US-Ukraine Business Council

"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT"
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis, and Commentary
"The Art of Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World"

UKRAINE AND THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC UNION
VS. THE SINGLE ECONOMIC SPACE TREATY
The West Builds Walls, The East Says Welcome Neighbors
Ukraine Won't Wait for the West, So Will Go East?

"Tighter borders will make it harder for Ukrainians to travel abroad for
work. And with three of its neighbors, Poland, Slovakia and Hungary, joining
the EU on Saturday, many Ukrainians feel left out, once again on the wrong
side of what they commonly call a new Iron Curtain falling across Europe."
[Article One, The Washington Post, Washington, D.C.]

"Poles and others are concerned about creating what some people here
call a new Iron Curtain, or a new Rio Grande, between it and its former
allies in the Soviet bloc, namely Ukraine, Belarus and Russia, exacerbating
tensions around who is on the inside and who is left out of the new Europe."
[Article Two, The New York Times, New York, New York]

"The New Europe: Europe's frontier pushes Poland closer to the edge: Ed
Vulliamy reports from the Polish border where policing of the EU's new
divide could make it harder to cross than it was under Stalin."
[Article Three, The Observer, London, United Kingdom]

"Ukraine's foreign policy is a menagerie of mixed signals and conflicting
interests. Attempting to appease an expanding European Union and a
resurgent Russia under President Putin, Ukraine often disappoints both."
[Article Four, United Press International, Moscow, Russia]

"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT" Year 2004, Number 68
Action Ukraine Coalition (AUC), Washington, D.C.
morganw@patriot.net, ArtUkraine.com@starpower.net
Washington, D.C.; Kyiv, Ukraine, TUESDAY, April 27, 2004

INDEX OF ARTICLES
"Major International News Headlines and Articles"

1. UKRAINE SEES A NEW 'IRON CURTAIN' IN EU EXPANSION
Feeling Left Out, Many Anticipate Harder Time Finding Work Abroad
By Peter Baker, Washington Post Foreign Service
The Washington Post, Washington, D.C., Sun, April 25, 2004; Page A15

2. POLAND IS WORRIED THAT EU BORDER CONTROLS
CREATE A NEW DIVIDE
Poles and others are concerned about creating what some people here call
a new Iron Curtain, or a new Rio Grande, between it and its former allies
in the Soviet bloc, namely Ukraine, Belarus and Russia, exacerbating
tensions around who is on the inside and who is left out of the new Europe.
By Richard Bernstein, The New York Times
New York, NY, Sunday, April 25, 2004

3. DIVIDING POLAND FROM UKRAINE
NEW WEST FROM NEW EAST
THE NEW EUROPE: Europe's frontier pushes Poland closer to the edge:
Ed Vulliamy reports from the Polish border where policing of the EU's
new divide could make it harder to cross than it was under Stalin
Ed Vulliamy, The Observer, London, UK, Sunday, April 18, 2004

4. UKRAINE DIVIDED AGAINST ITSELF
Foreign policy menagerie of mixed signals and conflicting interests
ANALYSIS: By Peter Lavelle for UPI
United Press International, Moscow, Russia, April 22, 2004

5. EUROPEAN INTEGRATION AND COMMON ECONOMIC SPACE
COULD PRESENT IMPOSSIBLE CHALLENGE TO
UKRAINE'S FOREIGN POLICY
CES would have to be restricted to being a free trade area
Interfax-Ukraine, Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, April 27, 2004

6. POLAND CAUGHT IN THE MIDDLE OF ROW BETWEEN
UKRAINE AND THE EUROPEAN UNION
Does Ukraine have a free market economy or not?
Polish News Bulletin, Warsaw, Poland, Tuesday, Apr 27, 2004

7. ECONOMIC UNION WILL BENEFIT RUSSIA, NOT UKRAINE
"Quo vadis, SES?"
ANALYSIS by Oleksandr Mikhelson
Glavred website, Kiev, Ukraine, in Russian 21 Apr 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Saturday, Apr 24, 2004

8. FOR CENTURIES UKRAINE HAS ALWAYS BEEN
AN INTEGRAL PART OF EUROPE
Interview with philosopher Serhiy Krymsky
Interviewed by Ihor Siundiukov, The Day
The Day Weekly Digest in English. Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, April 20, 2004

9. UKRAINE HOPES FOR MORE US SUPPORT IN JOINING WTO
Prime Minister Tell Top US State Department Official
UT1, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian, April 26, 2004
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Monday Apr 26, 2004

10. POOR L'VIV IS UKRAINE'S WINDOW ONTO EUROPE
EU: Saturday sees the EU expand with 10 new member-states. In the first of
three articles, Bridget Hourican looks at places that will be just outside
the enlarged EU, while feeling culturally and historically part of it.
By Bridget Hourican, The Irish Times, Dublin, Ireland, Mon, April 26, 2004
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THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 68 ARTICLE NUMBER ONE
Politics and Governance, Building a Strong, Democratic Ukraine
http://www.artukraine.com/buildukraine/index.htm
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1. UKRAINE SEES A NEW 'IRON CURTAIN' IN EU EXPANSION
Feeling Left Out, Many Anticipate Harder Time Finding Work Abroad

By Peter Baker, Washington Post Foreign Service
The Washington Post, Washington, D.C., Sun, April 25, 2004; Page A15

MIKULINTSI, Ukraine -- Teodozii Onyskiv was standing outside his house,
looking out over the open fields of roosters, cows and hogs, when an ancient
Soviet-made car chugged by.

He nodded toward the driver. "His wife is abroad, and the daughter is going
to go somewhere to make money," Onyskiv said.

His eyes followed the car as it passed a house down the road. "In that
house," he said, "both the husband and the wife left." Onyskiv pointed to
another neighbor. "In that house, the wife left today for Poland."

Mikulintsi is not a ghost town, but there are days it feels like one. Here
in western Ukraine, where job opportunities are sparse and salaries meager,
the only recourse for many people is to find work abroad, particularly
elsewhere in Europe. So the expansion of the European Union this week right
up to the Ukrainian border, less than 100 miles away, has only deepened
anxiety about the future here.

Tighter borders will make it harder for Ukrainians to travel abroad for
work. And with three of its neighbors, Poland, Slovakia and Hungary, joining
the EU on Saturday, many Ukrainians feel left out, once again on the wrong
side of what they commonly call a new Iron Curtain falling across Europe.

"We're not expecting anything positive from this," said Tetiana Dovbush, a
schoolteacher whose classroom was filled with children whose parents are
off working elsewhere in Europe. "Nobody expects any doors to be opened
for Ukraine. Nobody expects anything to be better. The EU isn't thinking of
us. Their main concern is how to close the doors permanently."

Coming just weeks after the expansion of NATO, the accession of 10 new EU
members, mostly from the ranks of former Soviet-bloc countries, will create
what officials and diplomats call a "gray zone" of 65 million people from
Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova, three former Soviet republics trapped between
Europe on one side and Russia on the other.

The three countries left out of both entities often seem unsure which way to
turn, veering in different directions by the day. Snubbed by the EU,
Ukraine's parliament last week ratified an agreement creating a
still-undefined union with Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan called the United
Economic Space. Yet at the same time, Ukraine this month approved a new
memorandum of understanding with NATO outlining mutual cooperation, and
last week banned the Russian language on Ukrainian television.

Without the more developed economies of the rest of Europe or the oil
resources of Russia, the countries of the gray zone struggle to get by. When
it comes to average wage earnings, a report by the Federation of European
Employers, published last month, found that Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova
ranked 44th, 45th and 46th out of 46 countries surveyed.

The Ukrainian economy has been growing, yet 86 percent of Ukrainians
surveyed last year by the International Foundation for Election Systems, a
Washington-based group that receives U.S. government grants, still deemed
the country's economic situation bad or somewhat bad.

The feeling of resentment about being left out of the EU expansion is
particularly acute among Ukrainians in the western part of the country, a
picturesque expanse of charming old towns and pastoral landscapes that was
part of Poland until the Soviet-Nazi pact in 1939. "We're the buffer,"
Dovbush lamented. "As it's always been. This is the most dangerous place."

Hryhoriy Burbeza, a city council member in the regional center of Ternopil,
takes it personally. "Why don't they want to receive well-prepared European
people from Ukraine?" he asked. After a moment, he came up with his answer.
"It's the selfishness of Europe."

Western Ukraine has been feeding labor into Europe for years. A government
survey of 994 villages in the Ternopil region in 2001 found that 50,000
people, out of a population of 1.1 million, were leaving each year to find
work abroad. Nearly a third of those living abroad were in Poland, now just
days away from joining the EU, which requires member states to follow
stricter rules on border controls and migrant workers. All told, the
expatriate Ukrainians reported sending back about $100 million a year to
their families in Ternopil, a figure some experts said represented only a
fraction of the real amount.

Oleksandr Levchenko, co-author of the survey of Ternopil villages, said
those Ukrainians may be forced out by the expanded EU and sent back to
Ternopil, where the average monthly wage of $66 ranks it lowest in all of
Ukraine.

"They'll come back and they'll demand work and the government can't provide
them with this work," he said, sitting in a Ternopil restaurant named Cafe
Europe. Pondering the message from the West, he added: "This doesn't make
any sense. On the one hand they say, 'Turn your back on Russia, turn to
Europe.' But the road to Europe has been blocked."

Ukrainians have been traveling down that road for more than a decade, ever
since the collapse of the Soviet Union opened up borders and closed down
factories. At first, mostly men went. But in recent years, local officials
and residents say, women increasingly have been the ones seeking work
abroad, often leaving behind children and warping social structures in
villages unaccustomed to life without sisters, mothers and wives.

Burbeza's wife has been working elsewhere in Europe for the last two years,
sending money and parcels home to the children. "They miss her," he said.
"But somehow we cope with it."

Teodozii Onyskiv counts 18 households with someone working abroad among the
36 in his neighborhood. His wife, Olena, went to Italy, where she and her
sister took care of elderly people and cleaned houses. Olena made $600 a
month, far more than her husband's monthly pension of $46. "People who work
abroad send a lot of money back," said Onyskiv, 50, a burly, balding retired
police officer. "If you use it in a proper way, it makes a lot of sense."

But Olena grew ill in Italy and eventually came home, where she died of
cancer at 48. In front of his house, Onyskiv built a small one-room chapel
in her memory.

At least some of the exodus from Ukraine can be traced to human trafficking
and sex slavery. Last month, a married couple, both of whom worked as
schoolteachers, were convicted in Ternopil of selling young Ukrainian women
to brothels in Turkey. The husband received a 61/2-year sentence; the wife
was given three years' probation. "They tried to solicit girls from
villages, young good-looking girls, from 19 to 25," said Sergei Shvornikov,
an official at the regional interior ministry.

Such stories are increasingly common. Criminal cases against human
traffickers have doubled in Ukraine each year since 1998, with 289 cases
prosecuted last year. "There's no work," said Marina Pasechnik, coordinator
of a program that fights human trafficking in Ternopil. "They have nothing
to feed the children with. So human traders move in."

Even women who depart voluntarily often leave children behind. Dovbush, the
teacher, estimated that one-third of the students in her school have no
mother at home. She notices more drinking and smoking among her students,
more trouble at earlier ages. Some have more money because of the funds sent
home from abroad and seem less attentive to authority.

"A lot of families have fallen apart in the last few years," Dovbush said.
"As a rule, our men can't handle loneliness very well. They start drinking
and going downhill. . . . There are families where they have complete
tragedy."

No one is quite certain how the new EU iron curtain will change all that.
Some worry that it will mean only more misery and less opportunity. Others
assume that Ukrainians will find new ways to scale the wall.

"Unless big factories start working in Ukraine again or Ukrainians start
getting good salaries, people will still be going overseas, even illegally,"
Pasechnik said. "The money they get abroad as illegal immigrants is still
better than the legal money they can earn here." (END)
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THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 68: ARTICLE NUMBER TWO
Politics and Governance, Building a Strong, Democratic Ukraine
http://www.artukraine.com/buildukraine/index.htm
Become a financial sponsor of The Action Ukraine Program Fund!
==========================================================
2. POLAND IS WORRIED THAT EU BORDER CONTROLS
CREATE A NEW DIVIDE

Given its way, Poland would probably not be fortifying its eastern borders
quite to this extent. Poles and others are concerned about creating what
some people here call a new Iron Curtain, or a new Rio Grande, between it
and its former allies in the Soviet bloc, namely Ukraine, Belarus and
Russia, exacerbating tensions around who is on the inside and who is left
out of the new Europe.

THE NEW EUROPE, By Richard Bernstein in Poland, The New York Times
New York, NY, Sunday, April 25, 2004

DOROHUSK, Poland - The message here at this gleaming new border post
overlooking the thickly forested banks of the Bug River is that Poland is
ready.

Inside a spotless weapons room is a rack of snub-nosed Glauberyt automatic
pistols, a Polish version of the famous Uzi. There are 9-millimeter pistols,
boxes of bullets, two submachine guns and night vision goggles inside green
canvas kits.

Outside is a Land Rover, motorcycles and two dogs trained to follow tracks
in the woods. Not seen, but also available to protect this stretch of the
327-mile border between Poland and Ukraine, are snowmobiles, a helicopter
and a patrol plane.

Just about all of it is provided by the European Union, which Poland will
join on May 1 with nine other countries.

"Of course, we understand that this will be the border of Western Europe,"
said Lt. Col. Andrej Wojcik, commander of the newly strengthened Polish
Border Guards in this area. He has 1,500 men and women under his command.

But fearful of the smuggling of people and contraband, current European
Union states in Western Europe made a tightly controlled border one of many
conditions that Poles had to fulfill for membership. The looming question
now is whether it will become an economic and ideological divide as well.

"There was a belief that hordes of illegal migrants are waiting outside our
borders and that our controls were inefficient," said Jan Trusczynski,
Poland's chief European Union negotiator.

"We had to confront this type of thinking, that Poland's borders were more
dangerous than other European borders," Mr. Trusczynski said, "which means
that we had to beef up resources and investment along our Eastern frontier."

Europe's own eastern frontier has shifted throughout its history, and it is
shifting once again. This time, the new border of Europe - defined by the
soon-to-be-25-member European Union - will be several hundred miles
farther east.

"It's a historic moment," Germany's foreign minister, Joschka Fischer, said.
"It will be the first time in modern history that Germany will be the center
of Europe, without direct threats to our border and without us threatening
anybody."

The change is equally historic for Poland. "Poland will no longer be between
two big nations, Germany and Russia, which was always a dangerous situation,
but in a union with many other nations who will be partners," said Jerzy
Holzer, director of the Institute for Politics of the Polish Academy of
Science.

In many ways the new border arrangements, not just for Poland but for all
the new members, promise to be more complicated than before.

There will be a transition period of probably several years during which the
old borders of the Europe Union and the new ones will remain, streamlined
but not eliminated.

For the foreseeable future, Poles will be able to cross into Germany without
a visa. But there will still be a border post, and Poles will be allowed to
stay for only a limited period, probably about three months.

Worried about low-cost labor flooding in, several countries, including
Germany, have announced restrictions on job seekers from the new states for
several years.

In other words, there will remain what one German writer, Roland
Freudenstein, has called "a frontier of poverty," though it is a frontier,
he has written, with a good chance of disappearing.

This will be the new border between Europe and non-Europe, defined in many
ways by religion and shared political and cultural values. (Poland is mostly
Catholic, for instance, while the Orthodox church begins to dominate to the
east.)

Along this border, controls and surveillance will not be loosened but, at
least for now, intensified. The line here in Dorohusk on the Bug River is
visible already - a red strip painted across a green trestle bridge where
vehicles waited.

An electrician from the Ukrainian town of Lutsk (pronounced Woosk) said he
was waiting to get building materials in Poland and was untroubled by the
new visa requirements. "There's a Polish Consulate in Lutsk," he said, "and
it only took me a day to get a visa."

But in another car, a man and a woman who gave their names as Sergei and
Larissa from Luboml, Ukraine, were bitter. "There's no work in the Ukraine,"
Larissa said, "so for us it's going to be very hard." (END)
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http://www.nytimes.com/2004/04/25/international/europe/25POLA.html
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THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 68: ARTICLE NUMBER THREE
Check Out the News Media for the Latest News >From and About Ukraine
Daily News Gallery: http://www.artukraine.com/newsgallery.htm
==========================================================
3. DIVIDING POLAND FROM UKRAINE
NEW WEST FROM NEW EAST

THE NEW EUROPE: Europe's frontier pushes Poland closer to the edge:
Ed Vulliamy reports from the Polish border where policing of the EU's
new divide could make it harder to cross than it was under Stalin

Ed Vulliamy, The Observer, London, UK, Sunday, April 18, 2004

COME May Day, the edge of the edge of Europe will be a red-and-white,
diagonally painted concrete column, with a white eagle and the word Polska
on it; dug into the pine and birch woodland skirting the Bug river, it
divides Poland from Ukraine, new West from new East.

The river rounds a bend at the little village of Horodlo, where the faithful
flock to church for Monday evening Mass, and peasants bring carts of
firewood home through the gray of late afternoon.

Here is the easternmost point of a new 2,400-mile (3,860km) frontier of the
European Union, which on 1 May admits 10 new members, seven of them
countries that lived under Stalin's repressive regime. The process that
began with the rise of Lech Walesa's Solidarity movement in 1981 and the
fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 comes to fruition here.

Springtime is stirring in the little park in Horodlo and in the Sparrow pub,
to which Darek and Monika have returned from Warsaw, hoping the frontier
will mean new business. 'They're bringing in 40 extra policemen just for our
little village,' says Monika, 'to add to the two we have at the moment. And
that's in addition to the border guards.'

'They've been chasing out the Ukrainians,' says Janusz, who keeps the
mini-market, 'because the Ukrainians bring in smuggled cigarettes to sell
for two zlotys (28p), while we have to sell them for five. Now people will
have to come to us for a smoke.'

The border of the new EU is both porous and harsh. Upriver, what they call
the new 'Velvet Curtain' is being drawn, on Brussels' insistence - a
necklace of new guard posts manned by thousands of newly recruited armed
men. But this is a border across which tens of thousands journey each day,
and a smugglers' terrain for anything from alcohol to people. Monika's pub
is a rarity in rural Poland, boasting an array of tequilas, malt whisky and
cocktails.

This is land where peasants farm fertile black soil, of storks' nests atop
telegraph poles and trees hung with clumps of mistletoe. It is also soaked
in history, much of it epic and bloody. Armies have marched across these
plains for centuries, to subjugate the Poles - Nazi and Soviet, Prussian and
Russian.

Indeed, the demographic engineering of Horodlo puts it at some bitter kernel
of twentieth-century history, between Holocaust and Cold War: in 1939 the
village was one-third Jewish, one-third Polish and one-third Ukrainian. By
1945 the Jews had all been exterminated at the nearby Majdanek camp; the
Ukrainians shipped across the border to the USSR; and the parents or
grandparents of 60 per cent of the present population - Poles living in
Ukraine - deported 'home' in the opposite direction. 'So you see what
politics can do,' says the village priest, Krzystof Krukowski.

It was in Horodlo, in 1413, that a great power was forged by treaty, not
war, binding Poland and Lithuania to create the biggest country in medieval
Europe. And it is peace that now brings this corner of Europe into a union.
Or, as the mayor of the nearby county seat of Chelm puts it: 'We do not see
ourselves as the edge of something, but more as its gateway - to the East
and its markets.'

Indeed, the quiet of evening in Horodlo belies the scene on the riverbank a
little to the north, at Dorohusk: a hinge on a burgeoning trade corridor
connecting Berlin to Moscow via Warsaw and Kiev. It is the busiest border
crossing between Poland and Ukraine, a confusion of cafes, currency exchange
booths, tatty old Ladas driven by leather-faced peasants and grinding
lorries lined up for five kilometres, waiting to cross in either direction.
Heading from Warsaw to Odessa, Stefan has been here nearly 48 hours and
expects a similar wait on the other side, where 'you have to get 10 stamps
on bits of paper, and each one needs a bribe'.

Every day 12,000 people cross here - where none did in Soviet times - one of
15 crossing points along Poland's (and the EU's longest) external border
with Russia, Belarus and Ukraine. They do so under the watchful eyes,
weaponry and cameras of Lieutenant-Colonel Andrzej Wojcik's border guardsmen

Since he joined the guard in 1981, then under communist military authority,
Wojcik's life has been the border. But now that this border is Europe's
front line - against what Brussels and politicians fear will be a flow of
people and goods seeking to cross into the EU - the colonel plays 'a game of
cat and mouse, or chess', against what he calls 'the other side', in which
'you have to anticipate its next move, and plan your own'.

But Wojcik insists: 'We are not putting up another Berlin Wall, we are
creating an opening for legal activity while stepping up security to stop
illegal activity.'

The traffic in people has become Wojcik's biggest challenge, with some
20,000 either caught or turned back each year. 'Either something is wrong
with their papers, or we find them concealed or working illegally,' he says.

He shows a video of groups of Indians and Kurds marshalled by their criminal
couriers across bogland on the other side of the Bug, unaware they have been
picked up on film by the guards' thermo-sensitive equipment that responds to
human body heat.

'Unfortunately these people are not insured, and do not get their money
back, he says. 'They would probably have paid between $ 7,000 and $ 8,000
each.' More successful migrants are usually passed on from Ukrainian to
Polish mafia syndicates, moved across country to the German border, then
handed over to the Germans and shipped elsewhere in the West. 'We can
fight this problem,' says the colonel, 'but we can never solve it. So long
as there are economic disparities, these people will come, just as smuggling
will continue while there are price disparities. We can fight the problem
but we're not here to save the world.'

In Wojcik's Lublin district, 16 new box-style brick installations with
detention facilities have been built along the 'green border' (where there
are no crossings) kitted out with a playground of snowmobiles, motorbikes,
vehicles for fording rivers and racks of pristine PM98 machine guns. There
are kennels inhabited by intimidating dogs, for searching 'and for
protection'. 'But not a shot has been aimed at anyone,' says Wojcik, 'only
into the air in case anyone thinks they are dealing with Boy Scouts.'

In addition to people, the 1,500 guards look for stolen icons, alcohol,
drugs and cigarettes. 'Come 1 May,' he says, 'we can say that we will be
safeguarding the border of the European Union. But this is not something
that has happened overnight - we have been working on this for years, and
they (the EU) have watched us work.' Indeed 'they' have, as Michal Czyz
recounts back in Warsaw, heaving a sigh.

Czyz heads a special European Union section at the Foreign Ministry of
Poland's centre-left government, which - on the eve of enlargement - faces
widespread and politically perilous public disillusionment over what he
bluntly calls 'broken promises' by current member states, markedly Britain,
over freedom of movement and access to work and services.

'We have been under the microscope, and met every demand, on every level.
On the technical level, over securing the border, there has been no mercy on
us. Economically, we have been trying to do in a decade what your countries
did in centuries. But meanwhile, from current member states, the political
willingness to unite Europe is in trouble. With regard to the social
dimension, there are problems with freedom of movement; and psychologically,
we new countries are still outsiders, and not yet part of your "we".'

Poland's efforts are not reciprocated, says Czyz, by the scramble among
current member states to restrict the movement and rights of workers from
eastern Europe. 'We feel that we are being punished for being too
optimistic,' he says. 'There was a conviction that we were strong enough,
enthusiastic enough. But things are much less optimistic now.'

This is not party political banter. Czyz's views are held by his opposition,
the Civic Platform, whose secretary-general is a former mayor of Warsaw,
Pawel Piskorski. 'It has all turned out much worse for Poland than
expected,' he says. 'The problem for us who are very pro-EU is that, come
1 May, all the obligations and requirements - even the disadvantages of
membership - will be visible to the people, while the advantages will be
hidden or deferred.'

Another conservative, former Prime Minister Tadeusz Mazowiecki, asks, in
the light of Britain's clampdown on rights for east European workers: 'Are
we joining what you already are, or are we joining you in helping to plan
what this great adventure - the new Europe - will be. There's a lesson here
that neither we nor you have learnt: what does "Europe" mean. Does it mean
we are joining you, or we are all coming together?'

Jerzy Holzer, until recently director of political studies at the Polish
Academy of Sciences, says carving a harsh border between Poland and Ukraine
or Belarus, as was done by the Soviet Union, would be 'unsettling' to many
cultural, personal and family ties binding people on either side. 'What we
want is a border that does what we do not at present - that is, keep out
organised crime - but which does not upset the cultural weave of the
region.'

As his congregation emerges from Mass into the dusk in Horodlo, Krukowski
says: 'This is a dying village, whatever the EU may bring. People cannot
sell their produce; they have no money and prices are rising. The population
declines each year as young people leave. This year we have had 13
marriages, 37 baptisms and 80 funerals. I'm not nostalgic for communism, but
people had a better standard of living then, and the Church is blamed for
backing the transformation. With Europe, a decline here is an opportunity
somewhere else. I understand why they go.'

Krukowski offers a hearty meal of golabki - buckwheat wrapped in cabbage.
But he doesn't eat, deep in thought beneath his crucifix and Our Lady of
Sorrows. 'Even the fact that the earth here is the richest in Poland is not
enough. I am not an economist, and do not understand why. My only hope is
that in lifting the borders within Europe we do not create a border here
that is harder to cross than it was before.' (END)
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THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 68: ARTICLE NUMBER FOUR
Major Articles About What is Going on in Ukraine
Current Events Gallery: http://www.artukraine.com/events/index.htm
You can become a financial sponsor of The Action Ukraine Program Fund.
==========================================================
4. UKRAINE DIVIDED AGAINST ITSELF
Foreign policy is a menagerie of mixed signals and conflicting interests.

ANALYSIS: By Peter Lavelle for UPI
United Press International, Moscow, Russia, April 22, 2004

MOSCOW, April 22 (UPI) -- Ukraine's foreign policy is a menagerie
of mixed signals and conflicting interests. Attempting to appease an
expanding European Union and a resurgent Russia under President
Vladimir Putin, Ukraine often disappoints both.

Ukraine's policy of looking to the East as well as the West has divided
Ukrainians into roughly three groups: those who would like to see Ukraine
eventually accepted into Western economic, political and even military
structures, ethnic Russian Ukrainians who still identify closely with
Russia, and a significant minority who appear not to care.

Ukraine's foreign policy has been very active recently. On Wednesday,
Russia's parliament reacted angrily to what it believes to be Ukraine's
rapprochement with NATO and Ukrainian law that went into effect this
week mandating that television and radio stations will broadcast only in
Ukrainian.

In a 333 to 34 vote and two abstentions, the Russian Duma favored sending
strongly worded message to the Ukrainian parliament condemning Ukraine's
ratification of a memorandum of understanding with NATO, claiming that it
was a "de facto agreement to NATO's plans to expand eastward." The
memorandum signed last month allows NATO troops the right of quick entry
and passage into and through Ukraine's territory.

The Duma is just as outraged concerning Ukraine's new attitude toward the
use of the Russian language found on the country's airwaves. Russia claims
the new laws banning Russian on Ukrainian radio and television "ignored the
traditional Ukrainian-Russian bilingualism" and violated Ukrainians' civil
rights. It is estimated that half of Ukraine's population of 48 million are
Russian speakers, with ethnic Russians constituting 25 percent of all
Ukrainian citizens.

For most bilateral state relationships, such bickering among neighbors would
constitute a crisis in foreign policy. This is hardly the case for Ukraine
and Russia. On Tuesday, many Ukrainians believed that Ukraine is in danger
of losing its sovereignty in favor of Russia after ratifying three
significant treaties with its large eastern neighbor.

Russian and Ukrainian parliaments simultaneously ratified important
agreements concerning borders, including regulation of the Sea of Azov and
the Kerch Strait -- both at the center of an explosive and what could have
been a dangerous military dispute at the end of last year.

The Azov seabed is believed to be rich in oil reserves, while the Kerch
Strait, which allows access to the Black Sea, is considered to be of
strategic military importance for the Kremlin. The border agreement signed
this week was what Russia has always wanted: joint governance and
exploitation of the Sea of Azov, as well as mandating that the Sea of Azov
and the Kerch Strait as inland waters of the two countries -- ensuring that
third parties (read: NATO) will be denied access to these waterways.

A second agreement was ratified that recognized the state borders of each
country, as well as normalizing regulations for border crossings by
commercial entities, private individuals as well as the permanency of the
border.

The third agreement, called the Single Economic Space, could have
significant long-term meaning for Russian-Ukrainian relations. It
encompasses a customs union, common tax code, joint financial policies,
foreign trade policy, and hints of a common currency. The foreign trade
policy element included a free-trade zone including Russia, Ukraine, Belarus
and Kazakhstan. The EU and the United States have concerns about Russia's
growing ambitions in the former Soviet Union.

Ukraine just might have the most eclectic foreign policy in the world. It
has often been noted that there are "two Ukraines." Geographically, half the
country is westward leaning, with the other focused on its historic
relationship with Russia. The power and influence of both "Ukraines" is
reflected in the country's foreign policies toward an expanding EU and
Russia. However, there is a "third Ukraine" that denies the "European
westerners" or the "eastern Slavs" political hegemony.

Ukraine's eclectic foreign policy is a reflection of Ukrainian
nation-building at a dead end. Ukrainians who comprise of the third groups
reject both Ukrainian nationalism and Eurasian or neo-Soviet patriotism.
These are many of the same people who have not benefited from Ukraine's
transitions away from communism.

The political elite inherited from the Soviet period is most responsible for
the existence for this group. Not adhering to any meaningful ideology beyond
power itself, the current ruling elite promotes disrespect for the law,
unchecked corruption, and widespread state surveillance of citizens.

This week, Ukraine tried to show itself to be a good neighbor to the EU and
Russia. However, it actually showed that it might not be a reliable partner
for either. Making too many promises to the EU and Russia only intensifies
divisions among some Ukrainians, while increasing the alienation of others.

Ukraine can be a reliable partner only when the majority of Ukrainians come
to understand what is best for Ukraine first, then its neighbors. Given
Ukraine's current political elite, that prospect is a long way off. (END)
---------------------------------------------------------------------
NOTE: Peter Lavelle is a Moscow based analyst. His website is
entitled "Untimely Thoughts" and can be found at the following link:
http://www.Untimely-Thoughts.com.
==========================================================
THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 68: ARTICLE NUMBER FIVE
Exciting Opportunities in Ukraine: Travel and Tourism Gallery
http://www.ArtUkraine.com/tourgallery.htm
==========================================================
5. EUROPEAN INTEGRATION AND COMMON ECONOMIC SPACE
COULD PRESENT IMPOSSIBLE CHALLENGE TO
UKRAINE'S FOREIGN POLICY
CES would have to be restricted to being a free trade area

Interfax-Ukraine, Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, April 27, 2004

KYIV - The impossibility of combining integration with the European Union
and participation in the Common Economic Space (CES) [Single Economic
Space]between Ukraine, Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan will become a
challenge for Ukrainian foreign policy in the future, Deputy Foreign
Minister Oleksandr Chaly has said.

The form of economic relations in the East, including Russia, will have "the
most significant influence" on Ukraine's European integration policy, Chaly
told the Business weekly on Monday.

Ukraine could continue its independent European integration policy provided
the CES is restricted to being a free trade area, but cannot integrate with
the EU on its own if its CES membership takes the form of a customs union,
Chaly said.

"In this context the main challenge for our foreign policy in the future
will be the impossibility of combining two mutually-exclusive goals -
setting up a customs union with the EU by 2007 in light of the strategy
announced in the presidential message, entitled a European choice, and on
the other hand - setting up a customs union within the CES with Ukraine's
participation by 2009, Chaly said.

However, "a clear answer to this key issue will be given soon," Chaly said.
===========================================================
THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 68: ARTICLE NUMBER SIX
The Story of Ukraine's Long and Rich Culture
Ukrainian Culture Gallery: http://www.ArtUkraine.com/cultgallery.htm
===========================================================
6. POLAND CAUGHT IN THE MIDDLE OF ROW BETWEEN
UKRAINE AND THE EUROPEAN UNION
Does Ukraine have a free market economy or not?

Polish News Bulletin, Warsaw, Poland, Tuesday, Apr 27, 2004

WARSAW - Kiev and Brussels are disputing whether Ukraine has a free market
economy, which heralds trouble for Poland. Why? Because Ukraine and the EU
have until May 1 to strike a deal on the trade in steel products.

However, meeting this deadline seems highly improbable. Consequently,
Ukraine could stop exporting steel to Poland and other EU countries.

"Kiev has set out new conditions, now it wants Brussels to acknowledge that
Ukraine has a free market economy, a status granted to Russia some time
ago," explains Mieczyslaw Nogaj, director of the trade policy department at
the Ministry of Economy.

Ukrainian authorities are threatening to suspend deliveries to Poland if
their conditions are not met. Under this year's agreement, EU countries may
import 185,000 tones of steel from Ukraine, while Poland alone has been
buying about 400,000 tones every year. If the EU and Ukraine fail to reach
an agreement, Poland may be forced to buy a more expensive steel from
Russia. (END)
===========================================================
THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 68: ARTICLE NUMBER SEVEN
The Genocidal Famine in Ukraine 1932-1933, HOLODOMOR
Genocide Gallery: http://www.artukraine.com/famineart/index.htm
===========================================================
7. ECONOMIC UNION WILL BENEFIT RUSSIA, NOT UKRAINE
"Quo vadis, SES?"

ANALYSIS by Oleksandr Mikhelson
Glavred website, Kiev, Ukraine, in Russian 21 Apr 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Apr 24, 2004

KIEV -Analyst Oleksandr Mikhelson has looked at the possible reasons
for and implications of Ukraine's 20 April ratification of the treaty on the
Single Economic Space (SES) with Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. He
argued the treaty would benefit Russia, but would do nothing good for
Ukraine.

Russia would command some 80 per cent of the votes in the supranational
body expected to be set up to coordinate the new union, he said. Now that
Ukraine has acceded to the treaty, it should forget about its EU bid and its
multi-track foreign policy, according to Mikhelson.

The following is the text of the article, posted on the Ukrainian web site
Glavred on 21 April under the title "Quo vadis, SES?"; the original
subheadings have been retained:

The immortal phrase of the no less immortal bankrupt [film character]
Golokhvastov - "It is, of course, very, very... But why?" - could come to be
the key question inside the Supreme Council [parliament], which has approved
Ukraine's latest strategic choice - this time in favour of the SES [Single
Economic Space].

TANGO FOR FOUR

So where do we go now? In fact, there is very little specific information.
Yes, the main features of the Single Economic Space of Russia, Ukraine,
Belarus and Kazakhstan are well known. But they are interpreted in very
different ways.

The first step is a free trade zone [FTZ]. Ukraine insisted that there
should be no exclusions and no restrictions. Russia officially declared,
through the previous prime minister [Mikhail Kasyanov] and the present
Russian ambassador to Ukraine [Viktor Chernomyrdin]: don't even think about
domestic prices for sources of energy [between the SES countries].

President Kuchma heeded the wailing of the poor Russians and started to
talk about "temporary restrictions" on "certain groups of goods", although,
as the experience of Russian-Ukrainian "trade wars" shows, there is nothing
more permanent than the temporary and nothing more all-embracing than
certain groups of goods. But none of that is of any interest. The State Duma
[the Russian parliament] has not - for how many years now? - thought of
ratifying the long-drafted FTZ treaty. In other words, the Russians do not
need the FTZ now either.

The reason is that Russia's demonstrable objective is to take further steps
within the SES. What are wanted specifically are a customs union and,
ultimately, a currency union, as well as joint efforts regarding external
trading partners and with a view to integration with Europe and entry to the
WTO [World Trade Organization]. We shall come back to the particular
importance of the latter points...........

"------------------------------------------------------------"

NOTE: To read the entire article on why analyst Oleksandr Mikhelson
thinks Ukraine's 20 April ratification of the treaty on the Single Economic
Space (SES) with Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan would benefit Russia,
but would do "NOTHING GOOD FOR UKRAINE" click on this link:
http://www.artukraine.com/econews/ec_union3.htm
===========================================================
THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 68: ARTICLE NUMBER EIGHT
Ukraine's History and the Long Struggle for Independence
Historical Gallery: http://www.artukraine.com/histgallery.htm
===========================================================
8. EUROPE: FOR CENTURIES UKRAINE HAS ALWAYS BEEN
AN INTEGRAL PART OF EUROPE

Interview with philosopher Serhiy Krymsky
Interviewed by Ihor Siundiukov, The Day
The Day Weekly Digest in English. Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, April 20, 2004

What is Ukraine's role in the European cultural and spiritual theater? What
should modern Ukrainian society do to play a truly fitting role? How strong
are the historical traditions and the social ties that link us with Western
European civilization? These are undoubtedly fundamental, basic, and fateful
questions. They are still more important in the light of the unending debate
on which civilization Ukraine should choose - East or West, Russia or
Europe.

One of those who study these problems is the authoritative philosopher
Serhiy KRYMSKY, one of The Day's most respected regular contributors, a
leading research associate at the Academy of Sciences Skovoroda Institute of
Philosophy, a person of literally inexhaustible encyclopedic erudition.

In his interview with The Day he dwells precisely on the European component
in Ukraine's historical development.

Dr. Krymsky, it is common knowledge that the Ukrainian leadership has been
declaring its European choice for years on end. But is it not true that, to
honestly make this choice, one must have a clear idea of what such thing as
Europe is - in the intellectual, social, political, and geographic senses?
After all, what is Europe for us?

It is undoubtedly a multifaceted notion. If Europe is to be treated in
purely geographical terms (say, from England to the Urals), then its hub
lies, incidentally, on our territory, in Transcarpathia. If, conversely,
Europe is to be viewed as a geopolitical entity, then let us recall
Friedrich Engels's interesting idea that Europe was limited by the borders
of nineteenth-century Poland and Hungary. Further east was Eurasia. But
since a considerable part of Ukraine was at the time part of the Polish
state, our lands also belong to the European space according his criterion.

As to Eurasia, it was historically regarded as a territory under Byzantine
influence, which included the Balkans, Turkey, and, of course, Russia.

If viewed from the sociocultural perspective, the notion of Europe rests on
three fundamental pillars: Antiquity, Christianity, and the Enlightenment.

"--------------------------------------------------------"

NOTE: To read the entire interview with Ukrainian philosopher Serhiy
Krymsky about Ukraine being an integral part of Europe for centuries
click on the following link:
http://www.artukraine.com/buildukraine/krymsky.htm
===========================================================
THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 68: ARTICLE NUMBER NINE
The Rich History of Ukrainian Art, Music, Pysanka, Folk-Art
Arts Gallery: http://www.artukraine.com/artgallery.htm
===========================================================
9.UKRAINE HOPES FOR MORE ACTIVE US SUPPORT IN JOINING WTO
Prime Minister Tell Top US State Department Official

UT1, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian, April 26, 2004
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Monday Apr 26, 2004

KIEV - [Presenter] Today [Ukrainian Prime Minister] Viktor Yanukovych met
the deputy assistant US secretary of state, Steven Pifer. Yanukovych said
that Ukraine was hoping for more active support from the USA of Ukraine's
entry to the World Trade Organization. He also stressed that our country was
ready to take part in the post-war rebuilding of Iraq. Tetyana Ankudinova
has the details of the visit.

[Correspondent] Official Kiev hopes for more fruitful economic cooperation
with the USA. However, this cooperation is possible only if the USA actively
supports Ukraine on its way to the WTO.

[Yanukovych] The government has been working successfully for two years.
This year be have good results, an 18.8-per-cent rise in industrial output
and a GDP growth of 10.8 per cent in the first quarter with minimum
inflation of about 2 per cent. We hope for more active support of Ukraine's
WTO entry from the USA. This will give us an opportunity to improve our
economic results and cooperate better with the USA in the economic sphere.

[Pifer, in English overlaid with Ukrainian translation] I am convinced that
the economic growth demonstrated by Ukraine is indicative of economic
reforms. The US government is interested in cooperation and is very grateful
for the great work of the Ukrainian peacekeepers in ensuring stability in
Iraq.

[Correspondent] As for the prospects of Ukrainian companies taking part in
the rebuilding of Iraq, Yanukovych expressed hope that Ukrainian companies
will soon have such an opportunity. Speaking about other areas of
Ukrainian-American cooperation, Yanukovych noted that the issue of US
assistance in disposing of solid rocket fuel at the Pavlohrad chemical plant
remains open. Yanukovych said he was sure this problem would be solved soon.

Also today, Ukrainian parliamentary speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn met Pifer to
discuss cooperation between the Ukrainian parliament and US Congress. Lytvyn
gave Pifer a letter inviting congressmen to visit Ukraine. [Audio and video
available. Please send queries to kiev.bbcm@mon.bbc.co.uk]
=========================================================
THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-2004, No. 68: ARTICLE NUMBER TEN
Politics and Governance, Building a Strong, Democratic Ukraine
http://www.artukraine.com/buildukraine/index.htm
Get in on the ACTION today, become a financial sponsor.
=========================================================
10. POOR L'VIV IS UKRAINE'S WINDOW ONTO EUROPE

THE EU: Saturday sees the EU expand with 10 new member-states.
In the first of three articles, Bridget Hourican looks at places that will
be just outside the enlarged EU, while feeling culturally and historically
part of it.

By Bridget Hourican, The Irish Times, Dublin, Ireland, Mon, April 26, 2004

Lines of cars queue at the Polish-Ukrainian border. Most of them, like
ours, have Polish numberplates. We've been here an hour. Poles, unlike
Western Europeans, don't need visas to get into Ukraine, which explains
the delay: the border guards are asking the questions normally reserved to
the consulate.

We offer a guard $40 and he moves us into a faster line. An hour later
we're still there, but closer to the top. We joke that it's like the
Mexican border, but admittedly none of us has ever been to Mexico. In
another hour we're through.

This will be Europe's Eastern border from May 1st. We drive the 70 km to
L'viv, formerly Lvov, Lwow or Lemburg. In Poland you hear a lot about
Lwow, at least from the older generation, who wax nostalgic over its
beauty and cultural vibrancy.

L'viv has been tossed around by emperors since its foundation, but for
over half of its 800 year history it was Polish, and was, with Krakow, the
pride of Poland, a university town whose buildings run from 13th century
to Renaissance, to Polish Roccoco, to neo-classicism. The Austrians took
it after the partition of Poland in 1772 and ran it in their haphazard
Hapsburg fashion until Poland regained it after the first World War.

L'viv is in Galicia, one of the centres of Ukrainian nationalism, so
ownership of the city was always going to be in dispute, but the question
wasn't decided by Poles or Ukrainians, but by Stalin. In 1939 he moved in
and in 1945 refused to move out again.

At Yalta, Roosevelt pleaded for L'viv's return to Poland but he was in no
position to refuse the Russians. Stalin solved any future ethnic problems
by ruthless population exchanges across the border. L'viv was incorporated
into Ukraine which was incorporated into the USSR until, in 1991, it
gained independence.

This is the city we're approaching - cut off from Poland by 60 years,
70km, one hour time difference, three hours border wait, $40 in bribes
and, soon, by Schengen. At night, by the very dim lights strung from wires
over the roads, it looks like another Eastern European glory, like
Budapest, Krakow, or Prague.

By daylight it looks more like an illustration for "poverty in grandeur".
All of Eastern Europe is poorer than the West, but L'viv isn't Eastern
European poor, it's Russian poor. Crowds of babushkas (grandmothers) line
the lovely cobbled streets, patiently selling bags of apples or bunches of
flowers. Every second building houses an exchange office, all offering
identical rates.

The magnificent buildings are crumbling where they stand. Open drains
release waste water onto the streets. Legs and noses have crumbled off
statues. Columns have fallen off buildings. A coat of dirt covers
everything.

In one sense, however, it's miraculously well-preserved. Nothing has been
torn down, no Soviet blocks put up. The only sign of the USSR is a few
statues in the brute realist style. Moscow ignored L'viv. If the Party had
held onto it much longer neglect would have finished it off. As it is,
there's nothing a massive injection of cash couldn't resolve.

Cash, however, is the problem. I walk the streets with Andrey Salynk, head
of an NGO for the preservation of L'viv's heritage. He is gallant as a
cavalier in the face of imminent ruin and given to sudden paroxysms of
mirth. "There are 1,000 concerned citizens in L'viv" (pause) "out of
800,000" (explosive laughter). "I have $6,200 for Boims chapel." (pause)
"I need half a million dollars" (explosive laughter).

The Ukrainian government has earmarked $5 million for L'viv in this year's
budget, which is enough to restore three buildings. Salynk estimates $3
billion would halt the process of decay. That figure doesn't include
renovation.

The EU is the Ukraine's biggest donor and has given ¬1.2 billion in aid
over the past 10 years but this money is for technical assistance,
administrative reform and nuclear safety. Ukraine has poverty and
Chernobyl. There isn't money for buildings.

L'viv has the surreal, glazed look of a city which has changed hands too
often. Outside our hotel is a 19th century statue to the Polish poet Adam
Mickiewicz. To the Poles, Mickiewicz is a kind of Moore, Yeats and Joyce
rolled into one but in L'viv the people I ask have only the vaguest idea
of him. In the adjacent square is a massive recent black statue to the
Ukrainian poet, Taras Shevchenko.

Today, unsurprisingly, L'viv is putting out Ukrainian colours. Of the
seven main museums, three are devoted to Ukrainian peasant art and
ethnography. I look for the Scottish café, where in the inter-war Polish
years, L'viv's mathematicians, including Stanislaw Ulam, who later helped
invent the atom bomb, hung out and drew equations on the marble-topped
table. I can't find it. The tourist office says it's a bank; the internet
says it's a bar.

Jewish L'viv was obliterated by the Nazis. The city used to have the third
largest Jewish community in Poland. Now only stones of the 16th century
synagogue remain. There was a concentration camp here, called Janowska.

In Poland I'm told the camp is now a prison, but the tourist office disputes
this. They say it's been "absorbed" into other buildings. In any case it
can't be visited, but there is a plaque.

Austrian L'viv survives in the buildings. The authorities are resisting
erecting a statue to Leopold Sacher-Masoch, L'vivian author of Venus in
Furs and inventor of masochism. Maybe his just isn't an image they want
for their city.

Polish-Austrian-Jewish-Ukrainian. What everyone agrees is that it's a
European city. Ukraine, despite having cities, whose names - Odessa, Yalta
- are familiar to Western readers through Chekhov and whose inhabitants
only speak Russian, has distanced itself from Russia and applied for EU
membership.

The EU is being coy about this application. Agnes Schubert of the EU
delegation in Kiev says "we support Ukraine's strategy for entry" but
"integration isn't on the agenda yet". The Ukrainian press has noted
bitterly that the EU always uses words like "rapprochement" for the
Ukraine, never "integration". The latest EU word is "Neighbourhood Policy".

Says Schubert: "The Neighbourhood policy means Ukraine, and other
countries, like Belarus and Moldova, could have access to the internal
market but not yet to the EU institutions".

Ukraine isn't joining any time soon. In the meantime, its borders are
being regulated. On May 1st it will border three EU countries, Poland, the
Slovak Republic and Hungary. All three are currently implementing the
necessary visa restrictions.

Ukraine's Polish minority are indignantly flooding their consulate but
they're insignificant in numbers - about 5,000 in L'viv.

Ukraine's ex-foreign minister, Anatolii Zlenko has called the borders a
"Schengen Wall" but says Schubert: "The EU doesn't want dividing lines
between Ukraine and its neighbours." It's financing lots of cross-border
initiatives to smooth things over. These include a bridge into Poland.

In Auden's 1930s line, "where Poland draws its Eastern bow" was where
Europe began. This is still the case. Its bowis just being drawn further
west. L'viv is Ukraine's window onto Europe. (END)
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Tomorrow: Bridget Hourican explores Transylvania, part of Romania, but
Hungarian at heart.
===========================================================
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