"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT - AUR"
An International Newsletter
The Latest, Up-To-Date
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis, and Commentary
"Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World"
UKRAINIANS COMMEMORATE FIRST ANNIVERSARY
OF THE ORANGE REVOLUTION
STANDING ON THE MAIDAN IN 2004 AND 2005
For the thousands of us who were fortunate to have the opportunity
to stand on the Maidan on November 22, 2004 and November 22,
2005 it is clear the people have it right. They are standing in the right
place for the right objectives. The politicians and the government now
need to do more to get it right and what is stopping them from
getting it right needs to be changed, such as the Soviet style
governmental organizational structure still in place.
As one astute Ukrainian official said, "The powers seem unable to
deliver to the people what the people want." EDITOR
"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT - AUR" - Number 606
Mr. E. Morgan Williams, Publisher and Editor
FROM: KYIV, UKRAINE, WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 23, 2005
--------INDEX OF ARTICLES--------
"Major International News Headlines and Articles"
1. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO RALLIES SUPPORTERS
ON ANNIVERSARY OF ORANGE REVOLUTION
Ukraine is on the right track...do not give up hope
UT1 State TV, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian, 22 Nov 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Wednesday, Nov 23, 2005
2. KIEV CITIZENS KEEP FAITH WITH THE ORANGE REVOLUTION
Chris Stephen reports on the turmoil and political
in-fighting which has dominated Ukraine in the past year
Chris Stephen, Irish Times, Ireland, Wed, Nov 23, 2005
3. YUSHCHENKO MARKS FIRST ORANGE ANNIVERSARY
By Tom Warner in Kiev, Financial Times
London, UK, Tuesday, November 22 2005
4. ONE YEAR ON, UKRAINE'S ORANGE REVOLUTION PALES
70 per cent of orange revolution supporters are now disillusioned
By Askold Krshelnycky in Kiev, Independent
London, UK, Wednesday, 23 November 2005
5. SACKED PRIME MINISTER YULIA TYMOSHENKO UPSTAGES
PRESIDENT VICTOR YUSHCHENKO AT MASS UKRAINE RALLY
By Ron Popeski, Reuters, Kiev, Ukraine, Tue Nov 22, 2005
6. A CHANGED, BUT DIVIDED UKRAINE MARKS 'ORANGE
REVOLUTION' ANNIVERSARY
Agence France Presse (AFP), Kiev, Ukraine, Tuesday, Nov 22, 2005
7. YUSHCHENKO URGES UKRAINIANS TO BE PROUD OF
CHANGES, PATIENT WITH REFORMS
AP INTERVIEW: Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko
Mara D. Bellaby, AP Worldstream, Kiev, Ukraine, Tues, Nov 22, 2005
8. ORANGE REVOLUTION PROTESTS BITTERSWEET
Natasha Lisova, AP Online, Kiev, Ukraine, Tue, Nov 22, 2005
9. REVOLUTION IN UKRAINE: ONE YEAR ON.
WILL THE CIS TURN ORANGE?
OPINION & ANALYSIS: By Arseny Oganesyan,
RIA Novosti political commentator
Russian News & Information Agency, RIA Novosti
Moscow, Russia, Tuesday, Nov 22, 2005
10. EUROPEAN UNION PRAISES UKRAINE'S ORANGE ANNIVERSARY
Agence France Presse (AFP), Brussels, Belgium, Tues, November 22 2005
11. FIRST ANNIVERSARY OF THE ORANGE REVOLUTION
George Bush's Presidential Message
THE WHITE HOUSE, Office of the Press Secretary
Washington, D.C., Tuesday, November 22, 2005
12. UKRAINIANS COMMEMORATE FIRST ANNIVERSARY
OF THE ORANGE REVOLUTION
Associated Press (AP), Kiev, Ukraine, Tuesday, November 22, 2005
13. HOW UKRAINE 'VERGED ON CIVIL WAR'
By Olexiy Solohubenko, BBC News, Kiev
BBC NEWS, United Kingdom, Tuesday, November 22, 2005
14. THE RING'S LOSS, UKRAINE'S GAIN
Vitali Klitschko, the WBC heavyweight champion of the world
COMMENTARY: By Gordon Marino
Financial Times, London, United Kingdom, Tue, Nov 22, 2005
15. UKRAINIAN ARTIST HNIZDOVSKY: OF MEN AND BEASTS
Lviv residents fulfill Yakiv Hnizdovsky's last request 20 years later
By Iryna YEHOROVA, The Day
The Day Weekly Digest in English, #37
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, November 22, 2005
16. ANNUAL ST. PATRICK'S CATHEDRAL UKRAINIAN GENOCIDE
COMMEMORATION ATTRACTS THOUSANDS
Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA)
New York, New York, Monday, November 21, 2005
17. A GIFT FROM AMERICA
Jackson-Vanik amendment repealed by half
By Serhiy SOLODKY, The Day
The Day Weekly Digest in English, #37
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, November 22, 2005
18. UKRAINE GRADUATED FROM JACKSON-VANIK AMENDMENT
The Federation of Jewish Communities of the CIS (FJC)
Moscow & New York, Tuesday, November 22 2005
========================================================
1. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO RALLIES SUPPORTERS
ON ANNIVERSARY OF ORANGE REVOLUTION
Ukraine is on the right track...do not give up hope
UT1 State TV, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian, 22 Nov 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Wednesday, Nov 23, 2005
President Viktor Yushchenko has said that Ukraine is on the right track and
urged supporters not to give up hope for the Orange Revolution he led a year
ago.
In a 55-minute speech to a large crowd gathered on Kiev's Independence
Square (Maydan) to commemorate the first anniversary of the start of mass
protests, which was broadcast live by most of Ukraine's main TV channels,
Yushchenko said that the revolution had made people proud to be Ukrainian.
Yushchenko said that "private ambition" was behind the accusations of
corruption that resulted in the breakdown of the orange coalition and the
dismissal of the government of Yuliya Tymoshenko and other top officials in
September.
He closed by urging the team that backed his presidential bid to reunite
ahead of the March 2006 parliamentary election in order to preserve the new
freedoms won by the revolution.
The following is an excerpt from Yushchenko's speech broadcast by Ukrainian
state-owned television UT1 on 22 November:
Dear Ukrainian community, dear glorious Maydan, dear friends, dear sworn
brothers!
Today I am proud that after 12 months of decent, beautiful and interesting
Ukrainian life we are celebrating the first anniversary of Ukrainian
freedom. It is true that after 14 years, independence has come to the
Ukrainian land. I know that everyone who came to this Maydan is here because
they love Ukraine very much.
Today is possibly not an easy time and we are discussing how we got along
during these 12 months, where we have been disappointed, where we have
victories, whether we are following the right path, whether we missed our
way, and many, many other problems that honest people have. And therefore my
speech, my dears, will be devoted to one point - the faith [words
indistinct], how to come out of every Maydan with the faith that we are
going the right way.
Dear friends... [interrupted by people chanting "Yulya"]
Please, yell out Yulya once again and I will make my speech. I am ready to
hear this... [shouts are heard]
SAYS UKRAINE IS ON THE RIGHT TRACK
The time has come, my dears... my dears, let's be tactful, the time will
come, but today we have to answer the questions that worry every decent and
honest person who came to this Maydan. We need to sort out honestly what is
going on - without any masks, without any acting, to tell people honestly
what we are living with, what is happening now, and what we are going to do.
I came here with my family and with the children who helped me to come out
and climb onto this stage 12 months ago. They were with me then. Our
grandchildren and my family are also here with me. Each one of us has paid
for what we call freedom. Each one of us. I paid my own price, each one of
us paid his own price.
My mother who died several days after my inauguration also paid her price,
without recovering consciousness because not every healthy person could
endure the fight against the gang that we had a year ago. We were united
then because we knew who we were fighting against.
I have a question. When we came to power, when people went to their offices
from this Maydan, why did they lose the ethics, the political morality that
kept them united here? Despite the fact that these were 20 different
political forces, we spoke about one thing then, we spoke about the ideals
of Maydan.
And, actually, I would like to speak today about the first lessons of the
first anniversary, of the Ukrainian Day of Freedom.
First of all, I want to address those who have given up, those whose heads
are bowed. My friends, as president of this country, I assert that we are
going the only possible right track, the road of freedom and fairness for
everyone. Any development, either political, economic or humanitarian is
based on three things: democracy, freedom and the rule of law.
Twelve months ago we were fighting for Ukraine to have these values. Here
millions of people said - it is not salaries that we need, we do not need
additional pensions, but make sure that this country has honest authorities.
In other words, they wanted the right to choose, freedom and the rule of
law, so that no one could torture you anymore.
During the 12 months on this road, I say that we have not lost our way. We
are still going this way. But let's appreciate the challenge, dear
community. It is obvious that it takes more than one month to create
democracy, truth and freedom, human rights. Let's not cover Ukraine's head
with ashes just because after 12 months someone is disappointed. Do not be
hasty, especially when it concerns consumption. I am convinced that my
nation and my people have had 12 brilliant months.
[Passage omitted: praises the bravery of journalists, students, police and
TV channels a year ago; quotes poet Taras Shevchenko.]
Says revolution has made people proud to be Ukrainian
The 17 days of the Maydan gave birth to a new face of Ukraine. The world saw
a new country, a modern nation that can form the new face of Europe.
Today we feel Ukraine inside us in a new way. The absolute majority of
Ukrainians today consider Ukraine their common fatherland. There was a
breakthrough in all the regions, in all the social and language groups,
first of all, among youth and highly educated people.
Ninety per cent of Ukrainians consider Ukraine their only fatherland. Two
years ago, it was only 76 per cent of us. Ninety-four per cent of young
people believe Ukraine is their only fatherland. Two years ago, it was 87
per cent. Five years ago more than half of young Ukrainians would have
preferred to be born abroad.
Today we say loud and clear that we are the Ukrainian nation. We are proud
of being Ukrainians, and this is the biggest achievement of the Maydan. We
think in Ukrainian, we are reviving our roots, clearing our historic memory
of alien myths. This is not an easy process.
We failed to take the final step to find mutual agreement on the Ukrainian
view of the victory over the Nazi, so that the participants of World War II
[Soviet Army veterans] and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) could shake
hands. We have failed. But I believe that this step will be made and I will
do my best to overcome all the old quarrels in the country. [Passage
omitted: recalls famine victims]
GUARANTEES FAIR PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION
It is another achievement of Maydan that each one of us received the freedom
of choice. We have protected the right of every Ukrainian citizen to be able
to choose the authorities on his own.
I guarantee that from its very first day the 2006 parliamentary election
will be fair and transparent. Neither state offices, nor state premises or
state computers, or state cars will work for any political party during the
election to parliament in 2006.
Today on my way to the office I read a slogan at one of the road crossings -
it is time to answer. And there were three portraits: the former prime
minister [Yulia Tymoshenko], mine and the parliament speaker [Volodymyr
Lytvyn]. My friends, indeed I want to answer every question that arises from
a dialogue between the authorities and citizens, between the authorities and
business.
PRAISES ECONOMIC ACHIEVEMENTS
Various things have happened. But we have done many things that no-one has
ever done in this country. I am proud of this. I would like to communicate
some things officially, as an answer to those questions.
I am proud of the fact that in the last nine months 830,000 new jobs have
been created in Ukraine. In 12 months, there will be 1.1m new jobs. This was
what we dreamt of while standing on this square 12 months ago.
I am happy that Ukraine has, even using the official methodology of the
International Labour Organization, unemployment of 7.2 per cent. This is the
lowest level of unemployment in the 14 years of Ukraine's independence. I am
proud of this, because this is the work of Maydan too.
I want to say that I am proud of the fact that when 12 months ago we dreamt
of cutting the army service to 12 months, we did it. And today our boys who
have higher education serve nine months in the army, and those with
secondary education serve 12 months.
I am proud of the fact that 12 months ago we talked about withdrawing
Ukrainian troops from Iraq. And we will complete the third stage in 20-25
days, to pull the last soldier out of Iraq. We have done what we promised
Maydan.
We said that Kryvorizhstal [steelworks], stolen by the previous regime of
[former Prime Minister Viktor] Yanukovych, would be returned to the state
and privatized honestly in a repeat tender.
We have done that, and we have received proceeds in the state budget which
are 20 per cent higher than all of the privatization proceeds in all the
years. We are talking about just one asset. But we have dozens of these
strategic assets in Ukraine.
The question to the Yanukovyches, [former presidential administration head
Viktor] Medvedchuks and [former President Leonid] Kuchmas is - where are
those strategic assets? Where did they go? Where is the national budget?
Where is the medic, the soldier, the teacher?
We are talking about the new authorities, and their arrival will benefit
everyone, if these authorities are honest, democratic and professional.
Therefore, I am especially proud that in the past 10 years the salary of the
average Ukrainian citizen grew by 35 per cent. It is not that often that
real incomes grow by 24 per cent, that salaries of teachers, medics and
culture workers grow by 57 per cent. I think this is a rare performance in
our history. [Passage omitted: more praise for economic achievements]
SAYS FOREIGN RELATIONS IMPROVED
I would like to say that over this period the world and Europe got to know
Ukraine. We have had twice as many visitors from the European Union in the
last six months, after we cancelled visas for EU citizens.
In a few days, the Ukraine-EU summit will open in Kiev, chaired by Tony
Blair, where we hope to receive the market economy status. Two days ago, we
started official talks on liberalization of the visa regime for Ukrainians
visiting the EU. The US government has cancelled trade and customs sanctions
against Ukraine.
The Jackson-Vanik amendment has been cancelled. Many things have been done
to make sure that in the first quarter of 2006, Ukraine can become a member
of the World Trade Organization. We have done a lot of work here, especially
in recent days. But you see the disputes in parliament. We don't always find
unity of Ukrainian interests there.
I am happy that on 2 December Ukraine will receive 39 representatives of
foreign countries, more than 10 presidents and prime ministers, who will
attend a forum of democratic forces. I am happy that Ukraine is becoming a
regional leader. A leader that initiates the settlement not just of frozen
conflicts but also launches modern, interesting intercontinental projects.
PROMISES TO CORRECT ECONOMIC MISTAKES
But I believe, my dear friends, that we have enough courage to speak about
our mistakes. About what we failed to achieve. We have done a lot, but not
everything. And to ensure that Ukraine prospers, we must give answers to all
questions, including uncomfortable ones.
A lot of time has been wasted because of mistakes and miscalculations. There
have been obvious mistakes if we talk about what has befallen the country as
a result of administrative interference with the market, in particular, the
prices, the fuel, meat and sugar crises. I am convinced that this is not
something we should be proud of or should place on the altar of Ukrainian
heroism.
It is sad that Ukraine has closed economic zones, closed more than 500
projects, and many of them were run by investors who came and invested money
with an open soul, started their businesses in the hope of working for
Ukraine. It was an unfortunate mistake, which provoked a serious conflict
between the regional and central authorities and individual businesses. Over
the next week, we will finish fixing it.
We are finding answers to businesses' motivation to cancel VAT payments and
customs payments when talking about re-export operations. We are convinced
that the issue of so-called reprivatization could be handled more
appropriately. Without scaring investors by questioning the validity or
legitimacy of their projects. But I want to say that making mistakes is not
a problem. We should be happy and proud of the opportunity to correct these
mistakes.
REGRETS BREAK UP OF ORANGE TEAM,
ACCUSATION OF CORRUPTION
From the very first day of talking about the formation of the Ukrainian
authorities, I made my approach plain and clear. I had one criteria on the
basis of which I proposed the government and other executive institutions in
Ukraine should be formed.
The first position is that I offered the highest government posts, [posts
in] regional executive power, other institutions of power to the people who
stood behind me on Maydan. Some of these people were with me in the
parliamentary election [in 2002], some of them in the presidential race [in
2004], and won. There were no accidental people, and I want to stress that.
There were no people in the Ukrainian authorities other than those from
Maydan, the people who were accepted by Maydan.
These included [former state secretary Oleksandr] Zinchenko, [former
National Security and Defence Council Secretary Petro] Poroshenko, [current
National Security and Defence Council Secretary Anatoliy] Kinakh, [former
Prime Minister Yuliya] Tymoshenko, [current Interior Minister Yuriy]
Lutsenko, [former Deputy Prime Minister for Regional Policy Roman]
Bezsmertnyy, [former Transport Minister Yevhen] Chervonenko, [former Deputy
Prime Minister for Humanitarian Issues Mykola] Tomenko, [current Finance
Minister Viktor] Pynzenyk.
These are people who stood by me in the days of the Orange Revolution. These
are people who made the notable and important steps that are now referred to
as the Orange Revolution and the efforts we associate with this glorious
period. These are the faces that, as a matter of fact, made the revolution.
I delegated enough power to each one of them. And, I am confident today,
none of them complained that they lacked something. And I was happy how the
work started in these first days because I believed, and I am still
convinced, that these people are quite professional. These are people who
had a big political school behind them to bring benefits for this country.
And therefore I had a clear and specific hope. These people were a single
team here on stage, these people would be a single team when they move to
offices. But being in opposition, being on Maydan is different to working in
the office. And when I saw that month by month the team started losing its
team spirit, I told every side - friends, such processes are inadmissible. I
did this until the last day.
And I want to say once again that it is not important that from 6.5 per cent
GDP growth in January we fell back to minus 1.6 per cent in August. It is
not even important that we have burnt 2.5 billion of the trade surplus
during six months. Even the growth of prices for sugar or meat, sausages or
cereals is not important. I know figures for every item.
The worst thing is that the team which was united on this square became
different when they were in state offices. So the efforts I made in the last
weeks of August and in September - we were sitting until 2300 trying to
reconcile one side with the other. My demand was that they come to their
senses and shake hands with each other.
Maydan needs this, Ukraine needs this, and I needed to achieve the goals we
have set. I had an impression that they agreed. But then I was betrayed.
Then I gave them a chance once more. But it happened the way it happened.
Today I think it is another lesson of Maydan. We should draw conclusions. We
should not create myths, we should not create legends, but we should talk
about this honestly.
It was not Independence Square that brought corruption to this country. It
was not those people who are standing behind my back or those who were
standing behind my back 12 months ago who were the carriers of corruption.
But it happened that this label has stuck to the members of the Orange
Revolution, without proof, without a court, without a single fact so far.
Why did this collapse affect us. Because private ambitions began working
instead of the principles of Maydan. This was the problem that split the
team, these decent and wise people who were standing behind my back 12
months ago.
Dear friends, speaking about the choice, tests and lessons, I would like
very much that the team standing behind my back honestly learn these
lessons, that they don't lie, that they act and talk honestly.
Friends, I am asking you not to turn Maydan into the 2006 parliamentary
election. I am begging you. We are talking about Freedom Day. Let's be wise
and correct.
GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS SHOULD STICK TO THEIR OWN SECTOR
Second, friends. I am confident that Ukraine will be a democratic and free
country from now on and it won't be affected by any backtracking, which
would encroach on its democracy. Freedom of speech, freedom of choice,
including political choice, and the supremacy of law will rule in this
country. But we should honestly say that without changes, without movement
we will see the dead Ukraine that we had for 12-13 years before us. So we
should talk about the policy of changes, the policy of reform.
Dear friends, I would like very much for every government member to talk
about the tasks he faces. So that the deputy prime minister for humanitarian
issues does not speak about pension reform, saying: let us do it. Let us
reform education, which is deeply corrupt.
Let us make Ukrainian health care available to Ukrainians. I would like the
deputy prime minister for humanitarian issues to talk about these things. I
would like the economics minister to talk about the economy rather than the
National Security and Defence Council and its decisions.
I would like everyone working in the Ukrainian government and representing
it to bear responsibility since he is not in opposition, since he is
responsible for everything happening in the country. And the best thing they
can do is to be in charge of their own sector.
PLEDGES TO CONTINUE FIGHT AGAINST CORRUPTION
We have great tasks for the future. I would like to emphasize the main idea
for all of you. We should feel stronger and more united after this
celebration of the first year of Ukraine's freedom. I am sure that each one
of us should understand that we want to see wealthy Ukrainians. We should
carry out changes and ensure Ukraine's movement. I would like to talk about
the tasks for 2006.
I would like to begin with what we started on this square - the fight
against corruption. I would like to say that it was not Independence Square
that brought corruption to Ukraine. Corruption flourished in this country
for over 10 years from top to bottom. And in the rating of the most corrupt
countries Ukraine never did better than No 120. But what did Maydan bring?
Maydan allowed us to talk about this problem for the first time. Fifteen
months ago no state official, an ordinary person or journalist could say
much about corruption in this country. But they knew well that it existed in
the doctor's office, school, university or a state official's office.
We have worked out a plan to fight corruption, which cannot be fulfilled in
five or 12 months. This is an evil we should fight for perhaps more than a
year. But we said during the first year that, number one, corruption will be
seriously minimized if honest people come to work as officials, and their
moral values, God, Bible and their spirituality will not allow them to cross
the line beyond which corruption begins.
We have replaced several thousand officials. This was the job of the first
seven-eight months. Nobody has ever did this much. Not everybody have been
reached. Not everyone was defined correctly. Some should be reviewed again
and maybe even for the third time, because we are talking about the new
Ukrainian authorities which are based on moral values. They should have
their new style. Let us be patient in this respect. This is an extremely
serious issue.
Paragraph two of the corruption issue. Do we have officials who have
extremely broad remits? Clearly yes. We have begun revising executive
decisions, laws, government resolutions and presidential decrees. It turned
out that out of 9,000 regulations over 5,000 should be cancelled so that we
can have transparent and competitive rules, a clear procedure for
appointments, licences and tenders. Two weeks ago parliament approved two
good laws on regulatory policy. Over six months we will seriously review the
functions of state officials.
CRITICIZES JUDICIARY, PROSECUTION SERVICE
The third point is about the court system and the prosecutor's office. We
have a corrupt court system. Twelve months ago we said here - where can we
find justice, in which court in this country? Back them we announced - the
main stage in combating corruption should be the conduct of fundamental
judicial reform because few are pleased with the courts the way they are
today. A minority is pleased with it while a majority is not.
When a few days ago a district court passed a ruling that a presidential
decree on the dismissal of the prosecutor-general [Svyatoslav Piskun] should
be overturned, this was perceived as a joke. When the president acts in line
with a constitutional provision, which is not subject to revision by any
court except the Constitutional Court, a district court today demonstrates
that it can spit on the rules of this country, on this democracy, on
everything because they have always had impunity.
The Prosecutor-General's Office is a big problem. I am convinced that until
recently it was a political institution, an institution with political
amnesty. Hundreds and thousands of cases had been forwarded there over eight
months involving 77 heads of district administrations, 19 heads of regional
administrations, three heads of regional councils, more than 1,000
state-level officials.
Over nine months of work by the prosecutor's office, we have not received a
single decision to indicate that the prosecutor's office has fought economic
crime, abuse of office or corruption. Therefore, esteemed friends, I am not
bowing my head but looking you straight in the eye and saying - we should
reform the judiciary in this country to ensure the supremacy of law.
We should conduct profound reform of the prosecutor's office. This is our
contribution to the fight against corruption. Without this, we cannot answer
the question on how to purge corrupt figures from the executive branch of
power, from parliament, from local bodies of power.
[Passage omitted: talks about the need to increase salaries for judges and
officials as a way of combating corruption and bribery]
Dear friends, I am convinced that the steps I named and other steps
stipulated in the presidential decree will be the answer to the question of
how Ukraine will cope with the outrage which we have inherited from the
Yanukovych-Kuchma regime that is called corruption. We will manage it. But
friends, do not bend your heads and do not cover your heads in ashes. Not a
single nation has done it in weeks or months. Let's live up to the
challenge. [Passage omitted: talks about challenges in the education
system]
JUSTIFIES TALKING WITH OPPOSITION
I have to give answers to a number of comments that were made here. There
were comments on the memorandum between the authorities and the opposition
[signed with Yanukovych on 22 September]. I would like to say the following.
You remember how when we stood on this square 12 months ago, we heard about
the results of the meeting in Severodonetsk, which launched the political
initiative to create an Eastern-Ukrainian republic. They were political
outsiders who were looking for their salvation through the division of the
nation.
Then among all the European flags, among the many slogans of support for the
election campaign, there was one slogan - East and West together. I know how
a lot of people who stood on the orange Maydan brought food to the Dynamo
Stadium since those lads in tents had nothing but vodka with them.
You brought food to support that team, to shake hands and say: Lads, we are
citizens of Ukraine. There is a single Ukraine above us, irrespective of
your belief, irrespective of the language you speak, irrespective of what
political force you support - that is not so important.
Let us not set ourselves the goal of splitting the country. Yes, excuse me,
there is such a phenomenon in this country as Yanukovych. There is such a
phenomenon as opposition to the current authorities. There is. This is true.
I don't want to describe this phenomenon. But I want to tell you one thing.
Friends, when we say that Ukraine should be united, don't we have to talk
about it here? I am sure we do.
When we say that we will hold the 2006 election fairly - perhaps for the
first time in this country - isn't it worth talking to the opposition? It
is, because we are talking not about Yanukovych but about those people who
support other political forces and who are also Ukrainian citizens.
When we talk about the 2006 budget, should we support it and live with a
budget or not? When we talk about the WTO, should we talk about this or not?
For we cannot muster 226 votes among ourselves to support [bills needed for
Ukraine's WTO entry].
Friends, let's do our thinking as people who have come to power from Maydan
and who are responsible for the unity of the nation and the country.
CALLS FOR UNITY OF DEMOCRATIC FORCES IN
PARLIAMENT ELECTION
Therefore, dear friends, I call on you not to forget one of the values that
Maydan holds sacred - we are united. Nothing can separate us. I know what is
going to happen - to make one last stab in the back of the Ukrainian
nation - a vote on NATO, a referendum on the SES [Single Economic Space
with Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan] and lots of other things that are intended
to demonstrate one thing at this difficult political time - Ukrainians, you
are different, you differ on NATO, you differ on the SES, you differ on the
WTO, you even speak different languages, you belong to different
denominations, you walk under different icons.
And I say to you - do not bend, my friends, do not swallow this sweet bait.
We have lived through this for 12 months. The main lesson that we have
learnt is, do we want to win the 2006 election? Yes, we do. There is only
one answer to this. The team standing behind my back should be united. They
should be on the same side. They should offer a hand to each other. [shouts
of approval]
If Ukraine is in the heart, we should remember one thing, the challenge -
[stops in the middle of sentence interrupted by shouts] Friends, I am here
to say serious things to you. Please, please, please.
The challenge we are facing in the 2006 parliamentary election is - it is
not about electing a parliament, it is not about electing a prime minister,
it is an answer to this - what we have earned over the last 12 months and
what we call Ukrainian freedom, Ukrainian democracy and Ukrainian liberty -
will this be preserved or will we turn this Ukrainian history over as our
inheritance to the previous regime. This is a most topical issue.
The orange coalition's being in the middle of a feud now is not the best
context for the 2006 election. It is not the best, but I was confident of
one thing. Maydan will unite them once again. Maydan will bring the people
together, because it is not about the egos of 15 or 20 people. I am
convinced that this is the will of tens of millions of Ukrainians.
We should secure the victory of democratic forces in March 2006. This is our
promise because a victorious election of the Ukrainian president can only be
victorious if there are democratic victories in the 2006 Ukrainian
parliament. This is a single body which cannot be torn apart.
Therefore, dear friends, speaking about this, I would like to appeal to all
of you who are present in this square today and who were in this square a
year ago. Ukraine needs all civil structures defending freedom, democracy
and human rights to be active and purposeful.
A watchful responsible media is needed to speak the truth to citizens.
Energetic entrepreneurs are needed to move the economy forward and to create
jobs. Ukraine needs the energy and patriotism of all citizens united by love
for their country and their freedom.
I swear to each of you - I am ready to do everything I can for our unity.
First and foremost, to unite the forces that were together on Maydan and
that profess its values. It is our mutual understanding that can guarantee
the changes that we have just talked about.
I remind you once again about the strength that Ukrainian freedom has given
us. From today on, we will celebrate Ukrainian Freedom Day. It will remind
us that if we are free and united, we will attain every aim that Maydan
identified as a national goal. A dream about a prosperous, free and
independent Ukraine will come true.
We lived that dream here and were proud of it. Glory to Ukrainian Maydan!
Glory to each one of you! Glory to the free Ukrainian nation! Glory to Lord
our God and glory to Ukraine! -30-
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2. KIEV CITIZENS KEEP FAITH WITH THE ORANGE REVOLUTION
Chris Stephen reports on the turmoil and political
in-fighting which has dominated Ukraine in the past year
Chris Stephen, Irish Times, Ireland, Wed, Nov 23, 2005
Ukraine's capital, Kiev, was bathed in orange last night as thousands of
people marked the anniversary of last year's pro-democracy demonstrations,
the so-called "Orange Revolution".
However, in line with the disappointment felt with the progress of the
government, numbers were drastically down on the crowds of 500,000 which
brought the city to a standstill a year ago.
Citizens bundled in orange scarves against the biting cold nevertheless
cheered last night and sang along to some of the pop tunes which had
entertained them each night during the Orange Revolution.
Last year's protests began when foreign observers accused former prime
minister Viktor Yanukovich of rigging the presidential election of November
2004 to ensure his victory. Three weeks of huge demonstrations, carried out
as armed police threatened to intervene, saw Yanukovich agree to hold new
elections, which Viktor Yushchenko won.
A year later, the Orange Revolution has lost much of its lustre, with
Yushchenko and his former ally in the pro-democracy leadership, Julia
Timoshenko, having gone their separate ways after an acrimonious split.
During the demonstrations, the pair were inseparable, forming a memorable
double-act - her attractive features contrasting with his pebble-dashed
face, the result of a poisoning attack by the secret police.
Yet, in power, the two repeatedly clashed. Timoshenko won plaudits for
attacking the corrupt privatisations of the former regime. Yushchenko
supporters accused her of populism by raising pensions and wages for state
workers last spring, a move which has resulted in a doubling of the national
debt to US$6 billion.
Timoshenko supporters in turn have accused Yushchenko of being soft on
corruption, and her criticism has fallen on fertile ground.
Many in Kiev were shocked at the opportunism of Yushchenko's 19-year-old
son, Andriy, who tried to patent the slogan of the Orange Revolution, "Tak",
meaning "Yes". Tee-shirts, scarves and badges with this slogan do a roaring
trade at city-centre souvenir stalls, but Ukrainians were dismayed that
anyone, least of all the president's son, could try to corner the market.
The second blow to Yushchenko's prestige came in the summer when he shook
hands with his former adversary, Yanukovich. This handshake came after
Timoshenko supporters in parliament refused to support Yushchenko.
Determined to get new laws passed, the president reached out to his former
enemy. But images of the two men shaking hands left many Ukrainians
wondering if he had gone back on promises made during the revolution.
In September, the two camps began trading insults, and Yushchenko sacked his
entire cabinet, including Timoshenko.
However, Timoshenko seized the limelight back from Yushchenko in
Independence Square last night. In an impassioned 20-minute address,
delivered without notes, she clearly won over the crowd of more than
100,000.
"I am certain that, just as we supported Viktor Yushchenko in the
presidential election, we must now unite to elect a prime minister who will
embody everything we fought for," said Timoshenko, tears welling in her
eyes.
"I want to dismiss all the rumours that it is Timoshenko versus Yushchenko.
This cannot be so, because this is the president that you and I helped bring
to power. We did it together."
Timoshenko told the crowd that only a united team of reformers could win the
March 2006 election to a parliament led by a prime minister with expanded
powers.
Yushchenko, looking uncomfortable, eventually issued a similar call at the
end of a speech lasting nearly an hour. "Do we want to win the 2006
parliamentary election? Yes, we do," Yushchenko said to modest applause from
the crowd.
"This team standing behind me must be united, must work together and extend
a hand to one another." -30-
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3. YUSHCHENKO MARKS FIRST ORANGE ANNIVERSARY
By Tom Warner in Kiev, Financial Times
London, UK, Tuesday, November 22 2005
President Viktor Yushchenko and his former prime minister, Yulia Tymoshenko
reunited on Tuesday night to celebrate the first anniversary of their Orange
Revolution's street protests amid talk of a possible alliance between the
two estranged leaders.
With hundreds of thousands showing up in snowy weather to hear their
speeches, Mr Yushchenko and Ms Tymoshenko made no reference to the
differences that caused the president to fire Ms Tymoshenko two months ago.
Instead, they urged the crowd to vote for their pro-western, reformist
parties in parliamentary elections next March.
Analysts doubt the two leaders will manage to unite their teams on a single
electoral ticket next year, but Mykola Tomenko, an ally of Ms Tymoshenko,
said their parties could form an alliance with co-ordinated platforms and
joint campaign events while still appearing separately on the ballot.
"Today we are discussing the formation of an Orange government coalition,"
Mr Tomenko said at a press conference.
Tuesday's ceremony, which Mr Yushchenko has named "Freedom Day",
commemorates the start of protests one year ago against widespread
vote-rigging that marred the presidential election poll of November 21, when
prime minister Viktor Yanukovich was initially declared the winner. After
two weeks of protests brought the country to a standstill, the Supreme Court
cancelled the election and ordered a re-vote, which Mr Yushchenko won.
Mr Yushchenko rewarded Ms Tymoshenko, who helped lead the protests, by
naming her prime minister. In September, however, she was sacked after she
quarrelled publicly with his other allies. They also clashed over economic
policy, notably over the resale of state companies by the previous
administration of then president Leonid Kuchma.
The country last month re-sold the Kryvorizhtal steel mill to Mittal Steel
for $4.8bn (Euro 4.1bn, £2.8bn), $4bn more than that paid by investors close
to Mr Kuchma two years earlier.
The moves toward a reunion come as Mr Yushchenko's centre-right Our Ukraine
party and Ms Tymoshenko's centre-left Fatherland party are trailing Mr
Yanukovich's Regions party in the polls.
Hryhory Nemyria, an adviser to Ms Tymoshenko, said she had revived contacts
with Mr Yushchenko's camp earlier this month and had met his chief of staff,
Oleh Rybachuk.
Tuesday's events were marred slightly by clashes between police and
supporters of a rightwing group, Brotherhood, which planned to hold an
anti-Orange rally but was denied permission. -30-
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4. ONE YEAR ON, UKRAINE'S ORANGE REVOLUTION PALES
70 per cent of orange revolution supporters are now disillusioned
By Askold Krshelnycky in Kiev, Independent
London, UK, Wednesday, 23 November 2005
Crowds of Ukrainians waving orange flags descended on Kiev's main square
yesterday for anniversary celebrations marking the start of the orange
revolution.
Instead of a party, the setpiece event has become a blend of commemoration
and inquest into the dramatic events that brought down the government. The
muted tone has been set by a difficult first year for the two figures who
swept to power on the back of the populist protest: the opposition leader
turned President, Viktor Yushchenko, and the woman propelled into, and later
fired from, the prime minister's office, Julia Tymoshenko.
A year on, accusations that the orange government has failed to address the
endemic corruption that they campaigned against and to arrest key figures in
the administration of the disgraced Leonid Kuchma have soured the optimism.
Most damaging to Mr Yushchenko is the accusation that his office has stalled
the investigation into the murder of the investigative journalist Georgiy
Gongadze. Oleksandr Turchynov, who headed the Ukrainian Security Service
(SBU) following the orange revolution, said he believed the Gongadze
investigation had been stalled by the President himself.
Gongadze, whose headless corpse was discovered in November 2000, was a
serial critic of the Kuchma regime, but his killing has never been directly
linked to the former President. Mr Turchynov said the SBU had obtained
secret recordings implicating Mr Kuchma and senior colleagues in ordering
the journalist's abduction and the cover-up of his killing. The recordings
were provided by Mr Kuchma's former bodyguard, Mykola Melnychenko,
who fled to the US.
Mr Kuchma and others who figure on the recordings have denied involvement
and variously said they were fake or had been tampered with. But Mr
Turchynov said tests by SBU experts had determined the recordings were
authentic. "The tests had been completed and all that remained was for them
to be formally approved and handed to the prosecutor-general to lay charges.
It seems there are serious figures who do not want those who ordered the
killing to be brought to justice."
Mr Turchynov was ousted from office along with Ms Tymoshenko in September -
he is now a member of her political party.
Two police officers are in custody charged with actually carrying out the
murder. Last year The Independent named two men as supervising the abduction
of Gongadze: a Kuchma-era interior minster, Yuriy Kravchenko, who figures in
the recordings, and a police general, Oleksiy Pukach. Kravchenko was found
dead with two bullets in his head last March hours before he was due to be
questioned about the killing. Pukach fled, apparently abroad, and has not
been caught.
The dead end in the Gongadze probe is indicative of the public feeling that
little has changed. Senior police officers from the eastern city of Kharkov
who last year risked punishment by revealing how the Kuchma regime had
forced police and other government employees to collude in faking election
results, this week complained that little had changed.
Colonel Igor Bohadytsya said: "During his election campaign, Yushchenko
promised to reinstate within eight days those police officers who were
removed for refusing to take illegal orders, and he promised to remove those
who gave such orders. It's been a year and people like us have not been
reinstated and matters have got worse."
He said the initial hopes that the new government would enforce a clean-up
have faded. "Now they [corrupt officials] have got back up on their hind
legs and have dismissed honest people and laugh at us and ask what the
revolution we believed in so much achieved."
That question is echoing throughout the country, where 70 per cent of orange
revolution supporters are now disillusioned, according to recent polls.
People are dismayed that no prominent members of the old regime have been
brought to trial and many, including Ms Tymoshenko, claim Mr Yushchenko has
made a secret deal with Mr Kuchma and his cronies not to prosecute them.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
http://news.independent.co.uk/europe/article328714.ece
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5. SACKED PRIME MINISTER YULIA TYMOSHENKO UPSTAGES
PRESIDENT VICTOR YUSHCHENKO AT MASS UKRAINE RALLY
By Ron Popeski, Reuters, Kiev, Ukraine, Tue Nov 22, 2005
KIEV - Ukraine's dismissed prime minister seized the limelight from
President Viktor Yushchenko a year after Orange Revolution protests with an
electrifying appeal on Tuesday to join forces in next year's parliamentary
election.
Both Yushchenko and Yulia Tymoshenko, the premier he sacked in September,
told supporters in Kiev's Independence Square that only a united team of
reformers could win the March 2006 election to a parliament led by a prime
minister with expanded powers.
But Tymoshenko's impassioned 20-minute address, delivered without notes,
clearly won over a crowd of well more than 100,000 marking last year's mass
protests which helped propel the president to victory in the re-run of a
rigged poll.
"I am certain that just as we supported Viktor Yushchenko in the
presidential election, we must now unite to elect a prime minister who will
embody everything we fought for," Tymoshenko, tears welling in her eyes,
told the crowd.
"I want to dismiss all the rumors that it is Tymoshenko versus Yushchenko.
This cannot be so, because this is the president that you and I helped bring
to power. We did it together."
Tymoshenko's speech on what the liberal administration has proclaimed
"Freedom Day" was clearly aimed at the March election campaign.
It also sought to justify her eight months in charge of a government that
blew apart after splitting into rival camps, each accusing the other of
corruption.
As snow fell on the square, she told supporters: "My heart is with you. If
it didn't work the first time, it will next time round. We cannot stop with
things half finished."
PUBLIC CONFIDENCE SAPPED
Tymoshenko's dismissal dented the ratings of both leaders. It also sapped
public confidence among Ukrainians who had backed the ideals of mass
protests against election fraud and Yushchenko's calls to move Ukraine into
the European mainstream.
The Regions Party of Viktor Yanukovich, the rival Yushchenko defeated in
last year's lengthy election campaign, leads polls for the March contest
with more than 20 percent support.
Tymoshenko's Fatherland Party lies second with 17 percent and the
pro-presidential Our Ukraine commands about 12 percent.
Yushchenko looked distinctly uncomfortable, issuing a similar call for unity
at the end of an hour-long speech interrupted periodically by hecklers
shouting "Yulia, Yulia!"
"Do we want to win the 2006 parliamentary election? Yes, we do!" the
president, accompanied on stage by his wife and children, said to modest
applause from the crowd. "This team standing behind me must be united, must
work together and extend a hand to one another."
Tymoshenko, widely popular among rank-and-file voters for her rousing
speeches during last year's protests, was appointed prime minister last
February under an electoral pact.
During her tenure, Western investors took fright at calls for a sweeping
review of privatizations conducted under the previous administration. She
also clashed with Yushchenko over attempts to control fuel prices.
Her replacement, technocrat Yuri Yekhanurov, is seen as a transition figure
before the March election brings in new arrangements handing many
presidential powers to the prime minister and parliament. (Additional
reporting by Olena Horodetska) -30-
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6. A CHANGED, BUT DIVIDED UKRAINE MARKS 'ORANGE
REVOLUTION' ANNIVERSARY
Agence France Presse (AFP), Kiev, Ukraine, Tuesday, Nov 22, 2005
KIEV - President Viktor Yushchenko vowed that Ukraine was on the right
path as the ex-Soviet nation marked the first anniversary of its "orange
revolution," the mass protests that ousted an entrenched pro-Russian regime.
"I want to tell those whose hands have dropped, whose head is bowed:
Friends... I assure you that we are on the sole right path, the path of
freedom and justice for each person," Yushchenko told a cheering,
100,000-strong crowd in Kiev's central Independence Square, the epicenter
of last year's revolution.
The Ukrainian president called on the revolution's dream team -- the
political forces who supported him during the protests but have since split
up amid furious infighting -- to unite ahead of next year's key
parliamentary elections, which Yushchenko needs to win in order to continue
his pro-Western policies.
"The team behind me must be united," he said to roars from the crowd,
referring to leaders of political parties who joined him on the stage,
including fiery Yulia Tymoshenko, who split with the Ukrainian leader after
he fired her as prime minister two months ago.
"The 2006 election... is an answer to the question of whether we will be
able to save what we earned 12 months ago and call Ukrainian freedom and
Ukrainian democracy," Yushchenko said.
Tymoshenko, who addressed the crowd before the Ukrainian president, warned
that "today a comeback (by the former regime) is possible as never before. I
don't want us to let our guard down."
Yushchenko, who gave Tymoshenko a perfunctory peck on the cheek that fell
some way short of a sign of reconciliation, spoke from a stage set up in the
middle of Independence Square, where a year ago he launched the 17 days of
peaceful protests against a rigged presidential vote.
The demonstrations captivated the world, and in vital ways broke Russia's
traditional dominance over the ex-Soviet nation.
It also split the country. While the agrarian, nationalist,
Ukrainian-speaking west backed Yushchenko in the standoff, the pro-Moscow,
Russian-speaking east supported his electoral rival, former prime minister
Viktor Yanukovich, and the division is still deeply felt.
While central Kiev once again turned orange Tuesday, rallies featuring blue
and white -- the color of Yanukovich's campaign -- were held in the eastern
city of Donetsk and in the southern Crimean peninsula, which supported
Yanukovich during last year's ballot.
"This isn't a holiday for us," one Donetsk resident told Ukrainian
television. "Today is a day of regret," said another.
Yushchenko assumed power on vows of turning Ukraine, which for hundreds
of years was under Russian influence, on a pro-Western course, including
eventual membership in the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization.
Despite the national divisions during the protests, Yushchenko's approval
rating stood at nearly 73 percent three months after his inauguration in
late January.
But a lack of progress on reforms, corruption accusations against his
entourage and the split of the "orange" team has left many revolution
supporters disenchanted and have sent the ratings tumbling to just above 50
percent in October.
Nevertheless, Ukraine today is a different place from what it was a year
ago -- media scrutinize the government, competition among political parties
is flourishing and the country is surely, albeit slowly, moving on its
pro-European course, with the European Union having recently begun
negotiations on facilitating the visa regime with Kiev.
"This is a celebration of freedom," said Alexander Safonov, a 42-year-old
sailor and Kiev native who attended Tuesday's celebrations with his wife.
"Of course I'm a little bit disappointed... but at least now we have hope
for the future." -30-
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7. YUSHCHENKO URGES UKRAINIANS TO BE PROUD OF
CHANGES, PATIENT WITH REFORMS
AP INTERVIEW: Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko
Mara D. Bellaby, AP Worldstream, Kiev, Ukraine, Tues, Nov 22, 2005
KIEV - President Viktor Yushchenko, marking the first anniversary of the
Orange Revolution protests that helped bring him to power, on Tuesday called
on Ukrainians to be proud of the past year's accomplishments and to be
patient while reforms continue.
"There is no disappointment here," Yushchenko told The Associated Press in
an interview in his office before celebrations were to begin in downtown
Kiev.
The euphoria that followed the one-time opposition figure's dramatic rise to
the presidency has been followed by wide dissatisfaction with
slower-than-desired reforms and infighting in his government. But
Yushchenko, in the interview, said: "We have all that we need for change."
"Of course, it is difficult to change a country in 10 months," said
Yushchenko, wearing a tie in the shade of bright orange that was his
campaign's emblem.
Yushchenko took office in late January after winning a court-ordered rerun
of the disputed elections that brought hundreds of thousands of his
supporters into downtown Kiev for weeks of protest.
"Ukraine, maybe, has lived through the happiest year in its history,"
Yushchenko said, acknowledging that nostalgia was running high, especially
Tuesday.
Thousands of people descended on Independence Square on Tuesday to mark the
anniversary, many waving orange flags and wearing orange scarves. Columns of
Ukrainians, primarily from pro-Yushchenko western Ukraine, kept arriving in
the square as the sun went down and a light snow fell.
Yushchenko was scheduled to give the keynote address, and he appeared tense
as he talked about his country's accomplishments and the tasks that still
lie ahead.
"To be in opposition against somebody and ... make good speeches is one
thing," he said. "To enter office and do what is sometimes a rather gray job
is another issue, but it is important this work be effective and
professional."
Yushchenko insisted that the problems that remain to be solved, such as
corruption and fixing the country's broken judicial system, were inherited
problems.
"They were not created by Independence Square," Yushchenko said.
One issue that continues to dog Yushchenko is the breakup of the Orange
Revolution partners, particularly his fallout with the glamorous Yulia
Tymoshenko, who has moved into the opposition since Yushchenko fired her as
prime minister in September.
"It is pity that mutual accusations were put forward, which caused both
teams to lose their reputations," Yushchenko said. "Today when we talk about
the revolution anniversary, I'd like all sides to use it to form one voice
on the square, for each political force despite the personal ambitions of
its leader to understand a very simple thing: Only solidarity brings
success."
Yushchenko's party is in talks with Tymoshenko's bloc about reuniting in a
coalition after March's parliamentary election, but Tymoshenko's demand that
she again become prime minister remains a major stumbling block.
He said he could work with her again "if the mistakes that were made were
taken into account."
Yushchenko's face remains covered in pockmarks from the dioxin poisoning
that knocked him off the campaign trail for weeks last year and that many
suspect was committed by his enemies. Earlier this month, Yushchenko gave
fresh blood samples under Ukrainian supervision so the samples could be used
in any prosecution.
His spokeswoman, Irina Gerashchenko, said late Tuesday that the samples had
again confirmed dioxin poisoning. No one has yet been charged in connection
with the poisoning.
Meanwhile, Yushchenko touted the planned withdrawal of Ukraine's 876 troops
from Iraq by years end as one of his major accomplishments. -30-
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8. ORANGE REVOLUTION PROTESTS BITTERSWEET
Natasha Lisova, AP Online, Kiev, Ukraine, Tue, Nov 22, 2005
It was a far cry from last year when the hero and heroine of Ukraine's
Orange Revolution stood arm-in-arm on the Independence Square stage before
hundreds of thousands protesting election fraud. The slogan then was:
"Together We Are Many And We Can't Be Defeated."
On Tuesday, tens of thousands flooded Kiev's main square, many hoping - even
pleading - for a reconciliation between President Viktor Yushchenko and
former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko on the first anniversary of the
revolution that propelled the one-time allies to power.
But Yushchenko lashed out at Tymoshenko after she used her time to make what
sounded like a political stump speech. Tears rolled down her cheeks.
"I swear to each of you, I am ready to do everything to restore our unity,"
a clearly frazzled Yushchenko told the crowd after a lengthy speech in which
he criticized Tymoshenko's economic policies.
Some in the crowd responded with whistles - a sign of disapproval - and
chants of "Yulia! Yulia!"
Yushchenko's government had billed Tuesday's festivities as a day to
celebrate the freedom they claim was the biggest achievement of their first
10 months in power. But the celebrations were tinged with disappointment for
many who expected the country to make a dramatic turnaround out of poverty
and corruption.
"We thought the revolution was a fight we'd win at once, but it turned out
to be only the first assault," said Tymoshenko, who split with Yushchenko
after he fired her in September.
Yushchenko again slammed her policies, which he claims brought this former
Soviet republic to the brink of economic collapse. But he also told the
crowd that Ukraine had accomplished much to be proud of during his time in
office.
"My friends, as president, I maintain that we are on the right path, a path
of justice, a path of freedom. ... We achieved things which no one before us
had, and I am proud of this," said Yushchenko, who was inaugurated in
January after winning a court-ordered rerun election.
In an interview with The Associated Press hours before the rally, Yushchenko
acknowledged there was still more work to be done but said "10 months is not
enough to change the country."
"To be in opposition against somebody and ... make good speeches is one
thing," he told AP. "To enter office and do what is sometimes a rather gray
job is another issue, but it is important this work be effective and
professional."
Yushchenko insisted that tasks remaining to be done, such as judicial reform
and eliminating corruption, involved problems he inherited. "They were not
created by Independence Square," Yushchenko said.
Last year's Independence Square protests, which broke out after election
officials in the previous pro-Moscow government robbed Yushchenko of his
victory, helped usher the opposition leader into power. Yushchenko rewarded
Tymoshenko for her help with the No. 2 job.
On Tuesday, wet snow fell heavily on the crowds, bundled up in orange
scarves as they listened to an array of pop groups and waited for Yushchenko
to make a speech - much as they had a year ago.
Chants of "Yu-shchen-ko! Yu-shchen-ko!" greeted the president, as he stepped
onto the stage surrounded by his family, all bedecked in orange.
Yushchenko, whose speech followed Tymoshenko's, greeted his former ally with
a kiss on the cheek. But when the crowd broke into chants of "Yulia" as
Yushchenko began speaking, he stopped and said: "Keep chanting 'Yulia'
again, I will listen, then I will start my speech." When they persisted in
chanting her name, Yushchenko snapped: "Be polite" and the crowd temporarily
grew silent.
Many in the crowd had hoped for a reconciliation. Politician after
politician called on the pair to reunite.
"Throw away your personal ambitions and interests, the people and Ukraine
must come before everything," said Vitali Klitschko, a newly retired world
heavyweight boxing champion and a possible Kiev mayoral candidate.
All to no avail. Tymoshenko made a stump speech, her eye on regaining the
prime minister's job after March elections.
Yushchenko responded with criticism. A crying Tymoshenko stood behind him,
her arms crossed.
Yushchenko, who defeated Kremlin-favored Viktor Yanukovych in the election,
had promised to bring Ukraine closer to the West and restore trust in
government. But a corruption scandal that touched some of his most senior
aides has left many Ukrainians feeling disenchanted.
"They didn't justify people's hopes, that's true, but we do have more
democracy now," said teacher Iryna Rytikova, who held an orange balloon.
Others were not so forgiving, and some left during Yushchenko's speech. "The
impression is that he's trying to persuade everyone and particularly himself
that everything is not so bad as it looks," said Dmytro Kundin, a
34-year-old businessman.
Interior Minister Yuriy Lustenko pleaded with the crowd not to feel
disillusioned. "Let all the disappointed remember why we stood here a year
ago ... not for salaries, pensions or a piece of sausage, not even for the
person whom we made a president _ but for freedom," he said.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Associated Press reporters Anna Melnichuk and Mara D. Bellaby
contributed to this report.
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9. REVOLUTION IN UKRAINE: ONE YEAR ON.
WILL THE CIS TURN ORANGE?
OPINION & ANALYSIS: By Arseny Oganesyan,
RIA Novosti political commentator
Russian News & Information Agency, RIA Novosti
Moscow, Russia, Tuesday, Nov 22, 2005
MOSCOW - On November 20, a year ago, Ukraine was shaken by an "orange
revolution," drawing the attention of the international community to events
in Kiev's Independence Square.
The West and Russia were concerned over the events, though their assessments
of them differed. But, just as RIA Novosti's experts predicted, the change
of power in Ukraine did not shift its geopolitical orientation from the East
to the West or improved the living standards of the people.
The "orange" team fell apart surprisingly quickly, within less than a year.
Vyacheslav Nikonov, a respected political scientist and a member of Russia's
Public Chamber, says it was logical: "All revolutions have the same results.
Firstly, each revolution devours its offspring - and the 'orange revolution'
has already done this. The bulk of revolutionary leaders have ceased to be
members of the cabinet and have joined the opposition (like Timoshenko,
Poroshenko, Zinchenko and many others)."
"Secondly," Nikonov said, "revolutions do not alleviate the burden of
tyranny but only shift it on somebody else's shoulders. I see no proof that
the current Ukrainian regime is more democratic than the government of
[Leonid] Kuchma. And thirdly, revolutions worsen the economic situation."
Nearly all experts polled by RIA Novosti pointed to Ukraine's economic
problems after the advance to power of Viktor Yushchenko.
Ukraine's Economic Minister Arseny Yatsenyuk said in early November that the
basic macroeconomic indexes were extremely low. Ukraine's GDP grew by 12.1%
in 2004 and only by 2.8% from January to September 2005, against the planned
8% for the whole year.
Yatsenyuk, who has only recently been appointed minister, explained the drop
in the economic growth rates by institutional interference in the economy.
According to him, this year, investment into the country's basic capital
dropped to 10% of last year's figure.
These changes affected the rating of President Yushchenko. The November poll
held by the Razumkov Center for Economic and Political Studies in all
regions of Ukraine shows that only 14.3% support the president, a decline of
32.4% since February 2005. And the level of public support for the Supreme
Rada (parliament) and the government is the lowest since the presidential
election.
As for the Western attitude to "orange revolutions" in general, Edward
Lozansky, president of the American University in Moscow, said that a year
after the "orange revolution" in Kiev the number of supporters of Bush's
doctrine of "spreading democracy throughout the world" was diminishing.
At the same time, a growing number of American politicians and citizens
wonder if support of the opposition forces in the CIS countries meets the
strategic interests of the United States, Lozansky said.
He wonders if it is reasonable to worsen relations with Russia by
interfering in the zone of its legitimate interests, instead of having it as
an ally in the global war on terror. Dr. Lozansky thinks that only by
forming a powerful American-Russian alliance can the two states win that
war.
And those who are trying to undermine the alliance are damaging the national
interests of their own countries, even though they act under the cover of
such noble words as "freedom" and "democracy," the expert said.
There are grounds to assume that some CIS countries may acquire the
revolutionary orange color soon. RIA Novosti's experts agree that the first
victim may be Belarus, on which the West is putting unbearable pressure.
Vyacheslav Igrunov, director of the International Institute of Humanitarian
and Political Studies, said that if Alexander Lukashenko left the post of
president for any reason, the country would slide into a "velvet revolution"
with the inevitable subsequent pro-Western change in the country's policy.
Vyacheslav Nikonov openly says, "Lukashenko will have very big problems
next year."
Sources in Moscow also think a revolutionary scenario can be enacted in
Armenia.
Belarus and Armenia are Russia's key allies in Eastern Europe and the South
Caucasus respectively. The West is most certainly involved in preparations
for dismantling the Lukashenko regime.
An indication of this is the numerous statements of Western politicians
about Lukashenko as the last dictator of Europe, and the funding of the
information and propaganda campaign against the Minsk authorities.
The situation with Armenia is more complicated. RIA Novosti's sources in
Moscow say that the West is searching for points of contact with members
of the Armenian political elite. The authors of some publications write in
the media about gradually squeezing Russia out of the South Caucasus,
including Armenia.
So, Russia and the West will not stop to be strong rivals in the post-Soviet
territory, at least until the next U.S. presidential election.
Moscow is fully aware of this, and by cleverly negotiating the signing of a
treaty on allied relations with Uzbekistan it has shown that it can pursue a
highly successful geopolitical game on its own.
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The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and may not
necessarily represent those of RIA Novosti.
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[return to index] [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
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10. EUROPEAN UNION PRAISES UKRAINE'S ORANGE ANNIVERSARY
Agence France Presse (AFP), Brussels, Belgium, Tues, November 22 2005
BRUSSELS - Ukraine has made huge strides since last year's Orange
Revolution, but much remains to be done, the European Commission said
Tuesday.
The executive arm of the European Union, which Ukraine wants one day to
join, hailed the first anniversary of the uprising and reiterated that the
EU will continue to support Kiev.
"The new political reality in Ukraine was hard won through the courage and
determination of the people," said EU external relations commissioner Benita
Ferrero-Waldner.
"One year on, Ukraine can point to important progress, but there is still
much work to do. The EU will be there to support Ukraine's reform efforts
every step of the way."
Orange-clad crowds rallied in Kiev on Tuesday to mark the anniversary of
Ukraine's "orange revolution," the mass protests that ousted a pro-Russian
regime and installed pro-Western President Viktor Yushchenko.
Yushchenko said after taking power last year that joining the EU was a key
foreign policy priority.
"Those who took to the streets in peaceful demonstrations, were demanding
democracy, better government, and a chance for greater prosperity. The
European Union is helping Ukraine to achieve these goals," said
Ferrero-Waldner.
"We all have a duty to ensure that their aspirations for a better future are
not disappointed," she added. - (Sapa-AFP)
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11. FIRST ANNIVERSARY OF THE ORANGE REVOLUTION
George Bush's Presidential Message
THE WHITE HOUSE, Office of the Press Secretary
Washington, D.C., Tuesday, November 22, 2005
FIRST ANNIVESARY OF THE ORANGE REVOLUTION
I send greetings to those celebrating the first anniversary of the Orange
Revolution.
One year ago today, hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian citizens stood
up to defend democracy in their homeland. Through great courage and
determination, they showed the world that the love of liberty is stronger
than the will of tyranny.
Last year's revolution was a powerful example of freedom and democracy
in action and an inspiration to those aspiring for freedom in their own
land.
Ukraine's leadership now faces an historic opportunity and has an historic
responsibility to fulfill the promise of the Orange Revolution and continue
to transform Ukraine into a fully democratic state.
The United States will continue to support the efforts of President Viktor
Yushchenko in advancing a democratic, prosperous, and secure Ukraine,
and America is proud to call Ukraine a friend.
Laura and I send our best wishes on this special occasion.
GEORGE W. BUSH
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12. UKRAINIANS COMMEMORATE FIRST ANNIVERSARY
OF THE ORANGE REVOLUTION
Associated Press (AP), Kiev, Ukraine, Tuesday, November 22, 2005
KIEV - Tens of thousands of Ukrainians, remembering last year's Orange
Revolution, flooded Kiev's main square on Tuesday to mark its first
anniversary with rock music, vodka toasts and fiery speeches.
The festivities were underlaid with disappointment for many who expected the
country would make a dramatic turnaround out of poverty and corruption. But
President Viktor Yushchenko, in a lengthy speech to the crowd, said Ukraine
had accomplished much to be proud of.
"We are on the right path, a path of justice, a path of freedom ... We
achieved things which no one before us had, and I am proud of this," he
said.
"Each of us paid for what we call freedom. I paid my price, each of you paid
your price," said Yushchenko, his face still pockmarked from the massive
dioxin poisoning he suffered during last year's bitterly contested campaign.
The scene resembled the massive gatherings that broke out Nov. 22, 2004, to
protest fraud in an election that Yushchenko purportedly lost. The gatherings,
which swelled above 100,000 at times, lasted until Yushchenko was inaugurated
in late January, having won a rerun of the election after the initial results were
annulled by the Supreme Court.
Snow fell heavily on the crowds, bundled up in scarves of orange as they
stood in Independence Square, listening to an array of pop groups and
waiting for Yushchenko to make a speech.
Chants of "Yushchenko! Yushchenko!" greeted the president, as he stepped
onto the stage surrounded by his family, all bedecked in orange.
"Let all the disappointed remember why we stood here a year ago ... not for
salaries, pensions or a piece of sausage, not even for the person whom we
made a president - but for freedom," Interior Minister Yuriy Lutsenko, one
of the leaders of last year's revolution, told the crowd.
Lutsenko and other speakers called on all members of the former Orange
Team to put aside quarrels and problems and reunite ahead of the March
parliamentary election.
Yushchenko, who defeated Kremlin-favored Viktor Yanukovych, promised
to bring Ukraine closer to the West and restore trust in this ex-Soviet
republic's government. But a corruption scandal that touched some of his
most senior aides earlier this year has left many Ukrainians feeling
disenchanted.
"They didn't justify people's hopes, that's true, but we do have more
democracy now," said school teacher Iryna Rytikova, who held an orange
balloon.
Yushchenko's party representatives handed out orange scarves in
Independence Square earlier in the day, and a huge screen showed videos
from last year's revolution.
Speaker after speaker promised to uphold the ideals of last year's protests,
but the square did not fully come alive until the arrival of Yushchenko's
one-time Orange Revolution ally and now-rival Yulia Tymoshenko.
With a roaring greeting, the heroine of last year's revolution - who became
prime minister but was fired by Yushchenko in September - urged her former
allies to reunite to prevent the losing presidential candidate, Viktor
Yanukovych, from returning to power in March parliamentary elections.
"We thought the revolution was a fight we'd win at once, but it turned out
to be only the first assault," Tymoshenko said, wearing just a hint of
orange on her ivory coat.
Yushchenko, whose speech followed Tymoshenko's, greeted his one-time
ally with a kiss on the cheek.
But when the crowd broke into chants of "Yulia" as Yushchenko began
speaking, he stopped and said: "Keep chanting 'Yulia' again, I will listen
then I will start my speech." When they persisted in chanting her name,
Yushchenko snapped: "Be polite" and the crowd grew silent.
Many in the crowd had hoped for a reconciliation between the one-time
allies. But after Tymoshenko used her time to make what sounded like a
political stump speech, Yushchenko responded by criticizing how she
had run the government. Tymoshenko stood behind him, her arms
crossed. She appeared to be crying. -30-
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13. HOW UKRAINE 'VERGED ON CIVIL WAR'
By Olexiy Solohubenko, BBC News, Kiev
BBC NEWS, United Kingdom, Tuesday, November 22, 2005
A year after Ukraine's "Orange Revolution" swept Viktor Yushchenko into
power new evidence has come to light about how tense the stand-off really
was.
Former officers of Ukraine's secret service, the SBU, told the BBC that
bloodshed had been avoided at the last minute.
They said fully armed troops were first ordered to confront the
demonstrators in Kiev's Independence Square but were then dramatically
told to go back to barracks 20 minutes later.
The then SBU head, Gen Ihor Smeshko, for the first time went public,
saying that civil war had been avoided only after intense negotiations
between representatives of the old cabinet of President Leonid Kuchma,
key figures in the opposition and several ambassadors.
Gen Smeshko said he had had to give a personal pledge that government
buildings would not be seized by the demonstrators, and only after this the
troops were ordered to withdraw by Ukraine's interior minister. "There were
hot heads on both sides who would stop at nothing in order to seize power,"
Gen Smeshko said.
He added that the biggest threat was not in some extremist groups trying to
seize or buy weapons, but in the real possibility of the conflict between
supporters of Mr Yushchenko and then Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych
spilling into the army and security services.
NEW POLITICAL TEST
A year after those dramatic events and just four months before parliamentary
elections, the party of the defeated Mr Yanukovych is leading in some
opinion polls.
Splits in the administration between President Yushchenko and the
charismatic former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko are destroying their
ratings and give Mr Yanukovych a chance to lead the government after the
May poll.
Officials close to Mr Yanukovych have privately told the BBC that he is
talking to the president every week. Mr Yushchenko's chief-of-staff does
not deny this, but says it is normal practice.
All these revelations will dismay not only supporters of the "Orange
Revolution" but also numerous pundits in Ukraine and in the West, who
had dismissed Mr Yanukovych after he dramatically lost the vote last year.
Once again, Ukraine is unfinished business and the ability of Ukrainians to
reach a compromise and avoid confrontation is going through a serious test.
As campaigning gets under way again the country of 48 million remains
deeply split. -30-
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LINK: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/4459876.stm
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========================================================
14. THE RING'S LOSS, UKRAINE'S GAIN
Vitali Klitschko, the WBC heavyweight champion of the world
COMMENTARY: By Gordon Marino
Financial Times, London, United Kingdom, Tue, Nov 22, 2005
The first time I met Mike Tyson he erupted and physically threatened a
fellow reporter. In my naiveté, I told him, "Stop degrading yourself, Mike.
What would Cus have thought of that?"
Mention of Cus D'Amato, Tyson's legendary trainer, might have caught him
with his emotional guard down, because a few minutes later he whispered,
"It's all about putting fannies in the seats."
"You're a great fighter," I protested, "and don't need to do that kind of
thing." The former champ laughed, rolled his shoulders and quipped,
"You'd be surprised."
Tyson was right, a boxer has to put on a sideshow in order to command
attention, at least in the US. Witness the case of Vitali Klitschko, the WBC
heavyweight champion of the world who has just retired on account of
repetitive knee and back injuries.
Despite the fact that the Ukrainian holds a doctorate, speaks four
languages, and was the most politically active boxer this side of Muhammad
Ali, the 34 year old Klitschko never captured the imagination of US fight
fans.
Tabbed Doctor Iron Fist, the 6'7" boxer who was an important figure in
support of the Orange Revolution in Ukraine, had a record of 35 victories.
Remarkably all but one win came by way of knock out. A devastating puncher,
Klitschko's height and crab like movements, developed in his former career
as a world champion kick boxer, rendered him very difficult to hit.
Klitschko, whose younger brother, Wladimir (who also holds a doctorate) is a
top heavyweight contender, was the pugilist who sent champion Lennox Lewis
into retirement. In their 2003 encounter, Klitschko staggered Lewis with
right hands and was ahead on points when the bout was stopped due to a
severe laceration over Klitschko's left eye.
In his only other defeat, he was giving Chris Byrd a drubbing when Klitschko
tore his rotator cuff in the seventh round. Blind with pain and unable to
lift his arm, he threw in the towel after round nine.
The doyen of boxing commentators, Larry Merchant, who has since retracted
his comment, snapped that Klitschko lacked a certain part of the male
anatomy. Ominously enough, given the recent death of Leavander Johnson,
Merchant would later explain that Americans expect their heavyweights to be
willing to die in the ring.
As perceptive as he is powerful, Klitschko was profoundly puzzled by the
idea that US boxing fans would consider him a softie. And yet, as Merchant
himself acknowledged, "Vitali quickly learned to fight in an all or nothing
style."
After Lewis retired, Klitschko knocked out the power punching Corrie Sanders
to become WBC champ. He defended his title once, halting Danny Williams in
November 2004.
A showdown with top heavyweight contender Hasim Rahman was in the offing
but had to be postponed three times because of injuries Klitschko incurred in
training. Alas, the long awaited bout was set for November 12th. Klitschko
stood to earn in excess of US$7m dollars and Rahman more than US$4m.
However, toward the end of his training camp, Klitschko twisted his knee
which made the pivot required for punching impossible. Surgery was necessary
and rather than tie up the heavyweight division for another six months to a
year, Klitschko stepped aside at the very pinnacle of his powers.
Klitschko was actually not born in Ukraine but in Belovodsk, Kyrgyzstan, and
lists as his home towns Los Angeles, California and, in Germany, Hamburg.
Last March in New York, the influential Ukrainian Institute of America
honored he and his brother as Persons of the Year.
It was not just their stand in the Ukraine that ensured the award. They were
also involved in philanthropic efforts, including work for Unesco, anti-drug
campaigns, and helping to rebuild Kiev's St. Michael's cathedral, leveled by
Stalin.
Hundreds of well-heeled children of the Ukrainian diaspora were at the
awards dinner, scant few of these mostly suburbanites ardent boxing fans.
Yet, I got the strong sense that they do not miss a Klitschko bout.
When he stepped to the rostrum to accept his award, (his younger brother was
in Germany on a visit with Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko) the throng
broke out into the chant that always resonates ringside at their bouts:
"Klitsch--ko, Klitsch--ko, Klitsch--ko".
He smiled, thanked the gathering and began his speech on the future of
Ukraine. After a few minutes, Vasal Kavatsiuk, the editor of the US and
Canadian Ukrainian-community newspaper Svoboda, whispered to me,
"And to think that he only learned Ukrainian a few years ago."
Kavatsiuk went on to say that the brothers are like Schwarzenegger in two
parts: Vitali is the politician, Wladimir, the actor.
Another guest ribbed me, "You are looking at the next president of Ukraine."
"Really?" I reacted in surprise. "Only kidding," he answered, paused and
then added, "Make that half kidding. Give him ten years."
He may already be on the way. Klitschko is running for mayor of Kiev next
year. -30-
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Gordon Marino, a former boxer, is a professor of philosophy at St. Olaf
College in Northfield, Minnesota.
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15. UKRAINIAN ARTIST HNIZDOVSKY: OF MEN AND BEASTS
Lviv residents fulfill Yakiv Hnizdovsky's last request 20 years later
By Iryna YEHOROVA, The Day
The Day Weekly Digest in English, #37
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, November 22, 2005
When the urn with Yakiv Hnizdovsky's ashes finally reached the land of
Ukraine, a number of people heaved a sigh of relief; they had fulfilled the
last request of an artist whose creative legacy (unlike his soul, and now
his ashes) mostly does not belong to Ukraine-and, unfortunately, most
likely never will.
US Ambassador to Ukraine John Herbst says that Hnizdovsky's works
are a valuable part of the collections of the finest American museums,
particularly the National Museum of American Art, Boston's Museum
of Fine Arts, and the White House collection.
Every day Herbst passes six of his canvases that hang in his office, and
they inspire him with a sense of universal harmony that each of us hopes
for.
In fact, Herbst was responsible for making the arrangements for the
urn to be transferred from the columbarium of the Episcopal Cathedral
of St. John the Divine in New York City to Lychakiv Cemetery in Lviv.
Diplomatic negotiations, correspondence, and red tape took 20 years.
"Do you think it was easy?" This question was addressed to me by
Roman Ferentsevych, who was a friend of the artist for 35 years and
who also helped in the efforts to transfer his remains to Ukraine.
But does Ukraine know Hnizdovsky?
Yakiv Hnizdovsky was born on Jan. 27, 1915, in Pylypche, a village in
Ternopil oblast. His talent for drawing was apparent when he was still in
grade school; in those days he did small sketches of people, landscapes,
and domestic animals.
In 1933 Hnizdovsky moved to Lviv and began taking active part in the
city's artistic life, joining the youth wing of the Association of
Independent Ukrainian Artists (ANUM).
Edward Kozak, an excellent cartoonist, arranged for him to do illustrations
for the Lviv newspaper Novy chas (New Time) and the magazine Komar
(The Mosquito).
The young graphic artist's talent was appreciated by Metropolitan Andrey
Sheptytsky, a philanthropist and keen expert on the arts. He gave
Hnizdovsky a scholarship, so that he could continue to study art.
In 1949 Hnizdovsky moved to the United States, where his first step on the
road to success was an award for a woodcut displayed at an exhibit of
graphics at the Minneapolis Institute of Arts. Another award for a painting
shown at a trade and industrial exhibit in Minnesota prompted him to move
to New York and concentrate on art.
He experimented for many years, searching for his own style. The life of an
immigrant was not easy, nor the road to recognition.
His quest for a leitmotif took a long time, until Hnizdovsky discovered the
beauty of ordinary things. From then on flora and fauna were predominant
in his creative work, in which portraits and landscapes figured very rarely.
The last exhibit of Hnizdovsky works, currently on display at the National
Museum in Lviv, includes works from the National Museum of Ukraine,
National Museum of Lviv, and the Ternopil Local History and Art museums
to which the artist's family in the faraway Diaspora kindly contributed his
works.
Although a great many institutions helped to organize the exhibit, it is not
large enough. Ukraine is only starting to learn about Hnizdovsky. -30-
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LINK: http://www.day.kiev.ua/153033/
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Power Corrupts and Absolute Power Corrupts Absolutely.
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16. ANNUAL ST. PATRICK'S CATHEDRAL UKRAINIAN GENOCIDE
COMMEMORATION ATTRACTS THOUSANDS
Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA)
New York, New York, Monday, November 21, 2005
NEW YORK - The annual national observance to commemorate the 72nd
Anniversary of the Ukrainian Genocide was held on Saturday, November 19,
2005 at St. Patrick's Cathedral in New York City.
The program began with a moving introduction by His Eminence Antony of the
Ukrainian Orthodox Church, where he described the recollections of an
elderly Genocide survivor and her guilt of having survived such an atrocity
and how necessary it is to inform everyone about the atrocities in Ukraine
in 1932-1933.
"Not only did her children, grandchildren, great-grandchildren," exclaimed
His Eminence, "but also her fellow parishioners, her neighbors, her
community, all became abundantly aware of not only how precious and holy
God-given life is, but also how easily people can be led astray, how easily
they can succumb to the demagoguery of one considered to be a "great"
leader, how easily the life - in particular the life of those not in favor -
can be devalued."
Cardinal Egan of the New York Roman Catholic Archdiocese also paid homage to
the victims of the Ukrainian Genocide. He greeted the gathering and
informed them that St. Patrick's Cathedral "is welcome to all to commemorate
this tragedy of the Ukrainian people."
Following the inspiring remarks by Cardinal Egan, His Excellency Basil
Losten of the Ukrainian Catholic Church and His Eminence Antony then
proceeded to co-celebrate an ecumenical requiem service (panakhyda) for the
repose of the souls of the Genocide victims. The Dumka Chorus of New York,
under the direction of Vasyl Hrechinsky, sang responses to the sacred
service.
Following the requiem prayer, Michael Sawkiw, Jr., President of the
Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, provided brief introductory
remarks. "It came at a time of no known natural calamity, pestilence, or
drought," stated Mr. Sawkiw. "It came at a time of 'supposed' peace between
the two world wars.But it also came at a time of subjugation of a tyrannical
empire over the freedom-loving Ukrainian nation - a genocide was born."
Amb. Valeriy Kuchinksy, Ukraine's Permanent Representative to the United
Nations delivered remarks from the President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko.
In his address to those gathered, the Ukrainian President expressed "special
words of gratitude to the American nation, which was the first to recognize
the terrible consequences of the Holodomor of 1932-1933. I hope that this
tragedy will be recognized also by the entire international community."
The former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine Hennadiy Udovenko also
participated in the program and spoke to those gathered at St. Patrick's
Cathedral. He mentioned the first anniversary of the "Orange Revolution"
and how the Ukrainian nation awoke to become masters of their own fate.
Much like President Yushchenko, the Honorable Hennadiy Udovenko cordially
thanked "the Ukrainian Diaspora in the United States for their strong
position to attract U.S. and worldwide attention to this awful tragedy of
the Ukrainian people."
President George Bush also sent greetings to the annual commemorative event.
The UCCA President read the greetings in its full text to the gathering.
Following the presidential greeting, Mr. Sawkiw informed those assembled
that days earlier, the House of Representatives unanimously adopted a bill
authorizing the construction of a monument on federal land in the District
of Columbia to the victims of the Ukrainian Genocide, to be constructed by
2008 - the 75th Anniversary of the Ukrainian Genocide.
He then proceeded to read a few remarks offered by Rep. Sander Levin (D-MI),
co-chair of the Congressional Ukrainian Caucus, and sponsor of HR562, a bill
authorizing the construction of a monument in Washington, DC. "This
legislation is important for all of humanity," stated Rep. Levin in his
remarks on the House floor. "It is very important to the 1.5 million
Ukrainian Americans.it has special meaning to the people of Ukraine who have
embarked on a courageous effort to build a free, democratic, open society,
and indeed to all of us who value freedom."
Of particular interest were remarks delivered by Mr. Nigel Colley,
grandnephew of Gareth Jones, a Western journalist who exposed the true
nature of the genocidal famine in Ukraine in 1932-1933. "To the list of the
millions of Ukrainian peasants who lost their lives due to Stalin's man-made
famine," Mr. Colley stated, "the name of the only Welshman, my great uncle,
Gareth Jones should perhaps now be added.
Newly discovered evidence at the British Public Records Office points the
finger of blame for Gareth's murder in 1935 in the direction of Moscow,
quite probably in retribution for his international exposure of the
Holodomor. and whose only crime was his dogged pursuit of truth." Mr.
Colley continued to describe episodes of Gareth Jones' travels throughout
Ukraine and how he witnessed and documented the Genocide.
Michael Bloomberg, Mayor of the City of New York, also issued an Executive
Proclamation in remembrance of the victims of the Ukrainian Genocide.
Excerpts from the text were read by Mr. Sawkiw.
His Excellency Basil Losten concluded the commemorative ceremony by
thanking all the participants and expressing his hope that the world shall never
forget about the horrors the Ukrainian nation suffered because of who they
were. "A Prayer for Ukraine" was sung by the Dumka Chorus to close the
program. -30-
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17. A GIFT FROM AMERICA
Jackson-Vanik amendment repealed by half
By Serhiy SOLODKY, The Day
The Day Weekly Digest in English, #37
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, November 22, 2005
US has made a present to Ukraine. Even if being half of what it could have
been, this kind of support extended to Kyiv is noteworthy. The US Senate
unanimously voted for the repeal of the Jackson-Vanik amendment last
weekend. The next step is action by the House of Representatives and
finally the US President's signature.
Few if any doubt that the senators' initiative will be supported on both
levels. It is just a matter of time. The more so that the US
parliamentarians have had ample opportunity to weigh the pros and cons.
The Jackson-Vanik amendment was included in the 1974 Trade Act to
pressure the Soviet Union to permit free emigration, using punitive foreign
trade tariffs and taxes. However, neither the USSR's collapse nor Ukraine's
independence could make Congress change its attitude.
With the coming of political forces to power in Ukraine that are treated in
a marked friendly manner by Washington, one would expect the amendment
to be repealed there and then. We still vividly remember the US
parliamentarians giving a standing ovation after Viktor Yushchenko's speech
on April 6 this year. And how US congressmen applauded in response to
the Ukrainian president's appeal for cancellation of the Jackson-Vanik
amendment: "... take this step toward Ukraine, break down this wall."
True, the amendment as such had long been on paper only and Congress
would renew it every year for another year as proposed by the White House.
This fact was even more perplexing because the amendment remaining formally
effective meant not so much that the US parliamentarians somehow never got
around to making the required decision, as that making the decision had to
do with other issues.
US Ambassador John Herbst told The Day on July 5 that Ukraine, of course,
had many friends in Congress. A great many of them wanted the amendment
repealed, but there were other interests to be kept in mind. He cited the US
legislative practice whereby an amendment would be repealed several weeks
prior to a given country being admitted to the WTO. Ukraine's WTO
membership in the near future is not on the agenda.
Then why did Congress make the decision? Maybe they decided to make
Ukraine an exception from the rule, the more so that the decision coincided
in time with the first anniversary of the Orange Revolution. Needless to
say,
Kyiv accepted this present with gratification.
The Ukrainian foreign ministry stressed that "It is a long-awaited measure
that removes a problem from the Ukrainian-US agenda as a hangover of the
cold war that did not conform to the spirit of Ukrainian- American strategic
partnership." It is possible that the positive decision was facilitated by
the Ukrainian government's active endeavors.
A coalition of sorts formed in the US recently, made up of former US
ambassadors Stephen Pifer and William Miller. Among other things they
worked on repealing the amendment. Until recently experts noted the
absence of a strong lobby support in the US, but it then appeared as an
ex-ambassadorial alliance.
After all, the West (the US in particular) had to prove their support of
reforms in Ukraine by practical deeds. If not demonstrated on a level such
as repealing the amendment, it would be hard to discuss any other projects
on a larger scale.
The Day asked former US Congressman John B. CONLAN, currently
President of Conlan & Associates LLC, doing investment consulting in
Kyiv.
[Q] Is it possible that the House of Representatives will automatically
support the repeal of the Jackson-Vanik amendment?
[A] It should. I don't know if they legislate this week. This Thursday is
Thanksgiving, so the congressmen will go home for vacation and there will
be no meetings. I was originally co-sponsor of the Jackson-Vanik convent
bill.
I agree that it should be repealed. It has no effect right now because year
by year the president is suspending the enforcement of that bill. But
psychologically it's nice to have it permanently removed.
[Q] Why didn't they do so earlier?
[A] Because the Ukraine's government had no effective lobbying operation
in Washington. They think if they just go and give the speech that's all
that
is necessary. The congressmen have hundreds of bills and proposals to
work on. Until now there wasn't any organized push by the Ukrainian side.
There's been strong support for Ukraine in America.
The problem is the Rada. They don't pass any WTO legislation, they don't
pass any anti-corruption laws. What kind of a message does this send to the
world?
[Q] One could describe the Senate's decision as a gift for Ukraine on the
eve of the first anniversary of the Orange Revolution.
[A] Sure. It's in sense a vote of confidence in the government and the
direction the people and the national government are taking here. The
changes in Ukraine are positive, but they need to go faster. There is many
more changes are needed to bring Ukraine's government into the twenty-
first century.
I think that the investment climate in Ukraine is now much better compared
to what we had a year ago. I think everyone agrees with this. -30-
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LINK: http://www.day.kiev.ua/153002/
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18. UKRAINE GRADUATED FROM JACKSON-VANIK AMENDMENT
The Federation of Jewish Communities of the CIS (FJC)
Moscow & New York, Tuesday, November 22 2005
KIEV, Ukraine - After much petitioning by political leaders of Ukraine
and support on the part of international Jewish groups, Ukraine has finally
graduated out of the Jackson-Vanik Amendment [U.S. Senate only],
introduced in 1974 by the U.S. Government. This dated bill imposed
trade restrictions, linking trade to the willingness of Soviet-bloc countries
to permit Jews to emigrate.
On Friday, the Senate passed the vote on a bill introduced by Senator
Richard Lugar by unanimous consent. It will now proceed to consideration
by the House of Representatives.
While successive U.S. administrations have annually waived the Jackson-
Vanik requirements since the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, this latest
occurrence holds promise that Ukraine will become exempt from this
limiting amendment once and for all.
Chief Rabbi of Ukraine Azriel Chaikin noted on this occasion the great
importance of this development. "For the past 14 years, since the
unraveling of the U.S.S.R., Ukraine as a state has maintained a strong
record in allowing its Jews to pursue immigration, to wherever they
wanted and whenever they wished to go," explained Rabbi Chaikin.
"As the Chief rabbi of Ukraine I congratulate the Ukrainian government on
this great achievement. We now hope our government will make similar
strides in the fight against anti-Semitism, xenophobia and national and
religious hatred," added Ukraine's Chief Rabbi.
Jewish groups, including the NCSJ Advocates on Behalf of Jews in
Russia, Ukraine, the Baltic States and Eurasia have been very involved in
a broad-ranging coalition that has been actively pushing for U.S. law-
makers to pass a bill that would graduate Ukraine from an edict deemed
to be redundant.
The Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine, which concentrates its
efforts on advancing the life of Jewish communities across Ukraine, also
embraces what constitutes an important step in recognizing the significant
progress that has been made with respect to Jews of Ukraine, not to mention
the existence of religious freedom and upholding other values of democratic
society. -30-
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LINK: http://www.fjc.ru/news/newsArticle.asp?AID=328797
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