATION
SPECIAL ISSUE: Ukraine: Elections and Democratisation
Communist and Post-Communist Studies
Special Issue Guest Edited by T. Kuzio and P. D'Anieri
The Regents of the University of California
Volume 38, Issue 2, Pages 131-292 (June 2005)
15. UKRAINIAN BOY ATTRACTS SPOONS AND FORKS BY UNSEEN FORCE
PRAVDA, Moscow, Russia, Sat, July 2, 2005
16. UKRAINE: PRIME MINISTER SUGGESTS RADA PASS BILL
MEMORIALIZING VICTIMS OF WAR AND POLITICAL REPRESSIONS
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, May 18, 2005
17. UKRAINE: MP OLEH TIAHNYBOK WANTS RADA TO CALL ON RUSSIAN
LEADERS TO ADMIT GUILT FOR 1932-1933 GREAT FAMINE AND
OTHER CRIMES OF SOVIET REGIME
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, March 17, 2005
18. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT'S PARTY STARTS PUBLISHING NEW
WEEKLY NATIONAL NEWSPAPER TAK!
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1340 gmt 30 Jun 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Thu, June 30, 2005
19. POLISH PRESIDENT REITERATES POLAND'S INTENTION TO BE
"ADVOCATE AND CHAMPION" OF UKRAINE
Polish Radio 1, Warsaw, Poland, in Polish, 30 Jun 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Thu, June 30, 2005
20. PRESIDENT SAAKASHVILI SAYS IMPORTANT FOR GEORGIA
AND UKRAINE TO BE SUCCESSFUL AND PROMOTE DEMOCRACY
Georgian State Television Channel 1, Tbilisi, in Georgian 30 Jun 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Thu, June 30, 2005
===============================================================
1. THE UKRAINIAN FILM AND MEDIA SECTOR IN TRANSITION
TO THE 21TH CENTURY
Presentation by Peter Borisow
Media and Entertainment Session
Ukraine-US Business Networking Series: Forum II
New York, New York, March 31, 2005
In 2003, Oles Sanin's Mamay was warmly received as Ukraine's first
candidate or consideration in the Academy Awards' Best Foreign Picture
category. In 2004, Ukraine's submission, Alexander Rodnyansky's Driver
for Vera was rejected by the Academy because it was not a Ukrainian film.
Ukraine is potentially the largest and most important film production center
in Europe for the next 10 to 20 years. This is due to the deep cultural
tradition of film making, the extremely talented creative and technical
pool, the relatively low cost of talent and production, significant studio
assets, a large variety of topography, and - very important-- the temperate
climate, including sub-tropical along the Black Sea coast. It is also the
last film making frontier in Europe, as even Romania today is considered
expensive.
People in the industry and the public in the West as well as in Ukraine are
asking, "What is happening to the film industry in Ukraine? Will it survive
and, if so, in what form?"
The question is important on several levels. On a business level, people
need to know where to turn to do business in Ukraine. They also need to
know what to expect from government authorities. On a cultural level,
whoever controls film and television will determine whether Ukraine's unique
identity, culture and language will survive. On a political level, whoever
controls film and television will shape Ukraine's international identity and
image as well as the hearts and minds of generations of Ukrainians.
THE POTENTIAL AND REALISTIC GOALS:
Before addressing specific proposals, it is important to have a vision of
what is a realistic future for film and television in Ukraine and what is
essential for such a future. It is also important to address common
misconceptions about these industries.
FIRST, and foremost, the film industry in Ukraine can and must be
financially sound - that means self sustaining. Every film made must have
a potential market with realistic, professionally verified revenue
potential.
The government should not give money to make a film that has no revenue
potential. Even films that the government feels should be made for
overriding national, historical or cultural purposes can and should be made
financially responsibly, within market sensitive parameters.
SECOND, we must recognize the role of film and television in nation
building, both internally and internationally.
Film and television present the face of the nation. Language is the voice
of its soul.
Most people in the world will not visit Ukraine. They will learn about
Ukraine mostly from what they see of Ukraine and Ukrainians in movies
and on television.
The image delivered and the language in which it is delivered are
identifying features for the Ukrainian nation. If the language is Russian,
there will be little distinction in world public opinion between Ukraine and
Russia. In their mind, Ukraine will continue to be considered just another
part of Russia.
This will inevitably impact on all aspects of Ukraine's international
relations, both business and diplomatic.
The current situation, with most television broadcasting in Russian, conveys
the wrong message to Ukraine and to the world. Worst of all are the films
dubbed into Russian with rapid fire (and hard to read) Ukrainian subtitles.
Can you imagine going to France and seeing a movie dubbed into German
with French subtitles? It's a question of national identity. It's the
image the world sees. It helps determine how people deal with Ukrainians -
as a "real" nation or as something somehow a little less. This is
absolutely not anti-Russian. It is simply what every significant nation
does. Failure to do so dilutes that nation's significance.
Government support for the Ukrainian language is fundamental to
establishing a distinct and separate identity for both the Ukrainian film
industry and the Ukrainian film market. Today both are viewed (and actively
promoted by Russia) as simply adjuncts to the Russian sectors.
Direct distribution of USA/European studio films to Ukraine as a separate
market and distribution of these films in the Ukrainian language will
establish awareness of Ukraine in the world industry, encourage direct
utilization of Ukrainian production facilities, influence how Ukraine and
Ukrainians are portrayed in international films and help establish a
positive anti-piracy image. This support can be provided with tax
incentives for distributors and exhibitors of Ukrainian language films,
DVDs and derivative television products.
THIRD, film and television are two separate sectors with different
disciplines and very different financial dynamics. The argument that
making television programs will lead to future film production is false.
Television is not a kindergarten for the film industry. They are very
different businesses and successful cross-over between the sectors is rare.
Focusing the Ukrainian industry as a service sector for Russian television
productions means the Ukrainian film industry will not develop
independently. At best, it will remain a low cost place for making Russian
television and, occasionally, Russian movies.
Making Russian television programs in Ukraine may be financially profitable
for some individuals but will not help the Ukrainian film industry. The
Russian television industry should not be beneficiary of any Ukrainian
government facilitation through financial, fiscal or policy considerations.
These must be reserved for an independent Ukrainian film industry and not
be used to save money for Russian producers.
FOURTH, this is not the time to privatize any parts of Ukrainian film
studios. The past decade has seen a very serious deterioration and
destruction of assets in this sector nationwide. In part this was due to
lack of clear government policy. In part it was due to various interests
preferring to destroy value to facilitate cheap privatization. This abuse
must not be repeated in the new Ukraine.
Rather, these assets can be and need to be restored. However, restoration
of these assets must also be market relevant. Dovzhenko Studios, for
example, has been so neglected and cannibalized that it can no longer
meet any mission as a modern film production studio. Instead, it should be
converted to a National Film Museum together with a film library and
archives.
A bilingual international film school (Ukrainian and English) with exchange
programs with film schools in the USA would prepare Ukrainian students for
the world wide industry. Theaters, restaurants, gardens (no casinos,
please!) would complete a family venue.
Other Ukrainian studios such as Kyiv Cinematheque Studios, working with
Odessa Studios, can and should be financially responsibly rehabilitated to
today's industry standards and become the focal point for international
productions.
FIFTH, the voices promoting the Russian model for film finance in Ukraine
ignore the fact that the Russian model has failed and is wrong for Ukraine.
Despite the very high cost to the State, Russia's model has not created a
financially viable film industry. Out of 90 plus films made last year, only
one made a profit. The rest were movies made without concern about
potential revenues, while the State paid for it all. The Russian model is
an oligarch's dream - a windfall paid by the State - not an industry
builder.
Despite huge expenditures to update equipment and facilities in Moscow
and Leningrad, both remain very low on the list of places where Hollywood
likes to work. Russia may be able to afford it - it has huge oil revenues -
but it's still bad business. More likely, the Russian government
understands the importance of film and television as national identity and
image builders and is willing to pay the price to get the influence.
The simple fact is that Russia, due to its severe climate and limited
topography cannot have a viable international film industry without bases
in warm parts of Ukraine - therefore, the acquisition of Yalta Studios by
Russian businessmen and pressure by Russian interests to take over
Odessa Studios. There is a reason why Hollywood is in Southern California
and not in Alaska.
If the Russian model is adapted in Ukraine, it will simply put the Ukrainian
nation in the business of paying for financially doomed pictures for Russian
producers. It will incur huge losses to Ukraine, without creating a viable
Ukrainian film industry and without even the benefits of national identity
building and positive image for Ukraine.
Sixth, the media sectors (film, television, radio and publishing) must be
Ukrainian owned, truly independent and without concentration of control by
narrow interests.
Today, the film and television sectors in Ukraine are tightly controlled by
a handful of oligarchs who are lobbying fiercely to retain their control.
Such concentration, at best, chills and, at worst, freezes free flow of
information to the public. This is, by definition, detrimental to a free
and democratic society. Nowhere is monopoly more pernicious than in
media. Speech tempered to avoid offending an owner or hyped to promote
an owner's interests is not free speech - it is advertising and must be
labeled as such.
Freedom of Speech is the root of all our freedoms. Without it all other
freedoms wither on the vine.
Anyone with sufficient ownership interest, direct or indirect, to create
influence in one media sector should not be allowed to have an influential
interest in any other media sector. That means if you have a television
station, you do not own newspapers in the same places. If you own
newspapers, you do not own radio stations, etc. Publishing must be
Ukrainian owned and independent of television and radio. No group can
be allowed to overlyinfluence media in any given city, region or market
sector. If Ukraine is to have freedom of speech, it's that simple.
How to achieve Ukraine's potential in the world wide film industry:
One inescapable fact about the world film industry is that over 90% of film
industry revenues world wide are generated by "Hollywood", i.e., USA
companies. The rest of the world struggles for bits of the remaining 10%.
When you look at weekly film revenues in any country, be it Japan, Italy or
Venezuela -- among the top ten money earners, at least half, and often all
ten, are "Hollywood" pictures.
For an independent film industry to thrive in Ukraine, it is essential for
it to become financially self sustaining. To do that it must become part of
the "Hollywood" cash flow. Ukraine must have a work environment that will
encourage the Hollywood film industry to come to Ukraine to make movies.
Through this work, Ukrainian film makers will develop to world standards
and quickly learn to make Ukrainian films that will be financially as well
as critically successful in world markets, carrying with them a new identity
and positive image for Ukraine and Ukrainians throughout the world.
Making this happen will require proactive support by the Ukrainian
government. Properly structured and supported, an international
"Hollywood" style, self sustaining film industry will take root in Ukraine.
It will also provide the foundation for the non-commercial, social, cultural
and historical requirements of the nation. The international film industry
will come to Ukraine.Government policies will determine through whom
and for whose benefit it will operate. The answer should be Ukraine and
Ukrainians. -30-
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Peter Borisow is president of the Hollywood Trident Foundation.
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FOOTNOTE: We extend our thanks to Marko Suprun for sending us
the transcript of the Peter Borisow presentation in New York City.
===============================================================
2. THE UKRAINIAN CARPATHIAN MOUNTAINS:
A NATURAL TREASURE OF GLOBAL IMPORTANCE AND
AN ETHNOGRAPHIC REGION RICH IN HISTORY
Dr. Marko R. Stech, Managing Director, CIUS Press
Project Manager, Internet Encyclopedia of Ukraine
Internet Encyclopedia of Ukraine (IEU) Newsletter
Toronto and Edmonton, Canada, April 2005
The Ukrainian Carpathians constitute one of the most important and unique
ecoregions in Europe. The World Wildlife Fund (WWF) recognized the
Carpathian Mountains as a natural treasure of global importance and
included it in its "Global 200" list of the most significant ecosystems on
our planet.
At the same time, the Ukrainian Carpathians represent an ethnographic
region rich in history and cultural heritage and include such subregions as
the Hutsul region, Boiko region, Lemko region, as well as parts of Bukovyna
and Transcarpathia. Learn more about this natural jewel of Ukraine by
visiting the following entries:
http://www.encyclopediaofukraine.com/land.asp
or by visiting: http://www.encyclopediaofukraine.com and searching for such
entries as:
CARPATHIAN MOUNTAINS (Karpaty). Folded, young mountains of medium
elevation, stretching in an arc about 1,500 km long (with a chord of almost
500 km) from the city of Bratislava in the northwest to the Iron Gate on
the Danube River in the southeast and covering an area of about 200,000 sq
km.
The Carpathians are part of the Alpine mountain system and border on
the old Czech, Polish, and Ukrainian massifs and Dobrudja, being separated
from them by a band of young depressions-along the Morava River and Vistula
River, the Sian Lowland and Dniester Lowland, the Subcarpathian Depression,
and the Wallachian Depression. The Pannonian Basin, which cuts north into
the mountains along the Tysa River and Bodrog River and their tributaries,
occupies the central part of the arc..
BUKOVYNA. The territory between the middle Dniester River and the main
range of the Carpathian Mountains, around the source of the Prut River and
the upper Seret River, the border area between Ukraine and Rumania.
Today Bukovyna is divided between Ukraine (incorporating Chernivtsi oblast
or most of northern Bukovyna) and Rumania (containing most of the Suceava
region or southern Bukovyna). The name of this territory is derived from
its great beech (buk) forests and dates back to the 14th century when it
designated the lands on the Moldavian-Polish border.
HUTSUL REGION (Hutsulshchyna). A region in the southeasternmost part of
the Carpathian Mountains of Galicia, Bukovyna, and Transcarpathia (the
basins of the upper Prut River, upper Suceava River, upper Bystrytsia
Nadvirnianska River, and upper Tysa River valleys), inhabited by Ukrainian
highlanders called Hutsuls. Except for eight settlements in Rumania, the
Hutsul region lies within the present-day borders of the Ukraine.
In the southeast the Hutsul region borders on ethnic Rumanian lands; in the
west, on the region of the Boikos; in the north, on the region of the
Subcarpathian Pidhiriany; and in the southwest, on long-cultivated
Transcarpathian Ukrainian lands..
LEMKO REGION (Lemkivshchyna). The territory traditionally inhabited by the
Lemkos forms an ethnographic peninsula 140 km long and 25-50 km wide
within Polish and Slovak territory. After the deportation of Lemkos from the
northern part in 1946, only the southern part, southwest of the Carpathian
Mountains, known as the Presov region in Slovakia, has remained inhabited
by Lemkos.
The Lemko region occupies the lowest part of the Ukrainian Carpathian
Mountains-most of the Low Beskyd, the western part of the Middle Beskyd,
and the eastern fringe of the Western Beskyd. The landscape is typical of
medium-height-mountain terrain, with ridges reaching 1,000 m and sometimes
1,300 m. Only small parts of southern Low Beskyd and the northern Sian
region have a low-mountain landscape. A series of mountain passes
along the Torysa River and Poprad River-Tylych Pass (688 m), Duklia Pass
(502 m), and Lupkiv Pass (657 m)-facilitate communications between
Galicianand Transcarpathian Lemkos.
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INTERNET ENCYCLOPEDIA OF UKRAINE (IEU)
ABOUT IEU: Once completed, the Internet Encyclopedia of Ukraine will be
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At present, under 8% of the entire planned IEU database is available on the
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the successful completion of this ambitious and costly project will be
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Project Manager, Internet Encyclopedia of Ukraine
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Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies
University of Toronto, 1 Spadina Crescent Rm. 109
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===============================================================
3. SIGMUND FREUD'S MOST FAMOUS PATIENT
By Stanislav Tsalyk, Kyiv Weekly, #25 (165)
Business and Socio-political Weekly
Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, Jul 1-8, 2005
Ukraine played an important role in life of the famous Viennese doctor and
founder of psychoanalysis Sigmund Freud. As a matter of fact, the family
roots bound him to Halychyna in Western Ukraine, while his professional
contacts were mainly in Odesa
Solomon Freud, grandfather of the renowned psychiatrist, was born in the
western Ukrainian town of Buchach in the Ternopil oblast, where his family
had been living for several generations. Dreaming of getting an education,
he went to the town of Tysmenytsia, which was known for its Yeshiva, Jewish
school for studying the Talmud. Having married a local girl, the young man
settled in Tysmenytsia for good. Soon the couple had a son they named
Jacob, who was the future father of Sigmund Freud.
But you cannot make a living only from the intelligence. In 1838, Solomon
became a partner with his father-in-law Abraham Hoffman. Together they
traveled endless roads of Halychyna and Moravia. In Freiberg, the
present-day Pribor in the Czech Republic, which is known for its textiles,
merchants bought woolen fabrics, dyed them and brought them back to resell
in Halychyna. With the money they earned, the partners bought wool, honey,
leather and fat, and transported them to Freiberg, where they resold it to
local wholesalers.
Abraham Hoffman, who was the great grandfather of Sigmund Freud, tells
about the further fate of the family business in a very interesting
chronicle. The 69-year-old businessman wrote: "Because of my old age and
the fact that it is difficult for me to cope with the problems I face in
business on my own, I made my grandson a partner. All operations outside
Freiberg are his responsibility, whereas I'm engaged in the purchase and
sale of goods throughout the city. In order to be able to do business, I
obtained a passports valid for one year for me and my grandson from the
Highest Government of the City of Lemberg [present-day Lviv - author]."
Business interests dictated the permanent presence of partners in Freiberg.
On June 24, 1844, Hoffman applied to the city magistrate for permission for
him and Jacob to live in the city. Two years later the application was
approved. The reference of the Freiberg-based textile corporation read that
the applicants "are honest and respectable merchants, who buy textiles
produced by our local craftsmen... and sell them in Halychyna. In return,
they bring other goods from there to sell in our city. The presence of these
merchants in Freiberg is profitable not only for city residents, but also
for the residents of outlying villages and towns, since these merchants
bring the textiles to market. The work of these merchants is very profitable
for local trade".
Solomon, whose son substituted him in business, did not go to the new place
and stayed in Tysmenitsa to spend the rest of his life there. When the
40-year-old Jacob met the 20-year-old Amalia Nathansohn, he was a widower
and had two sons. His new fiancee was born in the Ukrainian town of Brody.
So, both parents of "the father of psychoanalysis" were from Halychyna.
After the marriage, which took place in July 1855 in Vienna, the Freud
couple moved to Freiberg. There on May 6, 1856 Sigmund was born.
The Viennese psychiatrist had close ties with Odesa. Two of his uncles, the
brothers of his mother, resided there. Before marriage Amalia had also lived
for a little while in Odesa. When Sigmund turned 27, his father came up with
the idea of setting up a private business in Odesa. Unfortunately, the
70-year-old Jacob returned from "the Black Sea pearl" with nothing.
Freud also had a professional interest in Odesa. His psychiatrist friend
wrote him on November 10, 1909: "My colleague Wulf is now in Odesa. He
is very interested in psychoanalysis and bid farewell to his last place of
residence in Berlin within several weeks. I know him as an active and
reliable person, but in terms of finances he is in dire straits. Perhaps you
can send some patients his way if there is an opportunity. I think he will
address you personally, since he asked me for your address."
Freud and Wulf began corresponding with each other quite actively. In 1914,
in an essay about the history of the psychoanalytical movement, Freud
complained about the absence "of any deep-rooted scientific traditions" in
France and America and noted: "Only Odesa has a representative of an
analytical school under the name M. Wulf".
It is not known whether Freud sent any patients to Wulf, but it is known
that patients were brought to him from Odesa. For example, a young Odesa
psychiatrist named Leonid Droznes brought to Vienna a 24-year-old graduate
from the Odesa University by the name of Sergius Pankejeff, who became the
most renowned patient of Freud. While examining his particular case, the
interpreter of dreams formulated the key term in psychoanalysis labeled
"primary scene".
Freud received the Odesa patient every day for four years straight. The
patient recalled "the black, intelligent piercing eyes that nevertheless did
not arouse any discomfort... The whole attitude of Freud and the way he
listened to me was considerably different from those of his renowned
colleagues I happened to know."
When in the summer of 1914 Sergius returned to Odesa, his mother ordered
a candlelight vigil in the church in honor of the Viennese doctor. Pankejeff
recalled: "This was how she wanted to express her gratitude to the doctor
for my successful recovery. And the orthodox priest solemnly read a prayer
for Sigmund's well-being".
Freud wrote a monograph titled From The History Of An Infantile Neurosis
based on Pankejeff's case, due to which the Odesa resident entered the
history of world psychoanalysis as Wolf Man (white wolves in a tree was a
subject of a nightmare seen by him in childhood).
Freud wrote the following about Pankejeff: "I parted with him with the
confidence that I had cured him." But in May 1918, the professor received a
letter from Odesa in which Sergius requested another session with the
psychiatrist. In April of the following year the resident of Odesa came to
Vienna. Freud presented him his personally signed book. In September
1919, he began treating the patient, which lasted till Easter of 1920.
In this period the interpreter of dreams had literally saved the patient's
family, which emigrated to Vienna. Pankejeff recalled: "We simply did not
have the money to pay for accommodation. If it was not for professor Freud,
who from time to time managed to find for us English books for translation
from his English patients, we would not have survived." Over the course of
time, Pankejeff got the position of a clerk in an insurance agency.
The destinies of Freud's acquaintances in Odesa were varied. Wulf had
emigrated to Palestine, where he founded a psychoanalytical association.
Droznes died in 1942 in Odesa, which was under occupation during WW II.
Pankejeff died in Vienna in 1979. He proudly called himself "Freud's most
known case". -30-
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LINK: http://www.kyivweekly.com/english/article/?829
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4. KYIV: SIX TOWERS OF PECHERSK
There are several mysterious constructions made of brick in the Pechersk
District of Kyiv. They are round with almost walls nearly 2 meters thick.
By Stanislav Tsalyk, Kyiv Weekly
Business and Socio-political Weekly, #25 (165)
Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, Jul 1-8, 2005
The unusual constructions — Kyivans call them the Round Towers —
appeared during the reign of Tsar Nikolai I as sections of the Kyiv fortress
being built at the time. Though the encyclopedic dictionary Kyiv published
in 1982 writes that there is only one round tower, in reality there are six.
Tower No. 1 was built in the very center of the Vasylkiv fortification at 38
Shchorsa St. Its construction began in 1831 and lasted for six years. The
wall with the gates appeared somewhat later in 1838-1839.
Initially, the tower had two levels and was designed as an officer’s
quarters. The Commandant’s Battalion of the Kyiv Province was stationed
in this tower. Nevertheless, since 1839 the tower was used as a military
hospital and later as a prison. Then it became a living quarters again.
In 1897, windows were cut out on the facades of the tower and an additional
story was built up. Starting from 1898, the 168th Myrhorod Regiment was
stationed there. The future marshal of the Soviet Union, then private Andriy
Yeryomenko, served in the regiment since 1913. It was inside the walls of
Tower 1 that the talented leader began his military career.
In the summer of 1918, the 4th Serdyutskiy Regiment of the Hetman Pavlo
Skoropadskiy Guard moved into Tower 1. One of the officers of the regiment,
Mykola Yanchevskiy became a cornet general in the army of the Ukrainian
National Republic (UNR) two years later.
In 1833, another three similar towers were built in Pechersk. Among them,
Tower 2 situated on Lesya Ukrainka Blvd. opposite the posh neighbourhood
Tsarske Selo is the most famous. Today the building hosts a supermarket and
offices of various companies. It took 11 years to build Tower 2, which was
initially designed to house a battalion and was connected to Tower 1 by a
defense wall.
In 1863, the tower was turned into a jail. Participants of a Polish revolt
suppressed by Russian troops were detained there. The prisoners managed
to dig an underground tunnel to escape from the tower... After the trial of
Polish patriots ended, the tower again became the living quarters for
servicemen.
In the same year the construction of Tower 4, situated in the rear of the
building of the Central Election Commission, began. It was named the “small
tower” built as defense quarters for 500 servicemen and 22 cannons. It was
connected with the Tower 2 by an earth mound. At the end of the 19th
century, the embrasures were transformed into windows and the building was
made into a civil prison. In the beginning of the 20th century there were
different proposals on how to such an original building could be put to use.
The construction of Tower 5, situated at 16 Pechersk Descent, also began in
1833 and lasted for 13 years. Unlike the other towers, this one was designed
for storage of food rations and ammunition. Despite its peaceful purpose,
the tower had 25 cannons and 168 rifles. It was built on the design of the
famous engineer Karl Opperman.
At the end of the 19th century, the embrasures were walled in and windows
were made. During the times of Soviet rule, the tower was used to satisfy
the needs of the Ministry of Defense. Today, it is a plumbing materials
store.
The construction of Tower No. 3 began only in 1838 at 34 Shchorsa St. The
building was to provide quarters to battalions. The special feature of the
tower was a church. The remains of General-Field Marshal Oleksandr
Prozorovskiy were moved into the church in 1841 from the neighboring
manor, which was slated for demolition. According to the decree of the
Tsar Nicholas I, the tower was given the name Prozorovska.
In 1863, a section of the tower was turned into a military court and prison
cells for 830 prisoners. In 1918, during the rule of Hetman Skoropadskiy,
the 4th armored division was stationed in Tower No. 3. The 25-year-old
cavalier Viktor Shklovskiy, who later became a famous writer and author of
memoirs, served in the division. Incidentally, this division is mentioned in
Mikhail Bulgakov’s novel The White Guard.
Tower No. 6 (8 Moskovska St.) was built in the years 1846-1851. Since
1854 it was used as a hostel for employees of the Kyiv artillery arsenal. A
century later, in 1967-1969, the tower was built up to become three-story
building. Today it is the building of the Arsenal plant cafeteria.
Needless to say, all six towers are monuments of fortification architecture
that add a special flavor to the cityscape with their original design. -30-
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LINK: http://www.kyivweekly.com/english/article/?830
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5. RICH IN DIVERSITY
On growing up in a Saskatchewan family of Ukrainian immigrants who,
like many seeking a future in Canada, spoke neither official language.
By Roy Romanow, Maclean's Magazine
Toronto, Ontario, Canada, Friday, July 1, 2005
They had front-row seats to much of the modern history of Canada's West.
On occasion, they even held the conductor's baton. Preston Manning, as he
notes here, literally grew up in the seat of government -- his dad, Ernest
C. Manning, was Alberta's longest-serving premier (1943 to 1968).
Preston Manning, of course, went on, in 1987, to found and lead the Reform
party, and to orchestrate its successor, the Canadian Alliance, in the
process turning federal politics in the West on its ear. Roy Romanow took a
different route.
The son of Ukrainian immigrants, he grew up on the other side of the tracks
in Saskatoon and was taken early with Tommy Douglas's siren song. As a
young man, he would even carry Douglas's bags on speaking engagements
and, like his idol, grew up to become premier of Saskatchewan, from 1991
to 2001. Since then he has headed a royal commission on health care.
Maclean's asked both men to pen personalized histories of their respective
provinces over the last half-century or so, to mark the centenary of Alberta
and Saskatchewan becoming provinces on Sept. 1, 1905. Here are their
remembrances, and observations.
As a very young boy, I vividly recall being pulled home by my father on a
brand new sleigh, my Christmas gift from St. Nicholas, after an evening of
celebration at the Ukrainian community centre on the west side of Saskatoon.
Ukrainian carols, poetry, dance and skits were the highlights of the
evening.
On the way home, the air was crisp and the icy snow crackled with every
footstep. As I lay back on the sleigh and looked skyward, I was overwhelmed
by the sudden arrival of the northern lights, with their unpredictable
beauty. They produced a colourful dance that made me feel they were so far
away and yet so close.
Perhaps that is why the memory is so strong. The magnificence of
Saskatchewan's landscape -- and sky -- is one of its defining features. In
the heat of summer, the seemingly endless fields of golden wheat extend so
far into the horizon that they seem to pierce the sky. And when the Prairie
wind blows through the wheat fields, they bob and weave like an undulating
ocean.
As I look back on that moment in the sleigh, I am struck by another reality:
we were a family of immigrants and our family's universe was comprised of
the Ukrainian hall, St. George's Ukrainian Greek Catholic Cathedral, our
schools, and the shopping area of 20th Street just a few blocks away. We
could go to church, visit friends and neighbours and buy our necessities
without using either one of Canada's two official languages.
Saskatchewan, of course, is rich in diversity. The kaleidoscopic nature of
its geography -- its hundreds of lakes, lush parkland forest and rolling
southern prairies -- stands in sharp contrast to the perception of the
province that exists outside. It is the same for its many different, mostly
European cultures that arrived in quick succession, beginning around the
turn of the century and continuing until the 1930s.
Saskatchewan, as I'm fond of telling my Ottawa friends, is a province where,
for many years, the country's two founding groups, English and French, found
their early influence here swamped by the barrage of newcomers.
My father left Ukraine in the late 1920s in pursuit of liberty and a future
in Canada. He did not know much about the country to which he was destined.
He did not know its languages. He did not know its history or traditions.
And for sure his timing was not the best. Arriving on the eve of the Great
Depression, which was made worse by the debilitating droughts of the early
1930s, he saw his dream to resume his livelihood as a farmer shattered.
Like many from his place of origin, he turned to the railways for
employment. He was a section man for the Canadian National Railways, a
laborious job of repairing tracks, carting ice to old boxcars for
refrigeration, and clearing the tracks of the huge snowdrifts that blocked
the way. The trains had to do their work, especially in Saskatchewan, a
place where distance mattered. This was now his life.
When my mother and sister finally arrived by ship in the port of Montreal,
there to meet them was Mike Romanow, who used his railway pass to travel
four nights and days from the West, to accompany them to their new life in
Saskatoon.
I was born about a year later, in 1939, at St. Paul's Hospital, near our
small home on the west side, not far from the Ukrainian National Federation
Hall. Built by volunteer labour, it featured two statues of lions at the
front entrance and was the place where family and friends would socialize,
maintain their culture and talk of how to someday bring about the liberation
of Ukraine.
Similar halls and cultural institutions, of course, were built by other
arrivals. The working-class west side of Saskatoon was alive with the
sounds, smells, faiths and faces of many other new Canadians. They were
primarily Polish, German, Jewish, Scottish and English. And so an important
lesson was learned: that tolerance and acceptance were essential for our
province to move ahead.
This rich mixture of people existed throughout Saskatchewan's cities and
towns. And the dirty thirties brought yet another lesson: that frequently we
could accomplish much more by working together than alone. Thus credit
unions, co-operatives, universities, regionally organized health centres and
Crown corporations sprung up as the practical vehicles to pursue immediate
survival and future growth. Eventually, I grew to appreciate these very
practical institutions were an important part of my own dreams.
I am sure my father voted for the Liberal party, even though he was a firm
believer in advancing the rights of working men and women, just because it
was that same Liberal party whose government offered him hope and an
opportunity for his children in a new land. Politically, I chose a different
vehicle.
From the very first time my father and I were stretched out in the evening
on our small living room floor, with only the orange glow of the Zenith
radio to light up the room, I was captured by the compelling preacher's
voice and big dreams of Tommy Douglas, whose new party, the Co-
operative Commonwealth Federation (later the NDP), seemed to
represent the best way to build on our community strengths.
University helped me fully understand the political philosophy that
underpinned Douglas and his government. But I probably learned more
about him -- and our province -- by being his volunteer driver to speaking
events around the time of the 1960 election; and seeing the tensions and
aspirations of rural Saskatchewan, in particular, up close.
By the time of the doctors' strike in 1962, the culmination of a three-year
fight over Douglas's introduction of public medicare, our province was
divided into two bitterly competing camps. My personal beliefs and
friendships made it clear to me which side I was on. But the experience was
also a watershed for many of us, confirming the importance of government
and public life in shaping the nature of society.
Only a few short years after graduation, I turned my attention from law to
active political life. Of course, Douglas was a major influence, but at that
point, in the mid-1960s, it felt like giants graced our political landscape.
Besides Douglas, there were leaders such as former Liberal premier and
later federal agriculture minister Jimmy Gardiner, and Conservative leader
John Diefenbaker in Ottawa.
There were also influential public figures such as Al Johnson, later head of
the CBC, Tommy Shoyama, who became a federal deputy minister of finance,
and Emmett Hall, later a Supreme Court judge. As a group, they proved two
things about Saskatchewan: that it could produce people of stature for the
national stage, and that it also lost many of its best and brightest to
greener pastures.
I was elected in 1967 and brought into Allan Blakeney's cabinet in 1971 as
deputy premier and attorney general. These were heady times in which we
created a legal aid plan and a Human Rights Code for the province, worked
and fought with Ottawa over resource development, and later, as the decade
ended, engaged full-heartedly in the patriation of the Constitution.
That last political fight led to an extremely close association with fellow
attorneys general Jean Chrétien from Ottawa and Roy McMurtry from Ontario,
and to our so-called kitchen accord at the last of those big conferences in
1981 with Pierre Trudeau. This is not the place to go into those war stories
except to say it was one of the rare, maybe even hokey, moments in our
history when three of the main pillars of modern Canada -- the French,
English and immigrant experience -- collided in a creative way.
At several key points during the long patriation battle -- in the political
negotiations and before the Supreme Court -- Saskatchewan offered
different and creative solutions from the other participants. That is just
the way we are.
The patriation fight led to political defeat for the Blakeney government and
for me personally in 1982. But that was not the end of the world. After all,
drought and international markets had defeated Prairie farmers, but they
fought back. Our provincial ambitions had often met political resistance
from other regions, but Saskatchewan continued to pursue its dreams.
In Saskatchewan's first 100 years as a province, many of its communities
have experienced this cycle only too frequently. Time and again, however,
they saw the potential to rebuild and to renew, as limitless as the open
sky. I certainly felt some of this determination when Saskatchewan voters
elected the NDP to govern again in 1991, with me as leader. Many of us
interpreted this as a mandate to start afresh, to dream again about the Big
Ideas. But first we had a formidable hill to climb.
The public agenda was urgent and long, but the fiscal capacity to achieve
it was limited. A huge deficit had to be wrestled to the ground as soon as
possible, not because this was a goal in itself, but because it was a
prerequisite to build a dynamic Saskatchewan for the 21st century. Yet
again, citizens were called upon to personally sacrifice in order to build a
stronger province for the future. And cutting services was not an easy thing
to do for a social democratic government.
But in the mid-1990s, Saskatchewan became the first of any jurisdiction in
Canada to eliminate its deficit and to start reducing debt, at a cost of
closing some rural hospitals and sacrificing other needy causes. We
gambled residents would buy into the pain in order to rebuild the trust and
effectiveness of their public institutions. And we were not proven wrong.
Sometimes, I look back in wonderment to try to fully understand why my life
unfolded as it did. Surely it was the tolerant, imaginative, embracing and
bold nature of Saskatchewan that permitted the son of Ukrainian immigrants
to be its premier. And I'm confident that groundwork is still there for
future generations.
Each province, territory and region, plus our many cultures and different
stories, can be likened to individual pearls making up a beautiful necklace,
connected to each other by the strand of a shared destiny.
That strand, however, is fragile and requires constant attention. For me,
our shared destiny has been and will continue to be the engine of
progressive change. Shared destiny is the vision behind medicare, sometimes
described as Saskatchewan's gift to the nation and something I've now heard
thousands of Canadians speak passionately in support of, almost as a
birthright.
That's why I am certain that, just as there will always be the waving wheat
fields and glittering northern lights, so too will Saskatchewan's next 100
years be even better than its past 100 -- and just as experimental.
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http://www.macleans.ca/topstories/history/article.jsp?content=20050701_108642_108642
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6. "ONE MAN'S SOUP IS ANOTHER MAN'S POISON"
EDITORIAL: Inside Ukraine Newsletter, Kyiv, Ukraine, Sun, June 3, 2005
On Friday, July 2, 2005, Channel 5 News ran a clip in which Minister of
Transportation, Yevhen Chervonenko, declared, with a smile, that from
now on Ukrainian railroads will run "like they were in Soviet times, like
under Lazar Kaganovich".
One must wonder about his role models - would he like to run automobile
factories like they were run under Adolf Hitler (who started Volkswagen) .
does work really set one free?
Is it possible this man just forgot about that his hero just happened to be
one of the principal architects of the Ukrainian genocide? Or is it that he
just never cared about it in the first place?
A public explanation of how a commander of genocide can be seen in
any positive manner whatsoever must be made.
Some people say Hitler was not a bad -painter - would Minister
Chervonenko endorse exhibiting Hitler's paintings at rail-road stations
in Ukraine?
A public apology is in order. -30-
===============================================================
7. UKRAINE SETS VISA-FREE REGIME FOR U.S. CITIZENS
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, June 30, 2005
KYIV - As of July 1, Ukraine levies visa-free regime for citizens of the
U.S. provided they enter the country for up to 90 days. President Viktor
Yuschenko issued relevant order No. 1008/2005 on setting visa-free
regime for citizens of the U.S., a copy of which is available to Ukrainian
News.
"As of July 1, 2005 to set visa-free regime of entry and transit through
Ukraine for citizens of the U.S., provided they visit Ukraine six month
after their previous entry with the period of stay no longer than 90 days,"
Yuschenko's order reads.
As Ukrainian News reported earlier, in May the United States lowered
the fee for processing multiple visas for Ukrainians from USD 165 to
USD 100.
Ukraine had earlier announced its intentions to waive entry visas for US
citizens in exchange for reducing the fee for American visas for Ukrainian
citizens. -30-
===============================================================
8. UKRAINE EXPECTS US TO LIBERALIZE VISA REGIME FOR UKRAINIANS
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Fri, July 1, 2005
KYIV - Ukraine expects liberalization of visa regime for its citizens
traveling to the United States following introduction of visa-free entry for
the US nationals. Deputy State Secretary Markian Lubkivskyi informed
about this at the press conference.
"In its turn, Ukrainian side expects for similar steps on the part of the
United States for businessmen, politicians and students," he said.
Lubkivskyi said that introduction of visa-free regime for the US nationals
became a logical step for citizens of the European Union and Switzerland.
He said that the decree on visa-free regime will facilitate stepping up
contacts between the countries in all spheres and he is confident that this
will contribute to increase in the number of visiting businessmen and inflow
of investments.
Lubkivskyi said that the US now issue visas for five years and it is
possible to speak with high degree of probability that they shall start
issuing visas for ten years in the nearest time.
Deputy state secretary reminded that President Viktor Yuschenko said at the
united meeting of chambers of the US Congress on April 6 that simplification
of visa regime will be one of the seven steps for development of
Ukrainian-US relations.
Lubkivskyi also said that visa-free regime for the US citizens became an
answer for liberalization of visa regime for Ukrainians, for instance,
easing procedures for visa obtaining and reduction of its cost.
As Ukrainian News earlier reported, Ukraine introduced visa-free regime
from July 1 for the US citizens if they visit the country for no more than
90 days. The US reduced the price for multiple-entry visas for Ukrainians
from USD 165 to USD 100 in May. -30-
===============================================================
9. UKRAINE'S IRON LADY PROVOKES RIFT
David Smith in Kiev, The Observer, London, UK, Sunday July 3, 2005
Hers was the other face of Ukraine's 'Orange Revolution', and her
impassioned public eloquence was crucial in helping Viktor Yushchenko -
his features ravaged by assassins' poison - become the country's first
freely elected President.
Six months on from the euphoric scenes in Kiev's Independence Square,
Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko's status as a national heroine still rivals
that of Yushchenko in the former Soviet state.
Street vendors in the square sell individual pictures of both President and
Prime Minister - the former's once handsome features preserved. Among the
novelties on sale is a matrioshka nesting doll where the head of Yushchenko
detaches to reveal Tymoshenko.
The investigation into how Yushchenko, 51, was tricked into taking a
near-lethal dose of dioxin has now uncovered a chemical laboratory in a
state-owned building near central Kiev containing the same poison, and
autopsies on a number of bodies suggest an entire series of related murders.
Suspicious deaths, or 'Ukrainian suicides' as they are known with black
humour, have not come to an end since the Orange Revolution, a fact
underlined on 22 June with the mysterious demise of 47-year-old Igor
Pluzhnikov, a politician and media mogul. Tymoshenko has now revealed
in an interview how her life was also been threatened and even today she
fears for her safety.
'The work I've been doing for the last eight years is dangerous,' said the
44-year-old, who endured six weeks in prison after being fired from her post
as Deputy Prime Minister in the previous, autocratic and pro-Moscow
government of Leonid Kuchma.
'Under Kuchma's regime it was "normal" for a journalist to be killed, and
significant politicians or administrative workers used to die, as a rule, in
car accidents. I also "enjoyed" a car crash which wasn't in natural
circumstances.
'Like any normal person, of course I'm afraid. But the aim of our struggle
was so significant that I found a way to deal with the fear. Our team has
found ways to get the fear under control.'
However, cracks have begun to appear in the coalition which brought
Yushchenko and Tymoshenko together last year to defeat Kuchma's
anointed successor, Viktor Yanukovych, in an election which had to be
re-run after a fraudulent first poll sparked mass public protests.
Constitutional changes set for next year will devolve significant powers
from the President to Prime Minister. While Yushchenko has come under
fire for spending time abroad to push Ukraine's case for joining the EU, the
increasingly popular Tymoshenko has been likened to Margaret Thatcher
for her unbending political will, not least in her robust attitude towards
Russia.
But some feel that Tymoshenko is overreaching herself, and that a growing
rift could take the shine off the new government's boost to welfare
benefits, granting of press freedoms and drive to root out corruption.
A British official in Ukraine said: 'There was a meeting last month between
Yushchenko, Tymoshenko and the oil barons. Tymoshenko, who leans more
to a socialist than free-market philosophy, forgot she's not the boss and
was brought down to earth.
'Yushchenko told them how it was going to be and Tymoshenko said: "I don't
agree". Yushchenko said to her: "Don't you ever contradict me again in
public. If you don't agree with my policy, you can join the opposition".'
The official added: 'We are going through a phase when the expectation
created by the Orange Revolution is turning into disappointment. People
feel that the government has made mistakes.'
Yushchenko said his coalition partners know that open warfare would be
'political suicide' prior to parliamentary elections next March. Asked if
she harboured presidential ambitions, Tymoshenko said: 'We have a
President who I hope will stay in power for not less than 10 years.'
===============================================================
10. HARDENED STEEL
Yulia Timoshenko - Iron Lady for Viktor Vekselberg
Maria Molina; Konstantin Kravchyuk, Kyiv; Maria Cherkasova, Ekaterinburg
Kommersant, Moscow, Russia, Friday, July 1, 2005
Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Timoshenko warned Renova's owner Viktor
Vekselberg yesterday against buying a controlling stake in the Nikopolsky
Ferroalloys Plant, the world's largest enterprise producing ferroalloys,
from former Ukrainian president's son-in-law Viktor Pinchyuk.
She stated that the holdings would be returned to the state property, so Mr.
Vekselberg "would better not to get involved into risky dealership." Sources
in the Ukrainian government maintain that the plant's future proprietors,
shareholders of Renova and Evrazholding, were warned about the political
risks they may run while buying the stake.
The information that Evrazholding is negotiating the sale of a controlling
package of stocks in the Nikopolsky ferroalloys plant from the Ukrainian
ex-president's son-in-law Viktor Pinchyuk appeared shortly after Viktor
Yushchenko was elected president. Pinchyuk's Interpipe corporation, which
includes Pridnestrovye consortium, holds 73 percent of the plant's shares.
50 percent of the shares plus one stock was bought in 2003 by Pridnestrovye
from the state during the privatization of the plant. It became known last
week that this stake would be bought by Renova holding and shareholders of
Evrazholding, among whom the company's president Alexander Abramov is
the major one.
It turned out yesterday that the plans of the Russian businessmen would be
upset by Yulia Timoshenko. "I would like to address it personally to
Vekselberg: 50 percent plus one stock of the Nikopolsky plant is state
property according to the rulings of many courts. I would not recommend him
to enter risky dealership, unless he has spare money," she told yesterday's
news conference in Kyiv.
"I am asking to view it as official information, for the people not to
complain later that Ukraine treat private property badly." We should note
that Yulia Timoshenko warned only the proprietor of Renova. Perhaps, she
does not consider Mr. Abramov a worthy opponent.
The prime minister's statement was based on one of an array of court rulings
concerning the Nikopolsky plant. Their aim was either to acknowledge or to
refute the lawfulness of the sale of a controlling stake in the plant to
Pridnestrovye consortium. Representatives of Mr. Pinchyuk filed a lawsuit in
the Pechersky District Court in January against the management of the plant
that rejected to convene the meeting of shareholders by the consortium's
request. The head of the State Property Fund Valentina Semenyuk joined the
proceedings demanding canceling the privatization transaction.
On June 22, the Pechersky Court suspended the legal investigation and
decided that the suit on the illegal privatization should be considered by
economic courts (in Russia -courts of arbitration), but not by courts of
general jurisdiction. Meanwhile, the Ukrainian General Prosecutor's Office
filed an appeal on June 14 against the decision of the Economic Court of
Kyiv, which rejected to nullify the sale of the plant to Mr. Pinchyuk's
companies.
According to the information of Kommersant the situation with the plan may
develop in the following way. The enterprise's meeting of shareholders is on
July 7, sources in the Nikopolsky plant informed Kommersant. Shortly before
the date, the appellation instance of the Kyiv Economic Court will return
the case for a repeat consideration and will rule to seize a stake of
Interpipe to prevent its sale to third parties, i.e. shareholders of Renova
and Evrazholding.
The plant's second largest shareholder, Privat group of the Ukrainian
businessman Igor Kolomiysky (who holds the company's 26 percent stake)
is going to seek the change of the plant's management at the AGM. Mr.
Kolomiysky, reputed to be backed by Timoshenko, is to act as a main
candidate to buy the plant's controlling package of stocks after it has been
returned to the state.
There was only one thing left for Viktor Pinchyuk, who risked loosing his
property, to do, i.e. to sell his stake urgently to Russian businessmen
interested in the production of ferroalloys. Renova and Evrazholding said
early this week the parties had agreed on the deal. Its sum is also
mentioned in the market, it averages $400 million. It is quite a moderate
price for the world's largest enterprise producing ferroalloys occupying 10
percent of the world market, but it is better than nothing anyway.
According to the information of Kommersant's sources in the Ukrainian
government, Mr. Kolomiysky cautioned Mr. Vekselberg and Mr. Abramov
about the July transaction of the plant's stake. It is possible that he even
offered them to buy out the plant from him, after it has consolidated in the
hands of Privat.
This time at a greater price. However, the Ukrainian deputy prime minister
Petr Poroshenko gave Russian businessmen safety guarantees for their
property in Ukraine," a Ukrainian businessman familiar with the negotiations
reported to Kommersant.
Evrazholding would not comment on the situation yesterday saying Mr. Abramov
had concluded the deal as a private investor. Kommersant did not manage to
contact Viktor Vekselberg yesterday. Interpipe and Private also decline to
comment Ms. Timoshenko's statements. -30-
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LINK: http://www.kommersant.com/page.asp?id=588212
===============================================================
11. YUSHCHENKO POISONERS' LAB IS FOUND
By Robin Gedye in Kiev, News Telegraph, London, UK, Fri, July 1, 2005
Ukraine's authorities know who was behind the attempt to poison President
Viktor Yushchenko and have traced the substance used in the plot to a
laboratory for banned chemical weapons, it emerged yesterday. The former
Soviet state's security services had also deployed the same poison to kill
others, Mr Yushchenko said in an interview.
A number of people suspected of involvement in the assassination attempt
last September are on the run, he went on, adding that he was "certain that
everybody will be caught" eventually. The disclosure that the poison was
made in Ukraine went some way to dispel suspicions that Russia was involved
in the plot to get rid of Mr Yushchenko when he was leader of the country's
opposition last autumn.
However, Petro Poroshenko, the head of Ukraine's security services, refused
to rule out the possibility. He said the attempt to kill the president, who
fell ill after a dinner with Ukrainian security chiefs, involved
"specialists belonging to an existing or former secret service".
Mr Yushchenko said a "lot of new information" had recently come to light
that would lead to the arrest of the culprits.
The president, whose body and bloated face bore the deep scars of the
attempt on his life, said he was proud to have overcome the effects of a
poison that had killed "a number of others". He refused to be drawn on the
circumstances surrounding their deaths.
Mr Yushchenko said the remains of the poison were discovered in a
Ukrainian laboratory where they were created "in apparent violation of
international laws" banning the development of chemical weapons.
In fact the assassination attempt only steeled Mr Yushchenko's determination
to defy the pro-Moscow regime of Leonid Kuchma - and encouraged the
"Orange Revolution" on the streets of Kiev when there was an attempt to fix
last winter's elections. Mr Yushchenko, widely seen as a pro-western figure,
was eventually elected president in December and rapidly set about building
bridges with allies in Europe.
Apparently unfazed by the European Union's crisis over its further
expansion, Mr Yushchenko said he was convinced that Ukraine would
inevitably become part of the "European family''. He said: "Ukraine is a
part of Europe and we all have very similar beliefs. Without the Ukraine
Europe is incomplete.
"I am convinced that during my period in office we will move closer to
Europe and that, with the help of others, especially that of Britain, we
will become part of Europe not only geographically but politically and
economically." -30-
===============================================================
12. SUSPICION SHIFTS FROM RUSSIA OVER POISON USED ON LEADER
The investigation continues but Viktor Yuschenko's
would-be killer found his dioxin in Ukraine
By Giles Whittell, The Times, London, UK, Friday, July 1, 2005
SIX months after the Orange Revolution that made him a national hero and a
symbol of personal courage, Ukraine's first freely elected President says
that his security forces have found the laboratory that made the poison
used in an attempt on his life last year and it is in Ukraine, not Russia.
The disclosure by Viktor Yushchenko will ease Ukraine's troubled relations
with the Kremlin even as the country's love affair with Europe begins to
sour after the implosion of the EU constitution.
Mr Yushchenko was badly disfigured by a near-lethal dose of dioxin, thought
to have been served to him in September at a secret dinner with the man
who was head of Ukraine's secret police.
Senior members of his Government still refuse to rule out the possibility
of Russian involvement and the President gave a warning that an
investigation would bring those responsible to justice. "I'm sure that even
though some people are running from the investigation, we will get them,"
he said. "I am not afraid of anything or anybody."
Holding court in the palatial former Communist Party headquarters from
which he is said to be anxious to move, Mr Yushchenko said: "The chemical
lab has been uncovered."
Asked if it was in Ukraine, he nodded, declining to be more specific but
adding that there were the "remains of poison in that lab that could have
been used in violation of national and international laws".
Earlier he had made light of his appearance. "I am sure that sitting before
you is a strong and beautiful man," he sighed, in his only attempt at
humour.
He is certainly strong, but his face remains shockingly scarred. His ears
are calloused and swollen and his cheeks, greyish under heavy make-up,
look disembodied next to his healthy hand when he raises it for emphasis.
"I'm proud that I was able to come through this ordeal and I know that 99
per cent of people would not have come through it. Nobody has survived
such a poisoning in Ukraine," he said.
The investigation so far bears this out. Mr Yushchenko said that the bodies
of an unconfirmed number of victims of the same highly concentrated dioxin,
an industrial defoliant, are being studied to establish exactly how it
attacks human tissue.
He said that there were only two other known survivors of exposure to the
poison in Europe. One is thought to be an Austrian textiles researcher.
The President's exclusion of Russia as a possible source of the poison will
be seen as conciliatory towards President Putin, who lobbied vigorously for
Mr Yushchenko's rival in the elections that triggered the January
revolution. Since then relations between the countries have been tense, but
the crisis that many forecast has not materialised.
Russia's share of Ukrainian exports has risen sharply and Mr Yushchenko
has surprised some of his European admirers by signing up to new free
trade initiatives with Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus, the ossified
dictatorship on his northern border.
He has also held three high-profile summits with Mr Putin, with two more
planned for the next two months, and progress is expected on fronts that
remained deadlocked under his predecessor. Among them are Russia's
stranglehold on gas and oil supplies to Ukraine and the disputed status of
Russia's Black Sea fleet at Sebastopol. The contrast with "old" Europe's
indifference towards Ukraine since May could hardly be starker.
With EU enlargement firmly on hold and Ukraine behind Turkey and much
of the Balkans in the queue to begin accession talks, the goal of full
membership promised to Kiev's crowds last winter now looks remote.
Asked if there was a risk that a yearning for Europe would turn to a sense
of betrayal, Mr Yushchenko talked pointedly about Europe's people rather
than its leaders. "The citizens of no European country object to Ukraine
joining the EU," he insisted, citing polls showing
65 per cent support for the idea among Germans and an only slightly lower
number in France. "We consider that Ukraine is an inseparable part of
Europe," he said.
Meanwhile, Ukraine has agreed to a three-year "action plan" with the EU,
but Western diplomats are making no promises and counselling patience.
Many Ukrainians feel that they have been patient long enough. "The window
of opportunity is closing!" the front page of a leading national daily
declared recently.
There is no question that Mr Yushchenko wants to keep that window open.
His challenge is to enact the reforms required to start accession talks fast
enough to satisfy his core supporters without alienating Russia or the
oligarchs on whom much of Ukraine's economy still depends.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
LINK: http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,3-1676054,00.html
===============================================================
13. UK 'INDEPENDENT' NEWSPAPER PRAISED FOR SECURING PAPERS
FOR MURDER PROSECUTION RELATED TO GEORGIY GONGADZE
Anne Penketh, The Independent
London, United Kingdom, Friday, Jul 01, 2005
LONDON - A senior Ukrainian official has praised The Independent for
uncovering documents that led to the first arrests in connection with the
murder of the investigative journalist Georgiy Gongadze.
Mr Gongadze's headless body was found in Kiev in 2000, weeks after he
disappeared. Former president Leonid Kuchma was heard on secretly made
recordings apparently instructing colleagues to 'take care' of Mr Gongadze
because of articles he wrote exposing high-level corruption, which pointed
to Mr Kuchma.
Solving the case has become a litmus test for President Viktor Yushchenko.
Mr Gongadze became a symbol for opposition against Mr Kuchma's
authoritarian 10-year rule.
The case was reopened after The Independent published leaked documents
showing police had followed Mr Gongadze until the moment of his
disappearance and were probably involved in his abduction.
Petro Poroshenko, the national security agency chief, told British
journalists in Kiev yesterday: 'We owe The Independent a great deal of
thanks for their help in securing documents that were crucial to pursuing
the case.' The papers showed Mr Kuchma's administration had blocked the
inquiry and they included an autopsy report on a key witness, Ihor
Honcharov, who died in custody. He was beaten and injected with a drug.
Mr Honcharov had claimed the murder was ordered by General Valerii
Kravchenko, Interior Minister, who commanded the police. He was found
dead in March, just before he was due to testify in the case.
The new police chief in Ukraine has said he is determined that those who
ordered the murder will be found. So far, two police lieutenants have been
detained. The suspect who is held responsible by the prosecutor general's
office, General Oleksiy Pukach, is in hiding and is possibly in
Israel. -30-
===============================================================
14. UKRAINE: ELECTIONS AND DEMOCRATISATION
SPECIAL ISSUE: Ukraine: Elections and Democratisation
Communist and Post-Communist Studies
Special Issue Guest Edited by T. Kuzio and P. D'Anieri
The Regents of the University of California
Volume 38, Issue 2, Pages 131-292 (June 2005)
ARTICLES 1- 8
1. Editorial Board Page CO2
2. Ukraine's 1994 elections as an economic event, Pages 131-165
By Robert S. Kravchuk and Victor Chudowsky
3. Regime type and politics in Ukraine under Kuchma, Pages 167-190
By Taras Kuzio
4. Rapacious individualism and political competition in Ukraine,
1992-2004, Pages 191-205
By Lucan A. Way
5. The Ukrainian Orange Revolution brought more than a new president:
What kind of democracy will the institutional changes bring? Pages 207-230
By Robert K. Christensen, Edward R. Rakhimkulov and Charles R. Wise
6. The last hurrah: The 2004 Ukrainian presidential elections and the
limits of machine politics, Pages 231-249
By Paul D'Anieri
7. Ukrainian political parties and foreign policy in election campaigns:
Parliamentary elections of 1998 and 2002, Pages 251-267
By Anna Makhorkina
8.The European Union and democratization in Ukraine, Pages 269-292
By Paul Kubicek -30-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
FOOTNOTE: For free copies of this journal or for pdf copies of
certain articles write to Taras Kuzio at tkuzio@gwu.edu.
==============================================================
15. UKRAINIAN BOY ATTRACTS SPOONS AND FORKS BY UNSEEN FORCE
PRAVDA, Moscow, Russia, Sat, July 2, 2005
The boy repeatedly tried to draw attention of his family to the fact that he
could attract a teaspoon to his face.
Parents refused to believe their son who told them that spoons and forks
could "stick" to his face. The parents were astounded after watching the
phenomenon with their own eyes. Now they consider filling an application for
the Guinness Book of Records.
Misha Dulnyavka lives in the town of Turka located in a remote mountainous
area of Ukraine. Border guards stop every incoming vehicle to check
documents. It is small wonder since the area is just six kilometers away
from the border. A taxi took me to the railway station. A flock of sheep was
moving nearby. I asked a shepherd for directions. The old man motioned to a
big white-brick house on the hill.
My driver did not want to take any chances on a muddy road after the rain so
I had to get off the car and walked up the hill which rose steeply in front
of me. A woman in her fifties emerged from the house and approached me. I
introduced myself and began beating about the bush in an attempt to start up
a conversation on the subject to be covered in my report. But my cautious
ways proved to be unnecessary.
The lady already figured out the purpose of my visit. The lady's name was
Lyubomira. "There are four generations of our family living in this house,
Misha is the youngest offspring, he is my great grandson," said she. The boy
entered the room and started talking about his town. "You are wrong if you
think that the name of our town has anything to do with Turks," said he.
The boy told me that he had repeatedly tried to draw attention of his family
to the fact that he could attract a teaspoon to his face. He was walking
about the house with a teaspoon hanging from his forehead. But the boy had
the knack for telling tall stories and therefore his mom and granny paid no
attention as they did their housework.
One day a circus arrived in town and all the schoolchildren were invited to
attend the show. "Misha's eyes twinkled with a little bit of cunning as he
looked up and told me: 'I can perform too, everybody will be amazed watching
me hold spoons and forks on my face'," said Irina, the boy's mother. On that
day Misha showed his wonderful talents to his mom. He hung a big tablespoon
on his forehead, then a couple of teaspoons on his nose, a fork got stuck to
his chin, and two big spoons hung on his ears. His mother said he could feel
the force of attraction while putting those items over Misha's face one more
time.
"My school teacher did not believe me so she brought her own spoon from
home, she got very much surprised when it glued to my forehead," says Misha.
The boy became a local celebrity after his dad and mom took him to a party
where he demonstrated his extraordinary abilities.
His performance won raves from the guests. A correspondent of a local
newspaper happened to be among those guests. She invited the boy and his
parents to the editor's office for a photo session. Now Misha carries a
clipping from the newspaper in his backpack. The photograph shows the boy
with lots of forks and spoons hanging on his face.
His next-of-kin began paying more attention to Misha's talents after they
learned of one Jonathan Freedman, an 11-year-old boy from Oregon. Jonathan
got into the Guinness Book of Records for his ability to hold 7 spoons on
his face for 5 seconds. Misha's mother claims her son was holding 7 spoons
on his face for 5 minutes. I asked her if the boy had been examined by the
doctors. She said Misha was a sound boy but his abilities could not be
properly studied in a local hospital since the town of Turka is a very
small town.
Lyubov Lozyuk, a candidate of biological sciences from the city of Lvov,
Ukraine, says that the phenomenon is known as natural magnetism. According
to her, humans and animals can possess extraordinary abilities to pull
things. However, the force of attraction varies in every particular case. By
all appearances, the boy has quite pronounced magnetic properties. Some
people are reportedly capable of attracting metallic items weighing up to
one kilogram. (Translated by: Guerman Grachev)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Link to article with a photograph:
http://english.pravda.ru/main/18/90/360/15744_magnet.html
===============================================================
16. UKRAINE: PRIME MINISTER SUGGESTS RADA PASS BILL
MEMORIALIZING VICTIMS OF WAR AND POLITICAL REPRESSIONS
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, May 18, 2005
KYIV - Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko suggests the Verkhovna Rada to
pass regulation memorializing the people who died in wars and as a result of
political repressions. The bill was registered in parliament under No.7475.
An explanatory note to the bill reads that it targets improvements and
coordination of the work of the executive branch of power and local
self-governments, institutions, enterprises and non-governmental
organizations in the effort aimed at making the memory of these victims
live forever.
The bill determines status of the victims, status of burial sites, and the
plan of actions related to a search, change of burial site, arrangement,
maintenance, and record-keeping of burial sites.
The bill outlines the procedure for restoration of damaged burial sites,
provides punishment for grave vandalism, and lists powers of authorized
agencies that deal with memorializing.
The following persons will have their names on eternal record, according to
the bill: army servicemen and policemen killed or reported missing during
combat actions, or war conflicts; army servicemen and policemen wounded
or killed by illness, or in captivity; the persons declared victims of
political repressions or Nazi persecution; civil persons killed in combat
actions or armed conflicts; civil persons who were displaced abroad and died
there; participants of international peacekeeping missions; and, the victims
of famine and deportation.
The state policy in this area will be maintained by the Cabinet of
Ministers, the State Interagency Commission for Memorializing the Victims
of War and Political Repressions, and similar commissions under local
administrations.
Pursuant to the bill, the burial sites, memorials and other commemorative
signs will be protected by the state and any their vandalism will be
punished by law. -30-
===============================================================
17. UKRAINE: MP OLEH TIAHNYBOK WANTS RADA TO CALL ON RUSSIAN
LEADERS TO ADMIT GUILT FOR 1932-1933 GREAT FAMINE AND
OTHER CRIMES OF SOVIET REGIME
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, March 17, 2005
KYIV - Non-faction parliamentary deputy Oleh Tiahnybok came to the
Verkhovna Rada with the proposal to call on the Russian leaders to admit
guilt for the 1932-1933 Great Famine and other crimes of the Soviet
regime. He registered his proposal as draft resolution on March 16.
According to the draft, when declaring itself a successor of the USSR,
Russia undertook responsibility for its anti-Ukrainian policy.
Tiahnybok wants the Russian President to admit guilt for the following
events: the war against the Ukrainian People's Republic and occupation in
1918-1920; famines of 1921, 1932-1933 and 1947; forcible collectivization;
terrorist extermination of Ukrainian Nationalist Movement leaders Symon
Petliura, Yevhen Konovalets and Stepan Bandera; extermination of
Ukrainian intelligentsia; and few other historical events.
Admission of its guilt in public, the lawmaker maintains, would demonstrate
that Russia is willing to abandon its imperial politics and would help
foster good-neighbor relations with Ukraine.
As Ukrainian News earlier reported, Tiahnybok recently drafted a bill
introducing a ban for five years on assigning government posts to persons
who had worked in the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union (CPSU) or collaborated with the KGB (Committee of State Security)
before January 1, 1992. -30-
===============================================================
18. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT'S PARTY STARTS PUBLISHING NEW
WEEKLY NATIONAL NEWSPAPER TAK!
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1340 gmt 30 Jun 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Thu, June 30, 2005
KYIV - The Our Ukraine People's Union political party has started publishing
a national weekly newspaper called Tak! [President Yushchenko's election
slogan, meaning "yes"], the party's press service told UNIAN.
The Our Ukraine election bloc previously published a leaflet under this
name. The newspaper's first print run totalled 500,000.
The paper covers the latest party news, as well as the activities of
Ukrainian President and current party leader Viktor Yushchenko and of
other party members working in the government, parliament and other
state bodies. It features analysis, survey results and regional news.
===============================================================
19. POLISH PRESIDENT REITERATES POLAND'S INTENTION TO BE
"ADVOCATE AND CHAMPION" OF UKRAINE
Polish Radio 1, Warsaw, Poland, in Polish, 30 Jun 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Thu, June 30, 2005
WARSAW - [Presenter] Twenty per cent of the Zeran-based FSO is today
already in the hands of the Ukrainian AvtoZAZ and the new investor in Huta
Czestochowa is the Donbas Industrial Association. The signing of mutual
contracts was the last point on the agenda of the Polish-Ukrainian summit
with the participation of the presidents of Poland and Ukraine in the
Tri-City. An international agreement on tourist cooperation has also been
signed. Here is [reporter] Agnieszka Michajlow.
[Reporter] President Aleksander Kwasniewski declared for a successive
time that Poland will be the advocate and champion of Ukrainian aspirations
to [join] the European Union.
[Kwasniewski] I am convinced that this day will be, that this day will come
when Poland and other countries of the European Union will greet Ukraine in
the structures of the EU. I believe that will be on this road together and
that we will help each other.
[Reporter] President Viktor Yushchenko announced that the preparation of a
so-called road map, that is of the principles for cooperation in various
areas, including economic ones, was required in relations with Poland. He
stressed that just six months ago, it was the grey sphere that dominated in
Ukraine. He declared that he and the government would do everything so as
to facilitate for Poles the conducting of business in Ukraine.
Polish entrepreneurs complained at opaque principles for activity in the
Ukrainian economy, at the unpredictable decisions of officials, such as
increasing taxes and the withdrawal of concessions on a day-to-day basis.
Aleksander Kwasniewski also spoke of this today.
Poland and Ukraine are doing specific business. Today, contracts were
signed for the sale of 20 per cent of FSO to the Ukrainian AvtoZAZ and of
Huta Czestochowa to Donbas. These are important investors for us, stated
Economy Minister Jacek Piechota.
[Piechota] These contracts mean, first of all, a solution for the immediate
problems of Huta Czestochowa and FSO. They signify ties with Ukrainian
investors and so also development opportunities for these companies,
opportunities for a presence on the Ukrainian market, a developing market,
and perspectives for cooperation in very many areas.
[Reporter] The Ukrainians are very much counting on the Poles. This was
spoken of today by the head of the Lviv Chamber of Industry and Commerce,
Miroslav Dmitrak.
[Dmitrak] Investments, investments, and once again investments. Secondly,
so that it be easier both to trade and to travel, and so that these goods
that move between us not stand on the border for a day, for two days. There
is a problem with goods transport on the railways, because as you know, you
have a European [gauge] railway while we have the slightly broader gauge.
And there is a problem involved with transhipment because of the tracks. But
I
hope that in the near future, by the end of the year, this will all change
and will facilitate for us both trade and cultural links and tourism.
[Reporter] An agreement on tourist cooperation between Poland and Ukraine
was also signed in Gdynia today. What are we counting on? Here is the deputy
chairman of the Polish Tourism Organization, Wojciech Kodlubanski:
[Kodlubanski] The Ukrainian tourist is a guest who is very much awaited in
Poland. Today we have almost 2m tourists from Ukraine, tourists who come to
our country above all for rest. This is a prosperous tourist, a tourist who
spends relatively a lot of money in Poland. Zakopane [leading southern
mountain resort] and the south of Poland today in great measure live from
Ukrainian tourists. But Ukrainian tourists ever more frequently come to the
Polish coast, to the Tri-City.
[Reporter] The next economic summit is in a year, in Ukraine. -30-
=================================================================
20. PRESIDENT SAAKASHVILI SAYS IMPORTANT FOR GEORGIA
AND UKRAINE TO BE SUCCESSFUL AND PROMOTE DEMOCRACY
Georgian State Television Channel 1, Tbilisi, in Georgian 30 Jun 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Thu, June 30, 2005
TBILISI - [Presenter] The minister of foreign affairs of Ukraine is visiting
Tbilisi. Borys Tarasyuk arrived in Georgia this evening. The purpose of his
trip is to prepare Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko's visit to Tbilisi
scheduled for 15 July.
Borys Tarasyuk is meeting his Georgian counterpart, Salome Zourabichvili,
as I speak. After the meeting at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs the
ministers will sign a memorandum of cooperation on European and Euro-
Atlantic integration. The president of Georgia met the Ukrainian guest
earlier in the day.
[Mikheil Saakashvili, Georgian president] It is very important for the whole
of post-Soviet space that a democratic Georgia and a democratic Ukraine
are successful.
Therefore, we are helping one another in everything. We are helping one
another in the economic sphere, we are helping one another in the political
sphere, we are helping one another in cooperation with Euro-Atlantic bodies,
and we will do everything in our power to create in the near future new,
much more efficient mechanisms of regional cooperation and the
strengthening of democracy in our countries as well as everywhere else,
throughout the world. We can say this without reservation.
[Tarasyuk, in Russian] We have common history and we have common
approaches to the restoration of democracy in our countries.
Both the revolution of roses and the orange revolution were geopolitical
events. They changed European landscape. They demonstrated to the whole
world that democracy is possible even in the post-Soviet space. -30-
===============================================================
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