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Action Ukraine Report

"ACTION UKRAINE REPORT"
In-Depth Ukrainian News and Analysis
"The Art of Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World"

"ACTION UKRAINE REPORT" Year 2004, Number 50
Action Ukraine Coalition (AUC), Washington, D.C.
www.ArtUkraine.com Information Service (ARTUIS)
morganw@patriot.net, ArtUkraine.com@starpower.net
Washington, D.C., TUESDAY, March 30, 2004

INDEX OF ARTICLES

1. TARASYUK: UKRAINE HAS A POWERFUL OPPOSITION THAT HAS A
CHANCE TO TURN THE COUNTRY ONTO THE DEMOCRATIC PATH
Press Service of the People's Rukh of Ukraine, Kyiv, Ukraine, Mar 23, 2004

2. BORIS TARASYUK: UKRAINE, MOLDOVA, BELORUS AND THE
COUNTRIES OF SOUTHERN CAUCASUS HAVE TO BECOME
INTEGRAL PART OF A WIDER EUROPE
Press Service of the People's Rukh of Ukraine, Kyiv, Ukraine, Mar 19, 2004

3. EUROPE'S DEMOCRATIC ENLARGEMENT
The EU needs to intensify engagement in the Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia
COMMENTARY By George Soros
Financial Times, London, UK, March 29, 2004

4. A NEW EUROPEAN DIVIDE
COMMENTARY By James M. Goldgeier
The Washington Post, Washington, D.C.. Sunday, March 28, 2004

5. SOROS CONFERENCE GOES AHEAD IN UKRAINE'S CRIMEA
AFTER UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT INTERVENES
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, in Ukrainian, 30 Mar 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Mar 30, 2004

6. RUSSIAN AMBASSADOR VIKTOR CHERNOMYRDIN
BLASTS GEORGE SOROS VISIT TO UKRAINE
ITAR-TASS news agency, Moscow, in Russian, 29 Mar 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Mar 29, 2004

7. POLAND NOT TO TURN BACK ON UKRAINE AFTER EU ENTRY,
POLISH PRESIDENTIAL AIDE SAYS
PAP news agency, Warsaw, Poland, March 29, 2004

8. UKRAINIAN OPPOSITION LEADER TOPS POPULARITY POLLS
Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian,
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, in Ukrainian
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Mar 29, 2004

9. UKRAINIAN OPPOSITION PICKETS CABINET BUILDING
First State of an All-Ukrainian Protest, "Stop Robbing People"
Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian, 29 Mar 04
BBC Monitoring Service,UK, in English, Mar 29, 2004

10. UKRAINIAN COURT HANDS DOWN SUSPENDED SENTENCE
TO CONTROVERSIAL JUDGE
Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian, 29 Mar 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Mar 30, 2004

11. NESTLE INTRODUCES NEW CHOCOLATE BRANDS TO UKRAINE
Aero chocolates will be produced in Lvov at the Switoch confectionery plant.
www.AgriMarket.info, Dnipropetrovsk, Ukraine, March 30, 2004

12. EUROPEAN TOURISTS DRAWN TO UKRAINIAN CARPATHIANS
At Pylypets, new ski lifts opened in December 2003
USATODAY, Agency France-Presse
Pylypets, Ukraine, Monday, March 29, 2004

13. GENOCIDE: HEART OF DARKNESS THAT WAS RWANDA
A Decade After the Massacre, New Films Revisit the Horror
New "Frontline" Documentary, "Ghosts of Rwanda"

[The US once again failed to act, failed to stop the
genocide, as it did in Ukraine in 1932-1932 and in many
other places around the world during the last
century.]

By Lynne Duke, Washington Post Staff Writer
The Washington Post, Washington, D.C., Saturday, March 27, 2004
==========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 50: ARTICLE NUMBER ONE
Politics and Governance, Building a Strong, Democratic Ukraine
http://www.artukraine.com/buildukraine/index.htm
==========================================================
1. TARASYUK: UKRAINE HAS A POWERFUL OPPOSITION THAT HAS A
CHANCE TO TURN THE COUNTRY ONTO THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY

Press Service of the People's Rukh, OurUkraine Website, Kyiv, Mar 23, 2004

KYIV - Answering a question from the Spanish "El Pais" publication
regarding the similarity of Ukraine's and Turkey's prospects of joining EU,
the head of the Verkhovna Rada committee on European integration Boris
Tarasyuk noted: "The two countries are alike. Some think that, if EU agrees
to start discussing Turkey's joining, it will automatically open the door
for Ukraine. As if it will become obvious for everyone: if even Turkey was
granted membership, why on Ukraine?"

The head of the People's Rukh does not agree with such statement. "Turkey,
unlike Ukraine, is not a purely European country. It is a Eurasian country,
same as Russia, which, by the way, is not even talking about joining the
European Union. It is a fact; it is geography. Ukraine, on the other hand,
is a European country," stressed Tarasyuk.

"We share with Turkey only the Black Sea and the desire by the governments
to join EU. But the situations are completely different in Ukraine and
Turkey," noted the parliamentarian.

"Our Ukraine's" representative noted that relations between Ukraine and the
European Union are going through a period of stagnation at present. "The
European Union lacks the understanding of the final goal of cooperation with
Ukraine. EU has not yet decided whether membership is the final goal or
whether it is not, whether there will be only partnership and cooperation.
The Council of Europe stubbornly refuses to admit the possibility of
applying article 49 of the Amsterdam treaty towards Ukraine. In it, it is
stated that any country that wishes to become a member and meets all the
criteria can become a member," remarked the head of the parliamentary
committee's profile committee.

Tarasyuk also pointed out that there were also internal Ukrainian problems:
"When Ukrainian leaders declare intentions about joining EU but, in reality,
do everything to the contrary, such as signing agreement about joining the
so-called "common economic zone" with Belorus, Russia, and Kazakhstan, which
have no intentions of joining the European Union, it cannot by raise doubt
among the European partners."

"The balance of the branches of government, the problem of the so-called
"political reform," problems with the work of mass media, and falsification
of the elections' results can also be mentioned here. All that creates a
negative image of Ukraine. It is easy to understand that our European
partners do not want to see such Ukraine in the European Union.

But we cannot say that it will stay this way forever," the parliamentarian
is convinced, "We think that Ukraine has resources and opportunities for
changing the situation. We are not Belorus. And, if the level of activity of
the opposition in Ukraine, Belorus, Russia, and the middle-eastern countries
is compared, it will become clear that Ukraine has a powerful opposition
that has a chance to turn the country onto the democratic path." (END)
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 50: ARTICLE NUMBER TWO
Politics and Governance, Building a Strong, Democratic Ukraine
http://www.artukraine.com/buildukraine/index.htm
=========================================================
2. BORIS TARASYUK: UKRAINE, MOLDOVA, BELORUS AND THE
COUNTRIES OF SOUTHERN CAUCASUS HAVE TO BECOME
INTEGRAL PART OF A WIDER EUROPE

Press Service of the People's Rukh of Ukraine, Kyiv, Ukraine, Mar 19, 2004

KYIV - A conference of prime ministers from the countries of Central and
Southern Europe, the Balkans, the Caucasus, and the Baltic republics,
dedicated to the expansion of the European Union was held on March 17-18 in
Bratislava. The director of the Institute of Euro-Atlantic cooperation, the
head of the Verkhovna Rada committee on European integration Boris Tarasyuk
addressed the assembled during the meeting of the leaders of non-government
organizations.

In his speech, he outlined the new vision of the agenda of the expanded
Europe and the challenges that had arisen before it and the new independent
states as well as touched on the issue of security in the Black-Sea
region and in the Balkans.

Boris Tarasyuk particularly noted: "Ukraine, Moldova, Belorus, and the
countries of southern Caucasus have to become integral parts of the wider
Europe."

The people's deputy is convinced that problems in trans-Atlantic relations
between EU and USA cause serious problems for the unity of the wider Europe
within EU as well as within NATO. Tarasyuk expressed support for developing
closer relations and an effective mechanism for consultation between EU and
NATO in the areas of security and foreign policy.

"The European Union and NATO have to conduct pro-active policies instead of
"the policy of responding" towards the countries in transition while OSCE
and the Council of Europe have to pay special attention to ethnic relations
in the countries of the region," noted Boris Tarasyuk.

He is convinced: "EU and NATO need to pay more attention towards the
so-called "frozen conflicts" in Prydnistrovie region, Abkhazia, and Nagirniy
Karabakh. It is also necessary to raise the level of responsibility for
resolving those conflicts by the countries involved."

Speaking on Ukrainian issues, Boris Tarasyuk stressed that the upcoming
presidential elections will be determining not only for Ukraine but also for
European stability and security. "The future of Ukraine's European and
Euro-Atlantic integration depends on whether the presidential elections in
Ukraine are held in accordance with the Constitution and European
standards."

"Ukraine and Ukrainian government must fulfill their obligations while EU
has to provide it with clear prospects of membership," noted the
parliamentarian, talking about relations between Ukraine and EU. (END)
=========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 50: ARTICLE NUMBER THREE
Check Out the News Media for the Latest News From and About Ukraine
Daily News Gallery: http://www.artukraine.com/newsgallery.htm
=========================================================
3. EUROPE'S DEMOCRATIC ENLARGEMENT
The EU needs to intensify engagement in the Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia

COMMENTARY By George Soros
Financial Times, London, UK, March 29, 2004

The Wider Europe Initiative, launched recently by the European Commission to
manage relations with its neighbours, looks great on paper. But the plan
will be doomed to obscurity if it is allowed to moulder in the European
bureaucracy.

It is up to European Union members to rally behind this promising idea. If
realised, the initiative - now also called the New Neighbourhood policy -
would help shape countries on the expanded EU's eastern and southern
frontiers into well-governed states in step with EU values.

In this respect, the EU's most powerful tool of influence is the prospect of
membership. So far it has worked wonders. But the current problems with EU
enlargement make it unrealistic to hold out this prospect except to those
already under consideration: Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey and possibly a few
states from the former Yugoslavia.

No country on Europe's eastern and southern borders - from Morocco in the
south to Ukraine and Belarus in the east - is ready to join the EU. But the
Wider Europe Initiative could prepare them for closer association and, in
some cases, eventual membership. In the Balkans, for example, the way was
paved by bilateral stability and association agreements, which emerged after
the stability pact was agreed.

The EU's postwar aim was to bring the region's countries closer together by
drawing them closer to the EU. Without economic and political clout,
however, the stability pact remained an empty shell and opportunities in the
Balkans were lost. The region remains volatile, as seen in the recent
violence in Kosovo.

The Wider Europe proposal, which recognises that the EU's relations with its
neighbours are inherently asymmetric, must avoid the pitfalls of the
stability pact. Even before the plan's general framework is defined, the
Commission should think about adding more substance to the action plans
currently being worked on for countries deemed top priority. Joint working
groups should be set up to monitor the action plans.

The EU should use incentives to promote the democratic development of
bordering countries without seeking reciprocal concessions, incentives that
could be withdrawn if expectations are not met.

In the east, Wider Europe is Russia's backyard. The EU cannot entice those
countries with membership anytime soon, whereas Russia is only too happy to
lure them into a reconstituted empire. To counteract Russia's pull, the EU
must offer greater access to Europe's common market, more favourable visa
regimes, job and immigration opportunities, and access to capital and
technical assistance. Admittedly, the EU has not budgeted for spending on
the Wider Europe initiative before 2007; but it can find the money if
desired. Giving life to the initiative would also offer an attractive
alternative to the current US policy of spreading democracy by military
means.

I have established a network of foundations dedicated to building open
societies in countries of the former Soviet Union. They are doing on a small
scale what the Wider Europe Initiative should do on a large one. They help
promote democratic development by supporting civil society and working with
governments when possible. The less receptive the government, the more
important the support of civil society becomes. The same principle must
guide the EU.

With this in mind, the EU needs to intensify engagement in the Ukraine,
Moldova and Georgia. Elections are pending in Ukraine and Moldova, and
abuses that often accompany elections are increasing. The prospect of
substantial rewards might persuade the authorities to curb such abuses.
Georgia has just undergone a peaceful revolution and should be brought into
the initiative.

While the Georgian experience is unique, it has made neighbouring regimes
nervous. They see no advantage in strengthening the rule of law and
democratic institutions. Carrots and sticks might help to convince them.

Belarus may seem beyond hope. But the outrageous behaviour of President
Alexander Lukashenko could provoke the unexpected - a change of regime. EU
members protested when Mr Lukashenko tried to sack the rector of the
European Humanities University and this, among other developments, has
weakened the president's position.

Russia meanwhile will not foster positive change in the region. After a
chaotic period, the restored Russian state is shedding the few attributes of
an open society it had acquired. Having failed to provide effective
assistance, the west can exert little influence. The only way is to
strengthen economic ties while ceasing to treat Russia as a nascent
democracy. Russia's latest incarnation underlines how the EU should be more
active in neighbouring countries where political orientation remains in the
balance. (END) (ARTUIS)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
The writer is chairman of the Open Society Institute.
=========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 50, ARTICLE NUMBER FOUR
=========================================================
4. A NEW EUROPEAN DIVIDE

COMMENTARY By James M. Goldgeier
The Washington Post, Washington, D.C.. Sunday, March 28, 2004

Tomorrow President Bush is to mark NATO's recent inclusion of seven
new member states from Central and Eastern Europe by hosting the leaders
of those former communist nations at a South Lawn ceremony. Also invited
are the leaders of Albania, Croatia and Macedonia -- Balkan countries
that aspire to join the alliance. This significant event in Europe's
evolution takes place just one month before Europe's other major
institution, the European Union, enlarges by 10 countries, eight of
which are formerly communist.

The momentous changes signal that the vision for the continent that was
developed by the United States, its Western allies and these new
partners in the early 1990s has been fulfilled remarkably in the 15
years since the Berlin Wall fell. Unfortunately, while the Iron Curtain
is thankfully no more, a new division is emerging. Except for the three
Baltic nations, the former Soviet Union (Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, the
Caucasus, Moldova and Central Asia) is not on the path to integration
with the West. We neglect this growing divide at our peril.

During the 1990s we seemed well on our way to helping our old allies and
our new partners create what George H.W. Bush called a Europe whole
and free. Central and Eastern European countries developed the institutions
and policies that have enabled them to join the EU and/or NATO; the
United States and its NATO partners first in Bosnia and then in Kosovo
helped stabilize the Balkans -- a stability that remains fragile -- and
the Western countries developed a growing partnership with Russia.

But the vision for a Europe whole and free has stalled at the border of
the former Soviet Union. Russia has become increasingly authoritarian
under President Vladimir Putin, and Ukraine's government has failed to
carry out serious political and economic reform.

Georgia has just undergone its "revolution of the roses," but newly
elected President Mikheil Saakashvili faces enormous challenges to bring
his country closer to European norms. Elsewhere, from Belarus to
Azerbaijan across to Central Asia, political and economic competition is
nowhere in sight.

Given the expansion of freedom in most of Europe and the development of
new American partners such as Poland and Romania, does it matter that
the original vision remains unfulfilled? Yes. A geographic area from
northeastern Europe across to Central Asia will at best be populated by
countries that are quasi-democracies and partially market-oriented. It
could easily become a continuous bloc of authoritarian governments on
whose territory is located nuclear material and scientists with the
know-how to proliferate it, human traffickers and groups with links to
al Qaeda.

A central element in U.S. strategy in the 1990s was to help promote
democracy and a market economy in Russia to foster its integration into
Western institutions. A central premise was that if Russia integrated,
it would be easier to connect with the rest of the former Soviet Union.
But while Russia under Putin has sought good relations with the United
States and Europe, it has it has no wish to join institutions run by
Western countries.

The United States and its partners should renew their focus on
integrating other former Soviet states, in particular Ukraine and Georgia,
into Europe. Both have tried to balance expressing an interest
in membership in NATO (and perhaps down the road in the EU) with not
provoking Russia (which continues to see these countries as in its
sphere of influence). The United States grew increasingly frustrated
with both countries in the 1990s. Western assistance seemed wasted, and
patience grew thin. But now is not the time to give up. Not only has
Georgia had its recent revolution, but Ukraine's fall presidential elections
bear the prospect of a new reform leadership.

It would be tempting to conclude, as NATO and the EU enlarge this
spring, that with so many problems elsewhere in the world, the United
States should turn its attention away from Europe and toward the Middle
East, South and Southeast Asia and other hot spots. But fostering a
Europe whole and free is as vital a U.S. national interest as it was
when the Cold War ended.
----------------------------------------------------------------------
The writer is director of the Institute for European, Russian and
Eurasian Studies at George Washington University and an adjunct senior
fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations. He can be reached at
jimg@gwu.edu. (END) (ARTUIS)
=========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 50: ARTICLE NUMBER FIVE
Major Articles About What is Going on in Ukraine
Current Events Gallery: http://www.artukraine.com/events/index.htm
=========================================================
5. SOROS CONFERENCE GOES AHEAD IN UKRAINE'S CRIMEA
AFTER UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT INTERVENES

UNIAN news agency, Kiev, in Ukrainian, 30 Mar 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Mar 30, 2004

KIEV - An international conference attended by financier George Soros has
opened in Crimea as planned a day after it was reported that the proposed
venue had withdrawn permission for the event. President Leonid Kuchma
reportedly issued an order for the conference to go ahead in the Livadiya
palace.

On his arrival in Crimea on 29 March, Soros said that Kuchma's
administration was behind the problems with the venue. His comments came
after allegations that the Ukrainian government is waging a smear campaign
in the media against Soros, a prominent critic of the Ukrainian government.

The following is the text of a report by Ukrainian news agency UNIAN:

SIMFEROPOL, 30 March: An international conference on human rights has opened
in the Livadiya palace [in Yalta] with the well-known US financier and
philanthropist George Soros in attendance, the director of the programme
"Integration of Deported Crimean Tatars, Armenians, Greeks and Germans into
Ukrainian Society" [which is funded by Soros's Renaissance Foundation], Oleh
Smyrnov, has told journalists.

He said that in the early hours of 30 March President Leonid Kuchma issued
an order on making the palace available to hold the conference.
More than 100 people are taking part including representatives of the
authorities, the deputy heads of the Crimean Council of Ministers, Edip
Hafarov and Volomymyr Kazarin, as well as representatives of NGOs.

The schedule for Soros's visit to Crimea today includes working meetings
with representatives of NGOs and of Crimea's ethnic groups, including
Crimean Tatars at the Hasprynskyy library in Simferopol. Soros will talk to
journalists before flying to Kiev today.

[Smyrnov said on 29 March that the administration of the Livadiya palace had
withdrawn permission to hold the conference on a "ridiculous pretext" even
though the venue had already been paid for. He said that a civil-defence
exercise was held at the palace on 29 March, after which civil-defence
services closed the palace to the public until 1 April.] (END)(ARTUIS)
=========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 50: ARTICLE NUMBER SIX
Exciting Opportunities in Ukraine for Travel and Tourism
Travel and Tourism Gallery: http://www.ArtUkraine.com/tourgallery.htm
=========================================================
6. RUSSIAN AMBASSADOR VIKTOR CHERNOMYRDIN
BLASTS GEORGE SOROS VISIT TO UKRAINE

ITAR-TASS news agency, Moscow, in Russian, 29 Mar 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Mar 29, 2004

KIEV - The Russian ambassador to Ukraine, Viktor Chernomyrdin, does not
approve of US emissaries becoming more active in the country ahead of the
coming presidential election on 31 October [in Ukraine]. He said this in an
interview with ITAR-TASS today [29 March], commenting on US financier and
philanthropist George Soros's arrival in Ukraine.

Chernomyrdin said he met Soros when the US billionaire was engaged in
charity in the Russian Federation, especially in the sphere of science.
"There's nothing wrong about that. The Russian government even gave Soros
assistance in this," the ambassador said.

"But when he turns up all over the place, gives assessments and
characteristics of presidents and governments and `teaches them to live', I
don't understand or approve this," Chernomyrdin said. He added: "I don't
know how others tolerate this in other countries. All the more so as I
haven't heard about Soros being highly spoken of in the world."

Since the beginning of the year, Ukraine has been visited by former US
Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, the commander of the US Air Forces in
Europe, Gen Robert Foglesong, US Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage
and US Assistant Secretary of State Elizabeth Jones. (END) (ARTUIS)
=========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 50: ARTICLE NUMBER SEVEN
The Story of Ukraine's Long and Rich Culture
Ukrainian Culture Gallery: http://www.ArtUkraine.com/cultgallery.htm
=========================================================
7. POLAND NOT TO TURN BACK ON UKRAINE AFTER EU ENTRY,
POLISH PRESIDENTIAL AIDE SAYS

PAP news agency, Warsaw, Poland, March 29, 2004

WARSAW, President Aleksander Kwasniewski will be in Kiev on Tuesday [30
March] to inaugurate, together with Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma, the
Polish Year in that country. The event has been organized by Warsaw-based
Adam Mickiewicz Institute.

The head of the National Security Bureau (BBN), Marek Siwiec, said the
timing of the Polish year is not coincidental. "In the year of Poland's
accession to the EU we want to demonstrate how important Ukraine is for
Poland, and that the EU accession does not mean that we are turning our back
on Ukraine, but the opposite, it indicates our interest in developing
contacts with Ukraine," Siwiec said.

The BBN chief noted that a certain stage in Polish-Ukrainian relations is
coming to an end as President Kuchma's term in office expires the coming
autumn and President Kwasniewski's next year.

"The two presidents first met in Paris in January 1996. Much has taken place
since than, and many problems have not been solved, but I think the balance
sheet is very positive," Siwiec said.

In 1997 the two presidents signed in Kiev a Declaration on Forgiveness and
Reconcilement which was to be a foundation for improvement of
Polish-Ukrainian relations, Siwiec recalled.

In his opinion tension and utter distrust have been removed from
Polish-Ukrainian relations which marked bilateral contacts at the beginning.
Among unsolved problems Siwiec mentioned the problem of the opening of the
Polish Cemetery in Lviv, which is long delayed.

The EU accession is the most important event for Poland, and presidential
elections and constitutional reform are the major events in Ukraine, which
are to be a test of maturity of democracy the Ukrainian state. Success in
this test is a precondition for Ukraine to get integrated with the European
Union and NATO, Siwiec said. (END) (ARTUIS)
=========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 50: ARTICLE NUMBER EIGHT
The Genocidal Famine in Ukraine 1932-1933, HOLODOMOR
Genocide Gallery: http://www.artukraine.com/famineart/index.htm
=========================================================
8. UKRAINIAN OPPOSITION LEADER TOPS POPULARITY POLLS

Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian,
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, in Ukrainian
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Mar 29, 2004

KIEV - The leader of the opposition Our Ukraine bloc, Viktor Yushchenko, has
the highest rating among potential candidates in the 31 October presidential
election according to opinion polls by leading Ukrainian polling agencies in
March.

The Democratic Initiatives Fund, the Socis centre, Kiev International
Sociology Institute, the Social Monitoring centre, the National Institute of
Strategic Studies and the Razumkov think tank put Yushchenko's rating at 22
to 24 per cent, the Interfax-Ukraine news agency said.

Ukrainian Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych comes second with 9 to 14.5 per
cent of the vote, followed by Communist leader Petro Symonenko (9 to 12.7
per cent), Socialist leader Oleksandr Moroz (4 to 7.3 per cent) and the head
of the Yuliya Tymoshenko Bloc, Yuliya Tymoshenko, with 3 to 6 per cent, the
report said.

All the polling agencies said Yushchenko would beat Yanukovych in the second
round with about 10 per cent margin, Interfax-Ukraine added.

Incumbent Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma has no chance of winning the
election should he decide to run for a third term, the Razumkov think tank
said. Kuchma would get about 7.4 per cent of the vote, the UNIAN news agency
quoted the Razumkov centre as saying.

In a separate report, UNIAN said about 53 per cent of Ukrainians would like
to see Kuchma resign and would support an early presidential election,
according to a poll by the Social Monitoring centre.

The Socis research centre said about 61 per cent of Ukrainians expect to see
violations during the presidential election, with 23 per cent saying they
are sure that the election results will be fabricated and only 4 per cent
expecting a fair election, UNIAN said in a separate report.

Among the future president's most important personal qualities, the
Ukrainians named honesty (72 per cent), intelligence (56 per cent),
professionalism (40 per cent) and decisiveness (35 per cent), the National
Institute of Strategic Studies said. The institute forecast a turnout of
about 78.5 per cent, which is the highest figure since 1991 when Ukraine
gained independence, according to Interfax-Ukraine. (END) (ARTUIS)
=========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 50: ARTICLE NUMBER NINE
Ukraine's History and the Long Struggle for Independence
Historical Gallery: http://www.artukraine.com/histgallery.htm
==========================================================
9. UKRAINIAN OPPOSITION PICKETS CABINET BUILDING
First State of an All-Ukrainian Protest, "Stop Robbing People"

Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian, 29 Mar 04
BBC Monitoring Service,UK, in English, Mar 29, 2004

KIEV - The first stage of an all-Ukrainian protest, "Stop robbing people",
has begun outside the Ukrainian Cabinet of Ministers. The protest was
organized by the opposition Our Ukraine bloc.

The protesters are demanding that the government "take 10bn hryvnyas [about
1.9bn dollars] of budget revenues out of the shadow sector and increase
pensions and wages for teachers, doctors and scientists", the press service
of Our Ukraine said.

The first stage will continue for three days. Tents will be set up outside
the Ukrainian government building in Kiev and regional administrations in
every Ukrainian region, where "people will be informed of the real results
and consequences of this government's work".

This stage will culminate in a mass protest in front of the Cabinet of
Ministers at 1000 [0700 gmt] on 31 March. The second stage of the protest
could be day-to-day picketing of the Cabinet of Ministers during government
meetings.

Currently, 10 tents have been set up outside the Cabinet of Ministers. MPs
from the Our Ukraine are taking part in the protest.

Commenting on the beginning of the protest, [Our Ukraine leader] Viktor
Yushchenko said: "The GDP growth rate allows the government to raise minimum
wages from 1 April rather than wait for September." "The current state of
the economy facilitates an increase in social payments. The most important
thing is the government's political will and its intention to distribute
national wealth justly," he said.

Members of Our Ukraine have made calculations that allow them to say that
the Cabinet of Ministers has hidden 10bn hryvnyas, the Our Ukraine press
service said.

"If the government ignores our position, an appropriate reaction from
society could follow. The current protest, which was initiated by
Ukrainians, is an example of such a reaction," Yushchenko said. [Please
send queries to kiev.bbcm@mon.bbc.co.uk]
========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 50: ARTICLE NUMBER TEN
The Rich History of Ukrainian Art, Music, Pysanka, Folk-Art
Arts Gallery: http://www.artukraine.com/artgallery.htm
=========================================================
10. UKRAINIAN COURT HANDS DOWN SUSPENDED SENTENCE
TO CONTROVERSIAL JUDGE

Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian, 29 Mar 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Mar 30, 2004

KIEV - A Ukrainian court has given a two-year suspended sentence to a former
judge for exceeding his authority and negligence. The Kiev appeals court
cleared Mykola Zamkovenko of further charges of abusing his office and
consciously delivering unjust rulings. Zamkovenko was removed from his post
as chairman of the Pechersk district court in Kiev by a presidential decree
in 2001.

Prosecutors began investigating Zamkovenko's activity shortly after he
ordered the release of former Deputy Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, who
had been jailed for six weeks on corruption charges. The following is the
text of a report by Interfax-Ukraine news agency:

KIEV, 29 March: The Kiev appeals court has sentenced the former chairman of
the Pechersk district court in Kiev, Mykola Zamkovenko, to two years'
imprisonment with a year's probationary period.

Zamkovenko's lawyer, Andriy Fedur, told Interfax Ukraine that the sentence
was handed down on Monday [29 March].

He said that Zamkovenko was cleared of charges under Article 365 of the
Criminal Code (abuse of office) and Article 176 of the 1960 edition of the
Criminal Code (consciously delivering an unjust ruling), but was convicted
under Article 366 (exceeding authority) and parts 1 and 2 of Article 367
(negligence).

On 24 July 2001, President Leonid Kuchma issued a decree removing Zamkovenko
from his post. The decree was in response to a submission from the Supreme
Council of Justice to remove Zamkovenko from his post as chairman of the
Pechersk district court for "violating his judge's oath". A commission
established by the Supreme Council of Justice to look into the circumstances
presented in a submission by 24 parliament deputies concerning Zamkovenko
discovered that the judge had committed serious violations in more than 20
cases.

On 29 May 2001, the Kiev city prosecutor, Yuriy Haysynskyy, opened a
criminal case against Zamkovenko under Article 365 of the Criminal Code
(abuse of power or office). Prosecutors later brought criminal charges
against Zamkovenko for the conscious delivery of unjust rulings. On 11
October 2002, the Kiev prosecutors' office completed its pre-trial
investigation and sent the Zamkovenko case to court. The accusations against

him came under part 2 of Article 364 (abuse of power or office), part 2 of
Article 367 (professional negligence), part 1 of Article 366 (professional
forgery) of the Criminal Code and part 2 of Article 176 (giving a
consciously unjust ruling) of the 1960 Criminal Code.

On 27 March 2001, the Pechersk district court ruled to free former Deputy
Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, the leader of the Fatherland party, who had
been incarcerated since 13 February of that year after the
Prosecutor-General's Office accused her of bribing [disgraced former Prime
Minister] Pavlo Lazarenko, smuggling Russian gas, forgery and large scale
tax evasion while heading the United Energy Systems of Ukraine [gas-trading]
corporation. (END)(ARTUIS)
==========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 50: ARTICLE NUMBER ELEVEN
Politics and Governance, Building a Strong, Democratic Ukraine
http://www.artukraine.com/buildukraine/index.htm
==========================================================
11. NESTLE INTRODUCES NEW CHOCOLATE BRANDS TO UKRAINE
Aero chocolates will be produced in Lvov at the Switoch confectionery plant.

www.AgriMarket.info, Dnipropetrovsk, Ukraine, March 30, 2004

The renowned confectionery company Nestle has presented on the Ukrainian
market new international brands of chocolate products - Aero and KitKat, the
company's Regional Director for Ukraine Leo Vensel informed on March 30. He
said one of these products - Aero - would be produced in Lvov, at the
confectionery plant "Switoch", belonging to the company, where the new
equipment for production of the chocolate and its packaging, worth 10
million hryvnias (5.33 hryvnias = $1), had been installed.

Aero is the first international brand of Nestle to be produced in Ukraine.
It will be represented in four varieties: a staffed bar of milk and dark
chocolate and a plate of the same kinds of chocolate. KitKat will be
supplied to Ukraine from Russia, where it is being produced at the
confectionery plant "Kamsakya", also belonging to Nestle.

Leo Vensel said both brands were rather widely represented on the world
market. In particular, KitKat is Nestle's No. 1 product, sold worldwide.
Nestle has currently 25.2 percent share of the chocolate plates market in
Ukraine. It holds controlling stock of the confectionery plant "Switoch" and
100 percent share of Joint Stock Company "Volyn'produkt", which produces
Ukraine's popular foodstuff brand "Torchin". Nestle also supports sales on
Ukrainian market of such renowned brands as Neskafe, Nesquik, Maggi, Nuts
and Frskies. (END) (ARTUIS)
==========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 49: ARTICLE NUMBER TWELVE
Send Us Names and E-Mail Address to Add to the AUR Distribution List
==========================================================
12. EUROPEAN TOURISTS DRAWN TO UKRAINIAN CARPATHIANS
At Pylypets, new ski lifts opened in December 2003

USATODAY, Agency France-Presse
Pylypets, Ukraine, Monday, March 29, 2004

PYLYPETS, Ukraine (AFP) - As he prepares to slide down the ski slopes of
Pylypets, Soltz, a Hungarian businessman, is full of enthusiasm for his
vacation in Ukraine's western Carpathian mountains.

"I love skiing here," he said, pledging to come back the next year to what
has become a growing attraction for European tourists.

Flocking from all over eastern Europe, particularly Ukraine's neighbors
Hungary, Poland and Slovakia, they have become regular visitors to the
Carpathians, even if the region's tourist infrastructure leaves a lot to be
desired for exacting Europeans.

According to official estimates, nearly 12.5 million tourists visited this
ex-Soviet republic last year, a 19-percent rise from the 2002 figures.

"Foreigners are rediscovering our country," said Yana Kobenets, an agent for
a small travel agency Bussol in the nearby town of Uzhgorod. In this year's
first two months, she alone mapped out schedules for over a dozen of them.

The Carpathians attract mainly young people less than 30 years of age,
especially students who "do not hesitate to venture into a little-known
country and do not have a lot of money to spend," Kobenets explained.

In Ukrainian ski stations, those on a tight budget can find lodging for less
than three dollars a night, at prices drastically different from those in
Slovakia or Poland.

Tourism could become a blessing for Ukraine, which rivals France in size and
boasts a 48-million population, but whose industry is yet to recover from
the turbulent post-Soviet years.

In the Carpathians, famed for their forest-covered mountains and thermal
springs, hotels, ski stations and rural spas have been sprouting like
mushrooms.

At Pylypets, new ski lifts opened in December to the delight of skiers
seeking to use the last snows and spring sun in March.

The installation of a 1.5-kilometer ski-tow, management of trails and
acquisition of a snow-machine cost tens of thousands of dollars, the
station's director Volodymyr Petrysch, said, adding that these expenses
would be paid off within three years.

"This year we are scheduled to construct other ski-tows and a chair-lift,"
Petrysch said, warning however that investors often found themselves
entangled in Ukraine's complicated tax system as well as corruption.

"The state should support enterprises such as ours, by giving us tax
privileges, even if it is only for two or three years," said Petrysch, who
also presides over a non-governmental organisation supporting countryside
holidays.

Over the past four years, this NGO each summer welcomed tourist groups from
Belgium seeking lodging with local peasants, and organised walking trips to
the mountains for a total cost of 10 dollars a day.

Rebirth of tourism in Ukraine's Carpathians could also create jobs in the
region, the poorest in the country where a quarter of the population lives
below the poverty level.

"Thanks to this ski station, I can earn my living," said Lyudmila, a young
local woman who makes several dollars a day by selling tea and biscuits to
the skiers. (END) (ARTUIS)
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
http://www.usatoday.com/travel/news/2004-03-29-carpathians_x.htm
Try Ukraine Website: http://www.tryukraine.com/travel/skiing/skiing.htm
==========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 50: ARTICLE NUMBER THIRTEEN
The Genocidal Famine in Ukraine 1932-1933, HOLODOMOR
Genocide Gallery: http://www.artukraine.com/famineart/index.htm
==========================================================
13. GENOCIDE: HEART OF DARKNESS THAT WAS RWANDA
A Decade After the Massacre, New Films Revisit the Horror
New "Frontline" Documentary, "Ghosts of Rwanda"

[The US once again failed to act, failed to stop the
genocide, as it did in Ukraine in 1932-1932 and in many
other places around the world during the last century.]

By Lynne Duke, Washington Post Staff Writer
The Washington Post, Washington, D.C.
Saturday, March 27, 2004; Page C01

NEW YORK -- You can see the shock and humiliation on his face, even now, 10
years later. In the new "Frontline" documentary, "Ghosts of Rwanda,"
Bonaventure Niyibizi speaks of that moment when he believed he would die.

Genocide had gripped his homeland. Thousands of his countrymen were
slaughtering men, women and children. A United Nations peacekeeping force
could not help; it was hamstrung by orders from New York to stand down. The
United States evacuated all of its personnel but not its local employees,
including Niyibizi, who had worked for the U.S. Agency for International
Development for 10 years. He was Rwandan. He was African. He would not be
saved, at least not by the Americans.

"I saw them leaving," he says in one of the documentary's many poignant
moments. "I saw the flags on the vehicles. I knew all the vehicles. I knew
the people they belonged to. I think it was sad, surprising, to see that
[at] the end of the day you are a person who has to die, when other people
are allowed to be alive."

Niyibizi was here this week, just for a day, to help producer Greg Barker
promote the new film, which airs April 8 on WETA (and Thursday on MPT). The
10th anniversary of the genocide will be marked next month. Both this film
and one titled "In Rwanda We Say . . . The Family That Does Not Speak Dies,"
by Anne Aghion, which premieres at Visions Bar Noir on Monday (and will be
shown April 5 on the Sundance Channel), are part of the commemoration, part
of the ongoing effort to say "never again" and to counter the international
silence and misinformation of 1994 that so cruelly sealed the fate of the
800,000 Rwandan dead and the millions more left alive and traumatized.

After taping a segment of PBS's "Charlie Rose" inside a Bloomberg TV studio,
Niyibizi looks out of sorts -- a bit sad, a bit distracted. "Ghosts of
Rwanda," a comprehensive two-hour portrayal of the international policy
failure on Rwanda, includes gruesome scenes -- mounds of bodies in varying
degrees of dismemberment and decay. And Niyibizi is thinking of the many
people he knew who perished in such piles. His extended family. His mother,
her Achilles tendons severed by a machete.

"There are many things that are coming to mind," Niyibizi says, sitting in
the greenroom, where one of Rose's producers is weeping at the scenes she
has just watched.

"When I look at those images, for me, I put names on them," he says.

Rwandans such as Niyibizi have been telling their nation's story for a
decade, how in 100 days starting April 7, 1994, Rwanda's extremist Hutu
government and military led a campaign to exterminate the nation's minority
Tutsis, who were 15 percent of the population. Moderate Hutus also were
killed for not embracing the "logic" of genocide. It was a logic, clearly
twisted, that gave the killings a moral cause, at least for those who
killed.

Likewise for a decade, Rwanda has been working to counter that logic, to
tamp down the tensions between two groups that are more like separate castes
than distinct ethnic groups.

The narratives told by the surviving victims and their supporters are part
of that process of healing. These narratives have been told in film, in
books, in human rights reports, but most importantly and very carefully by
Rwandans to Rwandans, by victims talking to the killers and vice versa.

For many, the memory of the genocide is fresh.

"Ten years looks as if it was yesterday," says Niyibizi, who holds a
position in the government's privatization agency and lives and works among
the Hutu, as do most Tutsis.

"You remember clearly the situation as if it was yesterday. So for us, it's
not something which has disappeared."

Rwanda is a traumatized nation still grappling with the tensions between its
two main population groups. Led by President Paul Kagame, the Tutsi rebel
leader whose forces quashed the genocide, Rwanda's government has dedicated
itself to fostering reconciliation, with mixed results, human rights
officials say. "The threat," as Niyibizi puts it, still exists.

The tension is felt perhaps most deeply in the rural and impoverished hills,
where people live in close proximity, which means neighbor killed neighbor
during the genocide.

One such community, a small hillside "cell," or village, of several hundred
people, is the subject of Aghion's "In Rwanda We Say . . ."

Aghion has taken her camera deep into Rwandan life, to chronicle how the
country's survivors and perpetrators are trying to live together anew.

The film picks up where Aghion's earlier work left off. In her 2002
documentary, "Gacaca, Living Together Again in Rwanda?" (which also airs on
April 5 on the Sundance Channel), she chronicles the concept of the gacaca,
or traditional village courts, where villagers sit as judges to weigh the
cases of alleged killers. With nearly 100,000 genocide suspects rounded up
over the past 10 years, justice officials in Rwanda introduced the gacaca
system to try some of the local rural cases and ease the strain on the
overburdened court system. (The more serious cases, of those who organized
the genocide, are being tried before the International Criminal Tribunal at
Arusha, Tanzania.)

But there are other killers, those who have confessed while imprisoned,
served their time and have been released. The killers walk again in Rwanda's
hills, where "In Rwanda We Say . . ." takes place.

Where "Frontline's" "Ghosts of Rwanda" persuades us with its lineup of
penetrating and relentlessly regretful Western interviewees -- Gen. Romeo
Dallaire (the Canadian who headed the small U.N. peacekeeping force in
Rwanda when the massacre broke out), U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan,
former president Bill Clinton, former U.N. ambassador Madeleine Albright --
Aghion's film portrays only Rwandans in that hard place of today, living
with their malaise and their ghosts.

There are no journalistic interviews, no narrator to keep the pace flowing.
Instead, the narrative is carried by the tension that shows plainly in the
faces of Aghion's subjects, in their difficult but always poetic words, in
their long silences, in the haunting thunder and rain that roar over the
deeply rural and impoverished placed called Gafumba.

"This is where we brought Tutsi for killing," says Abraham Rwamfiza, a Hutu
who has come home to a hill that is roiling with emotion over how or whether
to accept him.

"Someone who hurt you returns, and you are told to hold your tongue," says
Jean-Paul Shyirakera, a genocide survivor, speaking as if confiding to the
camera.

"We were told that they would approach us in peace in their own time. But
not one has so far darkened my door. My brother's murderer lives near our
home. Why hasn't he come to ask forgiveness? Next time you come, bring him
with you."

He smiles sarcastically.

"We could talk to our executioners."

Aghion pondered this for some weeks. It would be risky, considering the
tensions, to put victims and perpetrators together prematurely or without
proper constraints. She consulted Gafumba residents to see what they
thought.

"I went around and spoke to everybody, very seriously and very simply, and I
said, 'Listen, you don't need to show up, but think about it.' "

And they came. So did Rwamfiza. And no one seems quite sure what to say, how
to feel.

Aghion has spent so much time in Gafumba doing her films that the comfort
level and tolerance for the camera is extraordinary. Her subjects seem, like
Shyirakera, to take the camera into their confidence. There is a precious
but piercing scene in which two women speak grimly of being the living dead.

"Yes. It's true," says Euphrasie Mukarwemera. "Our killers have returned.
What can we do? Why speak of it. Go speak to them. We can only hope they'll
toe the line, that they won't start cutting us to pieces.

"Let them do me a favor and get it over with," she says.

"I'm already dead," says Bellancilla Kangabe.

"Why are they asking us this?" Mukarwemera says, referring to the
filmmakers. "They want to know how we feel about the return. . . . These
whites ask the strangest questions."

And then the two women share a laugh about joining their ancestors up in the
volcanoes.

There are no bodies in Aghion's films. Her work focuses on life after the
genocide, on the lives of the living. In that way, "In Rwanda We Say . . ."
and "Gacaca" are a strong complement to "Ghosts of Rwanda," which tells us
how it all happened.

Perhaps the most comprehensive documentary look at the genocide, it is a
chronology of events before and during the killing. And its gruesomeness is
not at all an over-dramatization, says Barker, the producer, who gave much
consideration to what level of carnage to show.

"In the end, we decided you had to show people what it was like, because
that was the reality," he said.

The footage of the dead punctuates a narrative of maddening international
indifference to Rwanda's straits. The moral tone of the film is set by Gen.
Dallaire. The genocide happened on his watch. He is a man haunted --
haunted, he tells us, by the eyes of the dead and dying.

"They're looking at me with my blue beret and saying, 'What in the hell
happened?' "

It is the question, really, that everyone in the film tries to answer. We
hear Albright express her regret. We hear Anthony Lake, Clinton's national
security adviser , describe in antiseptic policy terms how the killing in
Rwanda was never a priority at the highest levels of the administration.

"It never became a serious issue," he says.

Department officials making tortuous statements about Rwanda but without
using the word "genocide," because the White House had decided through most
of the crisis that the "G" word should not be used, so as not to invoke
calls for U.S. action.

There are stories of heartening heroism, from the U.N. peacekeepers and from
civilians. Gregory "Gromo" Alex, a U.N. aid worker evacuated in the
genocide's early days, returns soon after to help the small band of people
trying to save whoever they could.

And throughout, we see machete-wielding killers at the crude checkpoints
they set up all over the capital of Kigali to inspect the identity books of
passersby. Those books, a pernicious legacy of Belgian colonialism, listed
each person as Hutu or Tutsi (or Twa, a 1 percent minority of Pygmies). It
made the killing easy.

The killers used lists -- lists of people to kill. The planned nature of the
genocide was such that each neighborhood, each hill, knew in advance who to
target.

Fortunately for him, his wife and their children (then ages 3, 2 and 3
months), Niyibizi received a warning from someone in the neighborhood.

"You know, you are the last on the list," the neighbor told him.

He hid his family in the basement of a nearby abandoned house. Then they
managed to flee to a large church compound, where some 150 people
ultimately would congregate. The Niyibizis hid in one of the church's small
outbuildings.

When the killers began arriving to take people away for slaughter, they
looked for Niyibizi. A Hutu saved his life by telling the killers that
Niyibizi had already been taken away.

>From April 15 until June 3, Niyibizi and his family stayed indoors. They did
not dare show their faces.

Most of the people in the church compound were slaughtered.

Niyibizi and his family fled to a safe camp for Tutsi survivors, set up by
the Tutsi rebels of the Rwandan Patriotic Army, who would become the next
government.

He lived to ponder this: What is the nature of evil?

He knows the politics of the genocide. He knows the logic of the genocide.
He knows the long history of enmity and colonial manipulation that sparked
the genocide.

But when he remembers the bodies, Niyibizi, whispering now, cannot help but
ask himself again and again, "How do you do that? How do you do that?"
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A28492-2004Mar26.htm
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New Issue Just Published...Year 2003, Issue 3-4
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NEW BOOK: Three Hundred Eleven Personal Interviews, Famine 32-33.
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http://www.artukraine.com/famineart/sokil.htm
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