"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT"
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis, and Commentary
"The Art of Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World"
"KYIV - A company owned by the son-in-law of Ukraine's President
Leonid Kuchma has won a tender to buy Kryvorizhstal, the country's
biggest steel plant. Viktor Pinchuk, who has interests in steel, energy
and media, won the bid in partnership with Rinat Akhmetov, Ukraine's
richest man." [articles three, four and five]
"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT" Year 04, Number 97
Action Ukraine Coalition (AUC), Washington, D.C.
Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA), Huntingdon Valley, PA
morganw@patriot.net, ArtUkraine.com@starpower.net
Washington, D.C.; Kyiv, Ukraine, TUESDAY, June 15, 2004
-----INDEX OF ARTICLES-----
"Major International News Headlines and Articles"
1. POLAND LOBBIES EU MEMBERSHIP FOR UKRAINE
By Taras Kuzio, Eurasia Daily Monitor
Volume 1, Issue 29, The Jamestown Foundation
Washington, D.C., Friday, 11 June 2004
2. POLAND'S SUPPORT FOR UKRAINE'S EU AMBITIONS
INCONSISTENT WITH POLISH INTERESTS
"Unwelcome Rival for EU Aid"
Review of Article by Krzysztof Iszkowski
Editor, "Political Critique" Quarterly
Published in a recent issue of Rzeczpospolita
Polish News Bulletin, Warsaw, Poland, Friday, Jun 11, 2004
3. UK- BASED LNM, US STEEL FAIL IN BID FOR UKRAINE'S
KRYVORIZHSTAL STEEL PLANT
AFX Europe (Focus), Kiev, Ukraine, Monday, Jun 14, 2004
4.UKRAINIANS TYCOONS PAY FOR PRIVATIZED STEELWORKS
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian, 14 Jun 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Monday, Jun 14, 2004
5. SCANDAL OVER UKRAINE STEEL COMPANY SALE
The tender seemed to be written to favour local bidders
BBC NEWS, London, England, UK, Monday, June 14, 2004
6. UKRAINE NOT READY YET FOR NATO MEMBERSHIP,
PRESIDENT SAYS
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, in Ukrainian, 14 Jun 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Monday, Jun 14, 2004
7.U.S. EMBASSY CAN'T SAY IF UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT KUCHMA
WILL MEET U.S. PRESIDENT BUSH AT NATO SUMMIT
Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, Ukraine, Friday, 11 Jun 04
8. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT KUCHMA CONGRATULATES
PUTIN ON RUSSIA'S NATIONAL DAY
Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian, 12 Jun 04
BBC Monitoring Service,UK, in English, Saturday, Jun 12, 2004
9. UKRAINE THREATENS TO REJECT NEW EU DEAL
Andrew Beatty, Euobserver, Brussels, Belgium, Friday, June 11, 2004
10. VICTOR YUSHCHENKO DISCUSSED WITH RUSSIA
AMBASSADOR CHORNOMYRDIN THE COOPERATION ISSUE
"Our Ukraine" Press, Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, June 11, 2004
11. UKRAINIAN DEPUTY SPEAKER TO RUN YUSHCHENKO'S
CAMPAIGN DURING THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian, 14 Jun 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Monday, Jun 14, 2004
12. UKRAINIAN SPEAKER'S ELECTION AS LEADER OF THE
AGRARIAN PARTY STRENGTHENS BOTH
"People's-Agrarian-(opposition) Lytvyn"
COMMENTARY by Ivan Hayvanovych
Ukrayinska Pravda web site, Kiev, in Ukrainian 10 Jun 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Sunday, Jun 13, 2004
13. UKRAINE SEEKS MORE FUNDS TO BUILD A NEW SHELTER
OVER DESTROYED REACTER AT CHERNOBYL
AP Online, Kiev, Ukraine, Friday, Jun 11, 2004
14. REMEMBERING THE USSR'S BRUTALITY
Soviet Crimes Against the Ukrainian Nation: Kyiv Branch of Memorial
By Yuriy Shafarenko, Kyiv Post Staff Writer
Kyiv Post, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thursday, Jun 10, 2004
=========================================================
THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 97: ARTICLE NUMBER ONE
=========================================================
1. POLAND LOBBIES EU MEMBERSHIP FOR UKRAINE
By Taras Kuzio, Eurasia Daily Monitor
Volume 1, Issue 29, The Jamestown Foundation
Washington, D.C., Friday, 11 June 2004
On June 13, Poland, like the other seven post-Communist states who joined
the European Union (EU) in May, will participate for the first time in
European Parliament elections. In preparation for the elections, on June 5,
the well-known Gazeta Wyborcza newspaper published a list of eight questions
posed to eight leading political parties.
The first and second questions were focused on the importance of Poland
vis-a-vis Europe and were related to the European Constitution as well as
relations between the EU and US. The third question asked about Ukraine's
European perspectives. Ukraine "is an important partner of Poland,
traditionally a buffer against Russia. Should we strive that Ukraine enters
the EU?" Preceding the survey, Gazeta Wyborcza's Editor Adam Michnik and
Our Ukraine leader Viktor Yushchenko wrote a joint article entitled, "For a
United Europe" (El Pais, May 4). From this initiative it is clear which
Ukrainian political camp former Polish Solidarity activists, such as
Michnik, see as best representing Ukraine's European choice in this years
Ukrainian elections.
None of the eight political parties, which represent the entire political
spectrum in Poland, opposes Ukraine's membership in the EU although all
thought consider this to be a long process. Most adamantly in favor of EU
membership were the ruling Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) and its offshoot,
the opposition Civic Platform (PO). The Polish Peasant Party (PSL) believes
that, if Ukraine is denied admission to the EU, "Ukraine will without doubt
choose a future partnership with Russia".
The opposition Law and Justice Party (PiS) believes that Ukraine should be
the main focus for the EU's eastern dimension, rather than presumably
Russia, as is the current focus. Freedom Union (UW) considers Ukraine as
part of "our historical family". UW stated, "The vision of Ukraine within
the EU requires the support of Poland. This is our objective from the
viewpoint of history, geopolitics and economics. This is one of the most
important objectives of our European policies."
Two populist parties -- Self Defense and the League of Polish Families
[LPR]) -- which are both critically disposed towards the EU, also supported
Ukraine's membership aspirations. The LPR stated that, "Ukraine will be our
natural ally in the European Union". Two factors were cited by most of the
eight political parties.
First, as outlined by the PO, Poland should be at the forefront in lobbying
the EU to raise its interest in an eastern dimension to the same level as
its southern flank. The Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs produced a
"non-paper" and a formal paper in support of an eastern dimension' for the
EU in February and May 2003. Both papers were meant to contribute to
discussion of the EU's March 2003 "Wider Europe" communication. The
papers called on the EU to differentiate policy toward its eastern and
southern neighbors, as only the former lies within Europe and, therefore,
should be granted the option of membership.
Second, Ukraine's geographic position should be recognized as a buffer
between Poland and Russia. This has traditionally been a Polish objective
due to the deeply ingrained historical sense of Russia as a threat. After
joining the EU in May, Poland began to more actively lobby in favor of
Ukraine's EU (and NATO) membership aspirations. Support for Ukraine
has also come from within the Wisegrad Group -- Poland, Czech Republic,
Slovakia, and Hungary -- and from Lithuania (Gazeta Wyborcza, May 13).
Just as Germany saw Poland's membership in NATO and the EU as important
to securing its eastern flank, so does Poland similarly look on Ukraine. In
the case of Ukraine, there is a sense of urgency because of the fear that if
Ukraine is not offered a home inside the EU, it will turn to Russia. As seen
from Poland, this threat increased in April when Ukraine joined Russia,
Belarus and Kazakhstan in ratifying a United Economic Space within the CIS.
In Poland's view, Ukraine's decision to support CIS integration was a
response to being discounted by the EU (Gazeta Wyborcza, May 26).
Poland has been critically disposed towards the EU leadership for refusing
to give Ukraine a positive signal on future membership, as Ukrainian
President Leonid Kuchma has repeatedly urged. A Polish Foreign Ministry
spokesman said, "Ukraine needs a European vision that will permit it to
build a modern country oriented towards the west. Otherwise it will turn in
the opposite direction" (Polish News Bulletin, May 25). Polish Prime
Minister Marek Belka has appealed to the EU to provide a clear-cut signal to
Ukraine that it could become a future member. This signal is an urgent
necessity, he believes (Ukrayinska Pravda, May 26).
Poland has been especially critical of the EU for refusing to grant Ukraine
market economy status. There is a practical side to this position. This
year's agreements allow the EU to only import 185,000 tons of steel from
Ukraine. Prior to joining the EU, Poland alone purchased 400,000 tons
annually from Ukraine and now may be forced to purchase more expensive
Russian steel (Rzezcpospolita, May 13). Russia was granted market economy
status in 2002.
Poland wants the EU to become more like NATO in having an "open door"
policy. In addition, post-communist states seek to promote to EU
decision-makers the importance of geopolitical factors, which have largely
ignored until now. During the Kuchma era, the EU and Ukraine have initiated
"virtual policies" involving each other. Confusing signals sent by the EU
have eroded these virtual policies. European Commission President Romani
Prodi told the Financial Times on May 4 that Ukraine would never become a
member of the EU. After considerable criticism, Prodi backtracked, claiming
that he has been "misquoted" and that the EU, "welcomes Ukraine's European
choice" (Den, May 27). (END)
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THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 97: ARTICLE NUMBER TWO
Current Events Gallery: http://www.artukraine.com/events/index.htm
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2. POLAND'S SUPPORT FOR UKRAINE'S EU AMBITIONS
INCONSISTENT WITH POLISH INTERESTS
"Unwelcome Rival for EU Aid"
Review of Article by Krzysztof Iszkowski
Editor, "Political Critique" Quarterly
Published in a recent issue of Rzeczpospolita
Polish News Bulletin, Warsaw, Poland, Friday, Jun 11, 2004
Premier Marek Belka recently called the EU to offer Ukraine a promise of
membership. His appeal is unlikely to arouse a positive response, but that
does not mean that Poland's policy towards Ukraine does not merit a broad
debate. There are at least three reasons why Ukraine's membership in the EU
is inconsistent with Poland's interests, writes Krzysztof Iszkowski, scholar
at the Polish Academy of Sciences' Social Sciences School, editor of the
"Political Critique" quarterly, in a recent issue of Rzeczpospolita. -
Unwelcome Rival For EU Aid
Any enlargement involving a country poorer or as poor as Poland, writes
Iszkowski, would be unfavourable for Poland. If the EU retains the existing
level of solidarity and maintains the regional aid system, enlargement would
mean increased competition for structural funds. With Ukraine, a country
much poorer than Poland and much larger in terms of territory and
population, that competition would be very acute.
Of course, says Iszkowski, even the supporters of Ukraine's accession
concede that it is unlikely to become a fact before 2015, giving Poland a
decade to absorb cohesion aid. But it is doubtful whether the decade would
suffice. Ukraine's becoming a beneficiary of structural aid would be done at
Poland's cost, and there would also be other unfavourable consequences, such
as a relative worsening in Poland's investment attractiveness.
The above argument can, of course, be rejected as a manifestation of the
Kali mentality; raised by the Spanish or Portuguese it invariably irritated
Poland. That, however, does not make the argument less valid. What is more,
it is based on optimistic assumptions. If it very likely that in the face of
Ukraine's imminent accession, the leading net payers would radically shake
cohesion policy up in the direction set by the Lisbon Strategy ? more
innovation, less solidarity.
Such a scenario would be even more unfavourable for Poland, meaning not a
reduction in aid, but its scrapping altogether. - Ukraine's Accession and
Moscow's Influence Ukraine's accession would also affect the EU's
functioning in another way. Because of its size, different political
tradition, and poverty, Ukraine would not be able to adapt to community
regulations at a pace acceptable to the old member states. In the name of
the EU's efficient functioning, integration would have to be slowed down,
and in some cases even reversed.
Given strong federalist sentiment in the old EU, that would eventually lead
to the emergence of an "inner core" or a "European avant-garde" ? without
Poland. The integration effort of the last dozen years would be wasted;
Poland would find itself again in the same league as Ukraine ? and in fact
outside united Europe.
Moreover, which is particularly important in the context of the official
argument that by supporting Ukraine's European aspirations Poland is
wresting it away from Russia's grasp, Ukraine's accession would be
tantamount to boosting Russia's influence over the EU's internal affairs.
Ukraine's economic, political, and social ties with Russia, dating back to
the Soviet times but carefully nursed under Yeltsin and Putin, would
inevitably lead to the Ukrainians' creating a strong pro-Russian lobby in
Brussels.
Aside from the non-transparent and probably dirty ties between Russian
business and politicians and the Ukrainian political class, one should not
really expect anything else from the representatives of a democracy where
half the population speaks Russian and declares it would prefer to live in a
Russian-Ukrainian-Belarussian federation than in an independent state.
Preventing a rise in Russia's influence by handing it a tool to meddle with
the EU's ? and thus with Poland's ? internal affairs, is an idea so stupid
that one is hard pressed to believe in the declared motives. - Russia Not a
Threat
The anachronism, writes Iszkowski, of the claim that Ukraine's independence
and pro-western orientation are a guarantee of Poland's security is
striking. Firstly, such a line of thinking assumes that Russia represents
the greatest threat for Poland, and that this threat can be contained by
isolating Russia physically through a "bumper state." Secondly, it uses an
idealistic vision of a Ukraine that might have been if things had gone
differently 80 years ago, but which is not after several decades of
communism that the Ukrainians have actively helped build. Thirdly, those
perceiving Poland's fate as dependent on Ukraine ignore the broader context
of Poland's security.
With the Nato's position, which the US has successfully been transforming
into a "toolbox," weakening, Poland should promote the development of an
alternative security structure. Investing in EU military co-operation is the
obvious policy. Here too, for the above mentioned reasons, Ukraine's
accession would do more harm than good. It is reasonable to believe that
Poland will be more effectively protected against Russia by a European army
than by a Ukrainian one or the ever more marginalised Nato. Let alone the
fact that there is a limit to history's repeating itself, and it is hard to
believe that even the worst Russian nationalists are planning to capture
Warsaw by force. Zhirinovski, for instance, speaks of Russian soldiers
washing their feet in the Indian Ocean, not in the Vistula.
The report on the prime minister's appeal for a promise of membership was
titled "In Ukraine's Interest." Indeed, it appears to be more in Ukraine's
interest than in Poland's. It may, however, be justified: a prospect of
membership, however vague or distant, would strengthen Ukraine's hand in its
economic integration negotiations with Russia. Due to historical ties and
cultural and linguistic similarities, reintegration with Russia would be
easier to carry out for Ukraine than adapting to the acquis.
It would also be more favourable because it could be carried out within a
few months rather than a dozen years. If Belka's intention was to up the
ante in Ukraine's talks with Russia, he failed. Among the European leaders,
the most sympathetic response came from Silvio Berlusconi: "If we want a
membership for Russia, then why not for Ukraine." (END)
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THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 97: ARTICLE NUMBER THREE
Ukrainian Culture Gallery: http://www.ArtUkraine.com/cultgallery.htm
=========================================================
3. UK- BASED LNM, US STEEL FAIL IN BID FOR UKRAINE'S
KRYVORIZHSTAL STEEL PLANT
AFX Europe (Focus), Kiev, Ukraine, Monday, Jun 14, 2004
KIEV (AFX) - The joint bid by LNM and US Steel Corp for Ukraine's largest
steel works, Kryvorizhstal, has been rejected, news agencies Interfax and
Ukrainsky Novyny reported. The news agencies were citing an official from
Ukraine's state asset agency.
The successful bidders for the 93 pct stake were Victor Pinchuk and Rinat
Akhmetov, who offered 800 mln usd, some 86 mln usd above the minimum
required, Interfax reported. The Kryvorizhstal plant is located in
Dnipropetrovsk.
Multimillionaire Pinchuk is President Leonid Kuchma's son-in-law. Tycoon
Akhmetov is president of Shakhtar Donetsk football club.
Anglo-Indian steel company LNM is owned and run by Lakshmi Mittal.
newsdesk@afxnews.com, sb/meg/lh/jsa/pav/
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
NOTE: Some analysts have estimated the Kryvorizhstal steel plant to
be worth over 1.5 billion dollars according to some news stories.
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THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 97: ARTICLE NUMBER FOUR
Current Events Gallery: http://www.artukraine.com/events/index.htm
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4. UKRAINIANS TYCOONS PAY FOR PRIVATIZED STEELWORKS
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, in Ukrainian, 14 Jun 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Monday, Jun 14, 2004
KIEV - The Invest Metal Union corporation has already paid 4.26bn hryvnyas
[800m dollars] into the state budget for the controlling stake in the
Kryvorizhstal open joint-stock company, the head of the State Property Fund,
Mykhaylo Chechetov, told a news conference [in Kiev] today.
Chechetov said the tender commission announced today that the Metal Union
corporation has won the tender for the sale of the 93.02 per cent of
Kryvorizhstal's authorized capital (the consortium represents the interests
of the Interpipe corporation [owned by businessman, President Leonid
Kuchma's son-in-law and MP Viktor Pinchuk] and the System Capital
Management company [controlled by Donetsk businessman Rinat Akhmetov]
- UNIAN). [Passage omitted: list of bidders banned from Kryvorizhstal's
privatization]
A number of potential foreign bidders view the supplementary terms
containing the paragraph "Experience in Ukrainian Coke Production" as
discriminatory. The Kryvorizhstal open joint-stock company is the legal
successor of the Kryvyy Rih state-run ore-enrichment plant Kryvorizhstal,
which is Ukraine's largest steelworks. (END)
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THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 97: ARTICLE NUMBER FIVE
Current Events Gallery: http://www.artukraine.com/events/index.htm
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5. SCANDAL OVER UKRAINE STEEL COMPANY SALE
The tender seemed to be written to favour local bidders
BBC NEWS, London, England, UK, Monday, June 14, 2004
KYIV - A company owned by the son-in-law of Ukraine's President Leonid
Kuchma has won a tender to buy Kryvorizhstal, the country's biggest steel
plant. Viktor Pinchuk, who has interests in steel, energy and media, won the
bid in partnership with Rinat Akhmetov, Ukraine's richest man.
Their 4.3bn-hryvnia (£430m; $780m) bid won despite competition from Russian,
US and European steel firms. The tender has aroused vigorous protest in
Ukraine and abroad.
Opposition politicians have accused Mr Kuchma and his associates of blatant
corruption; Severstal, a Russian steel company that was seen as the
likeliest winner in the tender, has said it will take the issue to court.
SCHOOL FOR SCANDAL
The sale of Kryvorizhstal is the latest contentious episode in Ukraine's
much-criticised privatisation programme. Observers had hoped that the sale
would be conducted fairly, justifying the belief that the country was
beginning to implement long-delayed economic reforms.
But the tender terms were plainly written to favour a local bidder: the
winner had to have been a consumer of Ukrainian coke for the past three
years, for example. Interest from potential bidders was extremely high,
since Ukraine's mighty steel industry is enjoying a purple patch at present.
It has resolved the energy-supply shortages it suffered in the 1990s, and is
benefiting from rampant international metals demand. Mr Kuchma achieves
very low scores in opinion polls, and may not stand in October's
presidential election, since in theory his term in office is due to end.
But analysts say he is seeking ways of holding on to power, either by
amending the rules to allow him to stand, or by hand-picking his successor.
=========================================================
THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 97: ARTICLE NUMBER SIX
Check Out the News Media for the Latest News From and About Ukraine
Daily News Gallery: http://www.artukraine.com/newsgallery.htm
=========================================================
6. UKRAINE NOT READY YET FOR NATO MEMBERSHIP,
PRESIDENT SAYS
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian, 14 Jun 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Monday, Jun 14, 2004
ZAPORIZHZHYA - Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma does not expect
any special changes in relations between Ukraine and NATO after the
alliance's summit in Istanbul. Kuchma spoke with journalists in the village
of Spaske, Melitopol District, Zaporizhzhya Region, where he arrived on a
working visit.
"Regarding accession to NATO, we are at the same level as with the European
Union. We are not ready to say yes now," Kuchma said, answering questions.
Answering a question what the president expects from the NATO summit in
Istanbul, which is scheduled for 28-29 June, Kuchma said that he does not
"expect any special changes in relations between Ukraine and NATO". The
president believes that the summit "is absolutely necessary", as each side
can express "what they think about today and about tomorrow" at the meeting
in Istanbul.
Kuchma noted that Ukraine faces a lot of problems, notably with storing and
destroying ammunition. He said, "We would be grateful to NATO for this work.
Let them help us here, and we will do everything to achieve appropriate
standards."
The president also said that Ukraine and NATO have built "constructive,
businesslike and fruitful relations". He recalled that Ukraine participates
in antiterrorist activities, peacekeeping operations and in the Partnership
for Peace programme.
Kuchma said that "there is much fuss both at home and abroad" around the
topic of Ukraine-NATO relations, and that "there are a lot of speculations
in this respect, including, sometimes, ultimatums". "We absolutely reject
this," the president said. "We have never worked and we will never work from
this angle," he said. [Please send queries to kiev.bbcm@mon.bbc.co.uk]
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THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 97: ARTICLE NUMBER SEVEN
The Genocidal Famine in Ukraine 1932-1933, HOLODOMOR
Genocide Gallery: http://www.artukraine.com/famineart/index.htm
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7. U.S. EMBASSY CAN'T SAY IF UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT KUCHMA
WILL MEET U.S. PRESIDENT BUSH AT NATO SUMMIT
Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, Ukraine, Friday, 11 Jun 04
KIEV - The US embassy in Ukraine does not possess any information about the
possibility of a meeting between President Leonid Kuchma and President
George Bush at the NATO summit in Istanbul [28-29 June].
"We welcome the (Ukrainian) president's participation in the NATO summit
because this is useful for Ukraine and for NATO," Ambassador John Herbst
told journalists in Kiev today. As for the US president's participation in
the summit, he said that Bush "would be there for only a brief period".
Describing the state of Ukrainian-US relations, Herbst said that the
participation of Ukrainian peacekeepers in the coalition forces in Iraq had
played a positive role. "The absence of pressure from the authorities during
the (presidential) elections will also play a major role," he said. (END)
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THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 97: ARTICLE NUMBER EIGHT
Historical Gallery: http://www.artukraine.com/histgallery.htm
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8. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT KUCHMA CONGRATULATES
PUTIN ON RUSSIA'S NATIONAL DAY
Interfax-Ukraine news agency, Kiev, in Russian, 12 Jun 04
BBC Monitoring Service,UK, in English, Saturday, Jun 12, 2004
KIEV - President Leonid Kuchma has sent a congratulatory telegram to
President Vladimir Putin on Russia Day. "I sincerely congratulate you and
all Russians on Russia Day - a day that is rightly seen as the start of a
new stage in the history of the Russian Federation," Kuchma's press service
quoted the telegram as saying.
"Ukraine gives a high assessment to your country's achievements on the path
of democratic and social transformation and in enhancing the country's
authority on the international arena. I am sure that the current stage in
bilateral cooperation will create good conditions for the further
consolidation of the strategic partnership between Ukraine and the Russian
Federation, making it more dynamic and constructive," the telegram says.
"Today relations between our countries as equal members of the world
community, and as good and dependable neighbours, are a significant factor
strengthening peace and stability," Kuchma said. (END)
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THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 97: ARTICLE NUMBER NINE
http://www.artukraine.com/buildukraine/index.htm
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9. UKRAINE THREATENS TO REJECT NEW EU DEAL
Andrew Beatty, Euobserver, Brussels, Belgium, Friday, June 11, 2004
BRUSSELS - Kiev has said it is ready to reject part of the EU's
flagship neighbourhood policy if the new deal does not enhance ties
between the two sides, the EUobserver has learned.
Diplomatic sources have told this news-site that Ukraine has
threatened to reject the new deal - which is set to form the
framework for relations with the EU over the next three years -
unless ties are deepened.
Kiev has long pressed for the door to EU membership to be left open -
at least as a future prospect, and for deeper ties to be sought in
the short term.
The deal is part of the EU's recently proposed European
Neighbourhood Policy, which outlines relations with countries now on
the border of the Union, but without any immediate prospect of EU
membership.
Rejection of the proposal would be a major setback to the EU,
striking a symbolic blow to a policy designed to coordinate
relations with the region so soon after its genesis.
It would also hurt pro-Europeans inside the country, who are still
reeling from the departure of two high profile ministers who
advocated taking the road to Brussels rather than Moscow.
NEGOTIATING POSITION
One Ukrainian official told the EUobserver that Kiev does not want
to reject the European Neighbourhood Policy as a whole, but was keen
to stress the importance of the joint action plan adding something
to current agreements. "We need something to sell to the people back
home" the official said.
Many observers see the threat as a bargaining tool ahead of final
discussions, but some are worried that the country has backed itself
too far into the corner.
Ukraine currently has a Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA)
with the EU, which runs out in 2007, and diplomats from both sides
privately admit the current proposal from the European Commission
does not add anything substantial to this text.
Earlier in talks Kiev had successfully negotiated that the new
Action Plan would cover only the three-year period leading up to the
end of the PCA but now want a clear perspective of getting a more
substantial agreement after that.
"What we want is that the action plan could lead to the conclusion
of an enhanced agreement", said the Ukrainian source.
However, EU member states have not given the Commission a mandate to
agree such a deal and are deeply split over policy towards Ukraine.
And with Joint Action Plans with the first eight countries taking
part in the European Neighbourhood Policy scheduled to be completed
by the end of this month, time is running out.
Belgium, France, Luxembourg and the Netherlands are said to oppose
deeper integration with the country in case it is seen as a
commitment to further enlarge the Union.
Meanwhile Poland has been pressing hard for the door not to be
closed and the UK, Scandinavian countries, Italy and the Baltic
states all favour closer ties, albeit to varying degrees.
Foreign Ministers meeting in Luxembourg on Monday are expected to
discuss the matter and decide what action to take ahead of another
round of EU-Ukraine negotiations on 15 June. (END)
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THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 97: ARTICLE NUMBER TEN
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10. VICTOR YUSHCHENKO DISCUSSED WITH RUSSIA AMBASSADOR
CHORNOMYRDIN THE COOPERATION ISSUE
"Our Ukraine" Press, Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, June 11, 2004
KYIV - The leader of the "Our Ukraine" bloc Victor Yushchenko met with the
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Russian Federation in
Ukraine. The meeting has being held for 4 hours and participated by the
leaders of the foundation parties of the bloc and the faction authorities
such as Victor Pynzenyk, Petro Poroshenko, Volodymyr Stretovych, Oleksiy
Ivchenko, Oksana Bilozir, Mykola Martynenko and Oleg Rybachuk.
The "Our Ukraine" deputies discussed with the Russian Federation ambassador
the bilateral Ukrainian and Russian relationship, economic cooperation and
prospects of strategic partnership. In his interview Victor Yushchenko
emphasized that "Our Ukraine" had never been set against Russia. "The main
thing is that Ukraine and Russia are the strategic partners and eternal
neighbors in our undivided opinion. We always stand for open partnership. It
is essentially important to make this policy public, transparent and
predictable," he thinks. The leader of "Our Ukraine" called this meeting
very wholesome since they resolved the problems concerning both sides.
On the eve of the Russia Day Victor Yushchenko sent the open letter to the
Russian elite and handed the copy of this letter to V. Chornomyrdin as "the
Russian political elite representative". "This letter is also the way of
stating the OU's position as to the Russian and Ukrainian relationship and
the way of our problem solving". According to Chernomyrdin there are no
political and international problems between Ukraine and Russia, just
economic issues are still in question.
Summing up Chernomyrdin noted that their meetings were always effective
though there was some difference of opinions due to the lack of information
primarily. Answering the journalists' questions about the presidential
election Yushchenko told that they had not raised that issue. "Election is
the matter of Ukraine," he underscored. (www.razom.org.ua) (END)
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 97: ARTICLE NUMBER ELEVEN
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11. UKRAINIAN DEPUTY SPEAKER TO RUN YUSHCHENKO'S
CAMPAIGN DURING THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian, 14 Jun 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Monday, Jun 14, 2004
KIEV - Deputy parliament speaker Oleksandr Zinchenko has been appointed to
run [centre-right opposition Our Ukraine bloc leader] Viktor Yushchenko's
campaign during the presidential elections, MP Yuriy Kostenko told UNIAN.
Kostenko said that the decision was taken at a meeting of Our Ukraine's
coordinating council today. The meeting was attended by the leaders of the
party groups in the Our Ukraine faction - [People's Movement of Ukraine's]
Borys Tarasyuk, [Reform and Order's] Viktor Pynzenyk and [Ukrainian People's
Party's] Kostenko - as well as the first deputy head of the coordinating
council, Petro Poroshenko, and coordinating council secretary Mykola
Martynenko. Oleksandr Turchynov of the Yuliya Tymoshenko Bloc was also
present at the meeting.
Kostenko said that there were no objections to Zinchenko's candidacy. He
said that the decision had effectively been taken, though it was not yet
formulated legally. In particular, the decision must be signed by
Yushchenko. The decision was also agreed with Yushchenko's
chief-of-staff, Roman Bezsmertnyy, who will retain his post.
Kostenko said that the coordinating council today also discussed the final
version of the agreement with the Yuliya Tymoshenko Bloc on partnership
during the presidential campaign. He said that the principal points of the
agreement were agreed today and that the text will be redacted tomorrow.
Kostenko forecast that the agreement would be signed this week.
[Formerly a leading member of the pro-presidential United Social Democratic
Party, Zinchenko quit his post in the party's leadership in June 2003. He
was expelled from the party in September.] [Please send queries to
kiev.bbcm@mon.bbc.co.uk] (END)
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 97: ARTICLE NUMBER TWELVE
Historical Gallery: http://www.artukraine.com/histgallery.htm
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12. UKRAINIAN SPEAKER'S ELECTION AS LEADER OF THE
AGRARIAN PARTY STRENGTHENS BOTH
"People's-Agrarian-(opposition) Lytvyn"
COMMENTARY by Ivan Hayvanovych
Ukrayinska Pravda web site, Kiev, in Ukrainian 10 Jun 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Sunday, Jun 13, 2004
Parliamentary speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn's election as leader of the Agrarian
Party reinforces both his position and that of the party, a Ukrainian web
site has said. Lytvyn now has his own party for the next parliamentary
elections, while the party has a leading politician to bargain for favours
in exchange for supporting the government-backed presidential candidate.
Lytvyn himself made a scathing speech at the party congress attacking
corruption in Ukraine.
The following is an excerpt from the article by Ivan Hayvanovych entitled
"People's-Agrarian-(opposition) Lytvyn" published on Ukrayinska Pravda
web site on 10 June. Subheadings are as published:
It was obvious that the congress of the Agrarian Party of Ukraine [APU]
was convened with only one purpose - to enthrone [parliament speaker]
Volodymyr Lytvyn.
The congress presenter, the head of the agrarians' faction in parliament,
Mykhaylo Hladiy, was in such a rush that after the report of the former
party leader, Ivan Kyrylenko, he immediately began to thank him for the
work he had carried out, even forgetting to put to the vote the latter's
request to be released from his duties as party leader.
Instead of that, Mr Hladiy immediately proposed electing Mr Lytvyn as
chairman of the party. Happily, he was prompted from the hall. On the
whole the congress delegates showed, with a few exceptions, full
unanimity.
Even Lytvyn's proposed decision to rename (well, rather to name more
precisely) the party from the Agrarian to the People's Agrarian was adopted
"on the hoof", without discussion.
As a result, the congress ended in a record short time - under an hour and a
half. To be more accurate, the first stage of the congress, because it was
decided to hold the second stage at the beginning of July after the start of
the presidential campaign. And then it will nominate a presidential
candidate.
The alliance between Lytvyn and the agrarians is mutually beneficial. For
the former, because at last he will have support in the form of his own
parliamentary faction and his own party for the 2006 [parliamentary]
elections. For the latter, because a politician of the first water has
finally appeared in their ranks. [Passage omitted: long courtship between
Lytvyn and the agrarians]
In his turn, the newly fledged Agrarian Party member Lytvyn from May, with
party card No 49, substantially adds weight to the party in bargaining with
the single presidential candidate from the authorities in exchange for
support.
Because otherwise it would have been logical to hold the congress without
any first or second stages immediately in July, combining the nomination of
a presidential candidate with the election of a new chairman. And they would
have had less trouble and saved some money (the travel and living expenses
of 300 delegates, plus the hire of the conference hall of the Kievskiy
President-Hotel). But that is the point. It might be too late to agree on
anything after the start of the presidential race. In the sense that the
most advantageous proposals would be already "handed out".
The APU, despite the fact that it does not play first fiddle in
parliamentary dispositions, potentially represents a fairly big force. It is
difficult to judge how real and effective are the 475,000 declared members
(according to this indicator, it is second only, probably, to the Party of
Regions), but no other party can boast of 37,000 deputies of all levels,
primarily at rural and village councils which, frankly, are closest of all
to people. And such support will not be superfluous to the single candidate,
whoever he is.
LYTVYN AS FUTURE OPPOSITIONIST
Frankly speaking, listening to Lytvyn's speech at the congress, one could
have completely taken it not only as the speech of a party leader, but also
of a presidential candidate. And only the unequivocal assurance of the party
chief that his nomination for the presidency would be possible only as an
alternative to the gallows makes one believe that the speaker is not
cherishing his own ambitious plans. In any case, for the coming presidential
race.
At the same time, his report sometimes was no less sharp than the rhetoric
of the fiercest oppositionists. In fact, Mr Lytvyn indeed said that the
party should "be in opposition, when its vision of the development of the
state does not coincide with the official line".
And when speaking of the present position in the state and society, Lytvyn
gave an assessment that deserves an expanded quote:
"Ukraine is close to becoming a totally corrupt country ruled by oligarchs
and party-clan groupings. The time has already come to raise the issue of
creating an anti-clan front in Ukraine, because only the nation as a whole
can stand up to the small group who are like parasites on the people.
"In the entire history of Ukraine, never before has there been a ruling
group that would create its riches by pilfering state assets and national
treasures, a group that would solve its problems by merging with the
government, a group that would build nothing but offices and palaces, and
a corrupt state modelled on themselves.
"Stalin had just one overcoat - and the entire country. But these people
have everything now. Furthermore, they control the state, and use this power
to further their own economic interests." And this is even considering that
some phrases, on Lytvyn's admission, he crossed out in the morning.
True, all of this sits easily for Lytvyn with the assessment of President
[Leonid] Kuchma, who "will go down in history as a statesmen who virtually
erected the building of contemporary Ukraine, radically changed the economic
system and brought Ukraine into the world and European community".
But here we need to look for "genetic" reasons for the same Lytvyn's
statement, when he explained why he could not be in opposition to the
current president.
At the same time, Mr Lytvyn has considerably less "genetically" in common
with other presidential candidates. And in relations with anyone, the new
party chief does not intend to act "a subservient pro-government structure
which is only needed when the time comes to support yet another trumped-up
initiative or sign some statements prepared higher up."
The party's acquisition of more independence is also shown by the ultimatum
adopted by the congress to those of its members, who, having entered
parliament on the APU banner (there were 29 of them), did not join the
parliamentary representation of the same name (it now numbers 16 deputies):
either join your own faction, or consider yourselves expelled from the
party.
The appearance on the party presidium of the wife of the governor of Kiev
Region, a friend of the Kuchma family, Tetyana Zasukha, is evidence that the
deputies (and possibly not only members of the APU) will not be deaf to
appeals to "fill up the faction".
We remind you that Zasukha, after the "disintegration" of the For a United
Ukraine faction, first joined the Party of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs
of Ukraine-Working Ukraine, and after the "divorce" of the latter remained
in Working Ukraine. At the latest congress, Zasukha was offered the job of
Lytvyn's first deputy.
In this way, an interesting situation is arising in the APU. As we know, in
2000-2001 the "Ukraine without Kuchma" movement was held, whose
demands included the dismissal of Lytvyn as head of the presidential
administration for his [alleged] part in the killing of [journalist] Heorhiy
Gongadze. And in Kiev Region the opposition added the slogan "Ukraine
without Kuchma, Kiev Region without the Zasukhas". Thus the opposition
targets in the not too distant past were under the same party roof.
True, the APU congress put off the question of re-electing the leadership
until July.
Then the agrarians will decided on a presidential candidate. And who has
said that it will definitely be [Prime Minister] Viktor Yanukovych? Lytvyn,
saying, "he cannot on this level fail to support the Agrarian Party
regarding a single candidate", did not name the current prime minister.
What is more, when he was asked about it, he replied, "to speak about
specific personalities before the start of the election campaign means once
again that there will be appeals that the campaign is not going officially
and that such work must be halted." "In this case, we should act according
to the principle of not harming any of the candidates," the speaker added.
The Agrarian Party's criteria for a candidate are not original: he has to
advocate "enlargement of the sphere of the people's political and economic
freedom, ensuring interdependence between the economic process and
democracy, formation of a non-authoritarian political system appropriate to
the demands of the time, and an understandable system of local authorities"
and so forth.
And it is not a misfortune that now all party organizations have supported
the proposal to nominate Yanukovych as the single presidential candidate.
Observing the largely indifferent congress delegates who predominantly
represented the rural nomenklatura, and bearing in mind their many years of
Soviet experience, one need not doubt that the new candidate will also be
supported by the APU "unanimously". (END)
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 97: ARTICLE NUMBER THIRTEEN
Your financial support for The Action Ukraine Report is needed.
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13. UKRAINE SEEKS MORE FUNDS TO BUILD A NEW SHELTER
OVER DESTROYED REACTER AT CHERNOBYL
AP Online, Kiev, Ukraine, Friday, Jun 11, 2004
KIEV - Ukraine has asked the donor countries responsible for overseeing the
deactivation of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant for more funds to build a
new shelter over the destroyed reactor, an official said Friday.
Vasil Baziv, the deputy head of President Leonid Kuchma's staff, said the
previously estimated figure of US$758 million was far from enough for
completion of the new shelter over the reactor by the end of 2008. "The new
figure is estimated at US$1.09 billion and donor countries must consider
this as soon as possible," Baziv told reporters.
The Chernobyl plant's reactor No. 4 exploded in April 1986 and the
radioactive fallout affected vast parts of Ukraine, Russia, Belarus and much
of northern Europe. Some 7 million people are estimated to suffer from
radiation-related effects. The reactor was hastily entombed in a
concrete-and-steel shelter, which Ukrainian experts say needs urgent
repairs.
Earlier this week Kuchma criticized Western countries for their apparent
failure to allocate enough funds for Chernobyl. "No one knows what's
happening inside (the reactor) ... we clearly need more money to secure it
properly," he said. "No one should blame us if something happens." Ukraine
shut down Chernobyl's last reactor four years ago, but decommissioning work
continues. (av/jh) (END)
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 97: ARTICLE NUMBER FOURTEEN
Your financial support for The Action Ukraine Report is needed.
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14. REMEMBERING THE USSR'S BRUTALITY
Soviet Crimes Against the Ukrainian Nation: Kyiv Branch of Memorial
By Yuriy Shafarenko, Kyiv Post Staff Writer
Kyiv Post, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thursday, Jun 10, 2004
Lilia Hordiyenko was eight when her father was arrested by the NKVD, the
KGB's predecessor organization, and accused of being an enemy of the people.
He was sent to a camp in Siberia where he worked as an engineer, earning
himself a reputation as an expert in the communication technologies of the
era. The year was 1937, during Stalin's Great Terror.
Seven more members of the Hordiyenko family were arrested and sent to
Siberian camps in that year and the next. Lilia's father, mother, sisters
and brothers were all sent to the camps, never to be seen again. Lilia was
the only one who managed to escape Stalin's secret police. She ran away from
home and hid in the woods near Kyiv when they came.
In 1943, as World War II raged, she joined the anti-fascist underground in
Kyiv, becoming a member of a group which blew up German trains between
Kyiv and Rivne.
Hordiyenko had long since changed her name and birthday, to obscure her
status as a daughter of an enemy of the people. Had she not, she says, she
would probably have been sent to the camps when she turned 14.
In 1973 the Soviet authorities recognized Hordiyenko as a participant in the
struggle against the Nazis. Her family were still considered criminals,
however, and were rehabilitated only after Ukraine gained independence.
Hordiyenko's story is one of thousands that you can hear from members of the
Kyiv branch of Memorial, a society founded in 1989 in Moscow to commemorate,
and help, victims of political repression in the USSR. Memorial now has a
presence in Ukraine, Russia, Kazakhstan, Latvia and Georgia, carrying out
research, human rights, and educational work.
Hordiyenko says that joining Kyiv Memorial made her feel like she had been
born again. "I've gotten tremendous support here. I found materials about my
relatives, photographs, other documents, and now I know exactly what
happened to my family," said Hordiyenko.
ALWAYS REMEMBER
Roman Krutsyk, 59, is the founder of Kyiv Memorial and the organization's
heart and soul. A native of Ivano-Frankivsk oblast, Krutsyk holds a law
degree from Lviv State University. Elected to the Rada in 1994, he spent
four years as a legislator and a year working in the State Counting Chamber
before leaving to found Kyiv Memorial in 1999.
If Memorial is generally committed to keeping alive in people's minds the
horrors of the Soviet period - studying the "causes and consequences of
Communist dictatorship," as Krutsyk puts it - then Krutsuk and the Kyiv
branch have their own special additional mission: remembering the victims of
Ukraine's 1932-33 famine.
Volodymyr Serhiychuk, a professor of history at Kyiv National Shevchenko
University, who has done historical research with Kyiv Memorial for several
years, says that Krutsyk and Memorial were instrumental in establishing
Soviet crimes against the Ukrainian nation as a subject of historical
scholarship.
"In 2002," he says, "we conducted a joint scientific conference on the three
famines in Ukraine, and actually started doing research in that area. Our
research results are widely used now throughout society by students,
teachers, professors and patriots of Ukraine."
Serhiychuk said that Krutsyk also attracted the attention of Ukrainian
politicians, who have not always been comfortable about raising the issues
of Soviet savagery.
In 2003, Kyiv Memorial staged an exhibition dedicated to exposing the
brutalities of the Soviet epoch in Ukraine. "Not To Be Forgotten: A
Chronicle of the Communist Inquisition in Ukraine in 1917-1991" was a "great
success," Krutsyk says. "Over the year, more than 8,500 people visited it on
our premises in Kyiv, and most of these visitors were high school and
university students. I think they have the right to know the true history of
their nation."
The exhibition was a huge success, with sets of reproduced images from it
finding wide distribution in Ukraine, among Russia's Ukrainian Diaspora, and
in other formerly Soviet countries. One hundred and fifty sets went abroad
to the Western Diaspora.
Kyiv Memorial is currently working to attract public attention to the
Bykivnya mass graves, just outside Kyiv's Darnytsia region. Bykovina is the
notorious site where, during World War II, the NKVD tried to hide the
bodies of over 100,000 people the regime had murdered.
"The site of those horrible events should become a protected center for the
study of the genocide committed by the Soviet regime against Ukrainians and
other nationalities," said Krutsyk. "Pope John Paul II paid a visit to
Bykivnya during his stay in Ukraine in 2002, and [U.S. statesman] Zbigniew
Brzezinski visited on May 16."
KEEPING THE WORK GOING
The assistance that Kyiv Memorial can provide its 500 members isn't
tremendous, unfortunately. Memorial is kept afloat by membership dues (a
mere Hr 1 a month) and the generosity of donors.
"The Kyiv City Administration judged our activities to be efficient, and
agreed to pay our utilities bill," says Krutsyk. "But that's the only
support we get from governmental agencies". That's why Kyiv Memorial
needs as much financial support as it can get, to continue its mission of
telling the important truth about Soviet Ukraine's past.
Contact information: tel: 258-0071, e-mail: osta@ln.ua, www.memorial.kiev.ua
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
EDITOR'S NOTE: Bohdan Fedorak, Honorary Consul, Consulate of Ukraine
in Michigan and president of the Ukrainian Cultural Center in Warren,
Michigan has been a strong supporter of the Kyiv Memorial program and has
effectively organized support in the US for the successful Memorial
activities.
Our congratulations to Roman Krutsyk and Bohdan Fedorak for their
outstanding work related to exposing the crimes of Communism against
Ukraine.
==========================================================
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