"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT"
An International Newsletter
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis, and Commentary

"The Art of Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World"

"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT" Year 04, Number 161
The Action Ukraine Coalition (AUC), Washington, D.C.
Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA), Huntingdon Valley, PA
morganw@patriot.net, ArtUkraine.com@starpower.net (ARTUIS)
Washington, D.C.; Kyiv, Ukraine, MONDAY, September 13, 2004

-----INDEX OF ARTICLES-----
"Major International News Headlines and Articles"

1.REPORT ON THE PRE-ELECTION ENVIRONMENT, AUGUST 2004
UKRAINE'S FOURTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION SINCE 1991
Source: Committee of Voters of Ukraine
Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, September 13, 2004

2.ELECTION BROADCAST BY UKRAINIAN PRIME MINISTER AND
PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE VIKTOR YANUKOVYCH, SEP 9, 04
Source: UT1 State TV, Kiev, in Ukrainian, 9 Sep 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Thursday, Sep 09, 2004

3. THIRD DELEGATION OF FORMER LEGISLATORS GOING
TO UKRAINE AS PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OBSERVERS
By Miriam Bates, U.S.-Ukraine Foundation (USUF)
Washington, D.C., Monday, September 13, 2004

4. UKRAINE SETS UP 113 POLLING STATIONS ABROAD
FOR THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
Source: One Plus One TV, Kiev, in Ukrainian, 10 Sep 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Friday, Sep 10, 2004

5. UKRAINE: CRIMEAN TATAR CONGRESS BACKS YUSHCHENKO
Source: Era, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian, Sun, 12 Sep 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Sun, Sep 12, 2004

6. YUSHCHENKO CONTINUES TO TOP PRESIDENTIAL POLLS IN
UKRAINE, 40.1 PER CENT TO 34 PERCENT FOR YANUKOVYCH
Source: Ukrayinska Pravda web site, Kiev, in Ukrainian, 10 Sep 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Saturday, Sep 11, 2004

7. UKRAINE: "WHERE IS TARAS CHORNOVIL GOING?"
The political star of Chornovil has fallen into a black hole.
ANALYSIS: By Ivan Hayvanovych
Ukrayinska Pravda web site, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian, 9 Sep 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Friday, Sep 10, 2004

8. BIASED ELECTION COVERAGE CONTINUES ON UKRAINIAN TV
TV continued their critical coverage of Viktor Yushchenko
[In spite of several guarantees of a free and fair election by President]
Source: BBC Monitoring research in English 12 Sep 04
BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Sunday, Sep 12, 2004

9. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN IN QUOTES
September 1-12, 2004
Source: BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Sun, Sep 12, 2004

10. "PRESS FREEDOM AWARD 2004-SIGNAL FOR EUROPE"
BELARUS, MOLDOVA, ROMANIA AND UKRAINE
Deadline for submissions is September 15, 2004
Austrian Chapter of Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
Vienna, Austria, September, 2004
=======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.160 ARTICLE NUMBER ONE
=======================================================
1. REPORT ON THE PRE-ELECTION ENVIRONMENT, AUGUST 2004
UKRAINE'S FOURTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION SINCE 1991

Committee of Voters of Ukraine
Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, September 13, 2004

MOST TERRITORIAL ELECTION COMMISSIONS CONTROLLED
BY PRO-GOVERNMENT POLITICAL FORCES

DISORGANIZATION PLAGUES ELECTION ADMINISTRATION

ILLEGAL STATE INTERFERENCE IN CAMPAIGN CONTINUES

Most of Ukraine's 225 territorial election commissions (TECs), responsible
for administering presidential elections on October 31st, are controlled by
pro-government political forces that are supporting the campaign of Prime
Minister Viktor Yanukovych, reports the Committee of Voters of Ukraine
(CVU), a non-partisan monitoring group. "WE ESTIMATE THAT 60%
TO 65% THE COMMISSIONERS ARE PREPARED TO DEFEND
THE PRIME MINISTER'S INTERESTS, " says Ihor Popov, the CVU
chairman.

"Many of the other 25 candidates are not genuine candidates, but are running
to place Yanukovych loyalists on the commissions." This practice does not
violate Ukraine's election law, but does compromise the independence of the
commissions. The campaign of Viktor Yushchenko has used the same practice,
but on a much smaller scale.

Territorial election commissions are responsible for the efficient
administration of the election and for tabulating the results from polling
stations on Election Day. Unfortunately, many suffer from a variety of
administrative, personnel and political problems. Some commissions started
working late for lack of a quorum and many commissioners seem unprepared
for their responsibilities. Other TECs lack office space or, in some cases,
even a telephone. Most seriously, CVU reports, there are instances where
commissioners representing the opposition were deliberately not informed of
commission meetings, or where the commissions have failed to give any public
account of their work.

Interference in the election process on the part of state officials, which
CVU documented in its July report, continued during August. A considerable
proportion of state officials and institutions are assisting the Yanukovych
campaign and trying to obstruct the activity of other candidates.

Voters and political campaigns have become more active disputing election
violations through the courts and commissions. So far, however, local
courts have not ruled on these complaints in timely or legally justifiable
manner. The number of instances of politically-motivated violence has
declined since July.

Further information on these and other CVU observations from August is
provided in the report that follows contact Oleksiy Lychkovakh in Kyiv,
+380-50-469-2165

COMMITTEE OF VOTERS OF UKRAINE
REPORT ON THE PRE-ELECTION ENVIRONMENT, AUGUST 2004

The Committee of Voters of Ukraine (CVU) is a national, non-governmental
organization that has been monitoring election campaigns in Ukraine for over
ten years. CVU observes the degree to which election processes conform
with national legislation and international democratic standards.

Presidential elections in Ukraine are scheduled for October 31st, 2004. In
August, CVU observed the activities of national and local governments,
election commissions, political parties, candidates' headquarters, the
courts and the mass media. CVU representatives are present in all 27
administrative regions of Ukraine.

Previous election reports as well as more information on the organization
can be found at: www.cvu.org.ua. (Ukrainian/English)

SUMMARY OF FINDINGS:
1. Most territorial election commissions (TECs) contain a majority of
members loyal to the campaign of Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych. Many
of the other presidential candidates appear to be registered in order to put
Yanukovych representatives on the commissions. However, the TECs were
formed according to the law.
2. TECs have proven generally unprepared for their responsibilities so
far. Many lack appropriate facilities and adequately trained commissioners.
Some TECs began their work late for lack of a quorum. CVU has also
recorded instances where TECs have excluded observers, journalists and
some of their own members from commission proceedings. Many TECs
refuse to give a formal account of their decisions to the public. CVU is
concerned that these accumulated problems threaten the efficient
administration of the election.
3. Illegal interference in the election campaign on the part of state
officials remains a widespread phenomenon, although somewhat reduced
since July. CVU attributes this decline to a reduction in signature
collection efforts on behalf of Yanukovych. (All candidates are required to
collect 500,000 signatures by September.)
4. Law enforcement authorities do very little to ensure that the
election law is respected. In some cases, the police themselves interfere
in the conduct of campaigns.
5. Voters and campaigns have become more active in disputing election
violations through the courts and relevant commissions. Most of these
complaints have yet to be ruled upon.
6. The level of criminal violence in the campaign has diminished since
July, although disturbing events still take place.
RECOMMENDATIONS:
1. The Central Election Commission should conduct necessary training
for TEC members.
2. TECs should strive for maximum transparency, opening their meetings
to public scrutiny and publishing detailed accounts of their operations and
decisions. In turn, government authorities at all levels must act promptly
to ensure that election commissions have adequate facilities and logistical
support to do their work.
3. Candidates for President should treat the process of nominating
representatives to polling station commissions with greater responsibility.
4. State officials should refuse to campaign for political candidates
and should refrain from using their power and resources for the benefit of
any candidate. Law enforcement authorities should thoroughly investigate
all reports of election violations and prosecute those believed to have
broken the law.
MAJOR FINDINGS
THE FORMATION AND WORK OF TERRITORIAL
ELECTION COMMISSIONS
1. Yanukovych majority in most TECs: CVU estimates that 60-65% of TEC
members are loyal to the Yanukovych campaign. There are numerous instances
of commissioners not knowing whom they represent, or wrongly stating that
they represent Yanukovych. A large number of commissioners from minor
candidates are members of the major political parties - Party of Regions,
SDPU(u), Labor Ukraine - supporting the Prime Minister. About 15-20% of
commissioners are loyal to Viktor Yushchenko.
2. Strange geographical distribution of TEC leadership positions: The
Central Election Commissions formed the TECs on August 11th according to
the law, respecting the requirement that all candidates receive commission
slots in nearly equal proportion. However, there seems to be a strange
geographical distribution in the assignment of leadership positions to the
various candidates. The main opposition candidates, Viktor Yushchenko and
Oleksandar Moroz, hold TEC leadership positions mainly in Western Ukraine
and not in the east or south, where Prime Minister Yanukovich is stronger.
For instance, Yushchenko representatives have leadership positions in TECs
in 4 of the 5 commissions in the small western oblast of Ternopil, but hold
no positions in Crimea, Zaporizhzhia and Sumy [25 TECs] and only one in
Donetsk [23 TECs]
3. Difficulties for opposition representatives: A number of TECs have
deliberately failed to invite certain, mostly opposition commissioners to
their first meetings, including TEC #58 (Donetsk), #91, #96 (Kyiv), #110
(Luhansk), and #185 (Kherson). The head of TEC #130 (Mykolaiv)
deliberately failed to invite commissioners representing Anatoliy Kinakh
and then called the Kinakh headquarters, threatening to exclude its
commissioners for missing the meeting.
4. Procedural and Logistical Problems: A number of TECs failed to begin
work on time for lack of a quorum [#s 117, 120, 121, 123, 124, 125 (Lviv),
#153 (Poltava), #162 (Sumy), #166 and #169 (Ternopil)]. Other commissions
are working but with inadequate support. TECs #224 and #225 (Sevastopol)
opened offices very late and have no supplies. The only way to reach the
commissions is to call the commission chair at home. TEC #166 (Ternopil)
has also not been provided with any equipment or means of communication.
The office space for TECs #171, #177 and #184 (Kharkiv) is less than 15
square metres. TEC #179 (Kharkiv) is in a secondary school and will not be
able to work properly after September 1st.
5. Involvement of Local Authorities in Commission Meetings: CVU has
recorded cases where local authorities have interfered with the operation of
TECs. Local officials chaired the first meeting of TECs #4 (Crimea) and
watched over the work of TECs #91 (Kyiv), #159 (Rivne), #179 and #180
(Kharkiv).
6. Lack of Transparency: CVU has found it very difficult to obtain
information about the work of some commissions. TEC #217 (Kyiv city)
excluded our representative from its first meeting. TEC #129 (Mykolaiv) is
located in a building of the raion state administration that is often closed
to the public. Local officials in Odessa do not give any contact
information for the four TECs in the city [#135 - 138]. Some TECs refuse
to provide protocols of their activities [#47 (Donetsk), #126 (Lviv), #223
(Kyiv city)] or simply to post basic information publicly [#58 (Donetsk),
#117, #118, #120, #121, #124, #126 (Lviv), #129 (Mykolaiv), #214
(Kyiv city), #223 (Kyiv city)]. Both are legal requirements.
ILLEGAL GOVERNMENT INTERFERENCE
IN THE ELECTION CAMPAIGN
CVU observed fewer cases of state interference in the electoral process in
August, but attributes most of the decline to a reduction in campaigning
during the summer holiday and to the reduction of the Yanukovych signature
collection campaign, rather than a real change of practice. After the
public reaction that followed CVU's last report, it appears that state
officials are also being more careful in the way that they interfere,
refraining from campaigning openly for the Prime Minister, but instead
holding meetings which highlight the government's successes.
In many areas, normal government operations have been subordinated to
the Prime Minister's campaign. Citizens who appeal to the state to have
certain problems addressed are informed, either explicitly or implicitly,
that the Yanukovych campaign is responsible for the successful outcome.
CVU did record some instances of illegal interference on behalf of
candidates Viktor Yushchenko, Oleksandar Omelchenko and Leonid
Chernovetsky. For instance, the mayor of Ivano-Frankivsk used a city
meeting with local teachers on August 21st to urge support for Yushchenko.
I. IN SUPPORT OF VIKTOR YANUKOVYCH
Donetsk: The principal of school #44 (Leninsky raion) instructed teachers
to collect signatures for Yanukovych, and to vote for him between 9 and 10
a.m on election day.
Donetsk: The administration of the state-run Haharin mine forged employee
signatures on signature forms in support of Yanukovych.
Zhytomyr: Yuri Kravchenko, chief of staff of one raion administration,
informed library staff that they must campaign for Yanukovych. The staff
members were forced to sign papers to this effect.
Kyiv: Yuri Molisiyenko, head of the Ivankivska raion administration, led an
official meeting of the State Forestry department that endorsed Yanukovych.
Cherkassy: Until mid-August, state authorities permitted public areas
specifically reserved for public service announcements to be used by the
Yanukovych campaign instead.
Chernivtsi: Representatives of the Khotyn raion administration distributed
Yanukovych campaign material to teachers gathered at the Education
department..
Kharkiv: Municipal workers and equipment in the town of Izuim were seen
hanging large banners reading "We are for Yanukovych".
Kharkiv: A police official and state inspector required market vendors in
Lozova to sign for Yanukovych.
Sumy: Village councils in Shopovalivka and Sosnovka insisted that voters
sign petitions for Yanukovych. Strangely, council officials then collected
passports; this would prevent them from signing for anyone else. In Velykyi
Sambir and Spaske, villagers were invited to bring their cattle for
vaccination. In exchange, they had to sign for Yanukovych.
Khmelnitsky: Ivan Adamets, chair of the Shepetivka raion administration,
led a meeting of village mayors on government property where he gave
instructions to collect signatures for Yanukovych.
Khmelnitsky: The chief doctor of Slavutsky raion has given workers in the
department of sanitation and epidemiology a choice: sign for Yanukovych or
be fired.
Dnipropetrovsk: Staff of the Krasnogvardeysk executive committee forced
market vendors to hang Yanukovych posters at their outlets.
Dnipropetrovsk: Teachers in Zhovtnevy and Industrialny raions are called to
official meetings where they are instructed on signature-gathering for
Yanukovych.
Poltava: Local authorities in Gadiach closed a public music school so it
could be used as office space by the Yanukovych campaign.
II. TO OBSTRUCT THE ACTIVITIES OF OTHER CANDIDATES,
INDEPENDENT MEDIA AND CIVIC GROUPS
Donetsk: Local officials in Artemivsk passed a formal resolution
prohibiting the Yushchenko campaign from setting up a tent at which to
collect signatures.
Donetsk: The campaign manager for Nataliya Vitrenko in Gorlivsky, Zoya
Kolesnikova, was threatened by the town's first deputy mayor. She was
told to start working for Yanukovych instead.
Donetsk: The newspaper "Situation", owned by the independent coal miners'
union of Pivdoennodonbaska mine, can no longer find a print house willing to
accept the paper. The paper has been published for the past six years.
Donetsk: The Donetsk board of the state postal service has terminated its
agreement to distribute the independent newspaper "Ostriv" ("The Island").
Donetsk: The council of Konstiantynivka city obtained a court order to
prevent Oleksandar Moroz from hold a public rally in front of the Palace of
Culture. Moroz held the event despite the court order. Later, Nataliya
Vitrenko held an event at the same place without objection from the city
council.
Dnipropetrovsk: Local officials continue to refuse to allow the TV station
"Region" to re-open after the station re-broadcast content from the
opposition-owned "Channel 5" station. Other stations in the area have now
also discontinued broadcasts of "Channel 5".
Dnipropetrovsk: Police arrested five Yushchenko campaign workers and
held them without charge for two days while Prime Minister Yanukovych
was visiting Kriviy Rig.
Dnipropetrovsk: Workers at the state-run Palace of Culture tried to block
Socialist Party leader Oleksandar Moroz from holding a rally in a public
square in front of their building. The rally eventually went ahead.
Poltava: Local authorities prevented blocked a public stage with vehicles
in order to prevent Yushchenko from giving a speech at the Sorochynky
public fair on August 22.
Zaporizhzhya: Yushchenko's campaign manager in Prymorsk raion was
threatened by local officials unless he discontinues his political work.
Kyiv region: Road police detained two buses carrying Yushchenko
supporters on the way to a rally in Vassylkov on August 29.
Luhansk: Vadym Zhekeznyi, head of the Luhansk state office for information,
has asked for a formal investigation into the newspaper "Miski Visti", owned
by the Kreminksa city council, after it published an editorial friendly to
Viktor Yushchenko.
CRIMINAL VIOLENCE AGAINST POLITICAL ACTIVISTS
AND PROPERTY
Kirovohrad: A Communist party representative on TEC #100, Anatoliy
Kartenko, was brutally beaten on August 14th by unknown assailants. He
remains in hospital.
Kirovohrad: Oleksandar Foort, who works for presidential candidate Vasyl
Volga, was assaulted on August 6th. Foort's attackers stole campaign
literature as well as his money and telephone.
Kirovohrad: A bomb was planted in Viktor Yushchenko's headquarters in
Novoukrainka. The office was seriously damaged.
Kharkiv: A gang of 30 people attached Yushchenko campaigners on
Svobody square on August 21st. Police looked on but did nothing to prevent
the assault.
Kherson: Political and civic activist O. Olexiuk was attacked and beaten on
August 8th by unknown assailants.
Chernivtsi: The secretary of TEC #205, Dooshan Martynovsky, was attacked
on the night of August 13th. He suffered a broken jaw and several broken
ribs.
Chernivtsi: All the windows in the apartment of the raion secretary of the
pro-government SDPU(u), Y. Storozhuk, were smashed after she spoke on
television in support of Viktor Yanukovych. Storozhuk has also received
telephone threats.
Various Regions: A number of Yanukovych campaign billboards have
been defaced or destroyed in various regions of the country.
FIRST ATTEMPTS TO DISPUTE ELECTION VIOLATIONS
LARGELY UNSUCCESSFUL
Most election-related disputes have yet to be ruled upon. The few cases
that have been concluded contain legally questionable arguments on the
part of the courts.
Luhansk: A court refused to rule on a voter's complaint that the Luhansk
governor is illegally campaigning for Prime Minister Yanukovych. The
court refused properly to explain its decision.
Volyn: A court has ruled that the local government did not break the law
when it campaigned for Yanukovych on its official government website.
Rivne: A court has found in favor of a complaint by the Yushchenko
campaign that local officials in the village of Liubykovytsi should not have
collected signatures for Yanukovych. However, the court denied the
plaintiff's request to invalidate the relevant signature lists.
ILLEGAL CAMPAIGNING AND USE OF SLANDER
In general, the election campaign was quiet during the month of August.
Some candidates held public meetings and had supporters distributing
materials. The signature collection process offered campaigns a means to
contact voters directly. A few television advertisements have been aired,
while the campaign of Viktor Yanukovych has a strong presence on the
country's commercial billboards.
The most common campaign violations CVU observed were billboards and
leaflets printed without legally required publication information. The
absence of this information allows candidates to avoid campaign spending
limits. CVU also witnessed cases of voters being offered free goods and
services in exchange for their voters. All the major campaigns practiced
these methods, to one degree or another.
Slanderous leaflets and publications, many of them directed against Viktor
Yushchenko, also appeared in different areas of the country. (END)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
COMMITTEE OF VOTERS OF UKRAINE
Ihor Popov, Chairman, 01135, Kyiv-135, a/c 5, Ukraine
Phone/fax: (044) 490-61-34, E- mail: cvu@cvu.kiev.ua
=======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.160: ARTICLE NUMBER TWO
=======================================================
2. ELECTION BROADCAST BY UKRAINIAN PRIME MINISTER AND
PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE VIKTOR YANUKOVYCH, SEP 9, 04.

Source: UT1 State TV, Kiev, in Ukrainian, 9 Sep 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Thursday, Sep 09, 2004

KIEV - State-run Ukrainian TV has broadcast the manifesto of Prime Minister
Viktor Yanukovych, who is running for presidency in the 31 October election.
Yanukovych said Russia remained Ukraine's strategic partner, while
cooperation with the EU should at the moment be based on short-term
programmes. He also said that Ukraine was currently not ready to join NATO.

Yanukovych added there had been "miscalculations and shortcomings" during
the implementation of the authorities' controversial proposals to curtail
presidential powers. Yanukovych was shown sitting in a leather armchair,
wearing a suit but no tie. Relevant video content was also shown to
illustrate points made by Yanukovych. Throughout the broadcast, the words
"Choice 2004" were shown in the top left-hand corner of the screen.

The following is the text of the election broadcast by Yanukovych, carried
by Ukrainian state-owned television UT1 on 9 September, subheadings are
as shown on screen:
[On-screen text: From the political platform of presidential candidate V.F.
Yanukovych.]
WE ARE UKRAINIANS
First, Ukrainians will never agree to be anyone's younger brothers. We must
never allow Ukrainians to be humiliated anywhere. [We must not allow the
humiliation of] their dignity, their ability and the possibility to build
lives of their own in their own country. When advice is given to us, its
tone and assessments are not quite respectful and sometimes even offensive.
We must put an end to this without hesitation. We know what to do in our own
country.
We also know that Ukrainians are a hardworking people. We know that
Ukrainians are able to compete in various fields. We have declared this more
then once with our deeds. When we are treated as a nation, as a state which
occupies a worthy place in the world, we are, as they say, always grateful
for this and we feel this.
[Video shows workers at a factory; a tractor in a field; Yanukovych at an
official meeting; standing against a background of an EU and a Ukrainian
flag; Ukrainian athletes at the recent Olympics.]
OUR NEIGHBOURS AND US
Russia is and remains a strategic partner for Ukraine, a friendly and
fraternal state to which we are linked by our past and future.
We have paid off all of our debts to Russia which accumulated over the
previous years. This shows that Ukraine is capable of building relations as
an equal partner. This step confirms that we have a future. Both Russia and
Ukraine are interested in unification in many fields, and, joining our
efforts, in emerging at world markets with competitive products.
We must pursue a strategy of our own and have our own vision of the
situation on world markets. We must build relations only based on national
interests.
As regards the European Union, we are also open and say - please, don't
play politics around these issues. Instead, let's build relations in a
pragmatic
manner.
We have a strategic interest of our own, and we are going to defend it.
Attitudes to this in Europe are varied. One stance is respecting Ukraine as
a country which has a huge economic potential and can be a good partner for
the EU. The other attitude is that Ukraine must meet the demands the EU
makes of us. We will never agree to this. We have suggested a model which
we think will satisfy both the EU and Ukraine - short-term accords and
two-three-year programmes. Let us wait until this time arrives and continue
building relations on the basis of free trade. This is what we need.
Where should we run now? What sort of ideology is this which is not
supported by specific steps? This is our position. It is pragmatic,
realistic and vital for us to defend our national interests.
[Video shows Yanukovych shaking hands with Russian President Vladimir
Putin; speaking at a meeting attended by Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma
and Putin; arriving at the British prime minister's residence at Downing
Street
10; NATO headquarters in Brussels; talking to EU foreign and security policy
chief Javier Solana.]
NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE NATO QUESTION
I believe that the thing we, our state, should do first of all is reform our
armed forces in a speedy manner, involving the mighty potential of the arms
industry. We have one, but, unfortunately, it is currently in a very
neglected state.
Ukraine must build a national security system of its own. Now that we are
faced with numerous internal problems, and armed forces reform is one of
them, it would be too early to speak about entry into this or that bloc.
[Video shows paratroopers disembarking from a helicopter; soldier looking
into field glasses; a tank.]
POLITICAL REFORM, THE STATE AND SOCIETY
First, we will act only within the current legislation. Second, as head of
the Party of Regions, I will not hesitate firmly to advocate the positions
of the party which took the decision that the constitution must be amended
to implement political reform [significantly curtailing presidential
powers].
Political reform implies that the system of power will be rebuilt and a
completely new system of relations between the authorities and society will

be created.
Everybody is saying now that the authorities should be made more effective
and that everything possible should be done so that there is trust in the
authorities. But how can this be done without doing and changing anything?
We admit that there have been miscalculations, we admit this. We are
saying that there are shortcomings. Yes, that's true.
This means improving the system of relations with the authorities,
efficiency of cooperation between different branches of power, creating
conditions for further liberalization of relations between the centre and
the regions, not ruining anything within the state, but improving and
perfecting in a decisive manner. People should clearly see that the state
and society are one, that more things unite than divide them and that all
issues should be discussed and solved by peaceful means. And this is the
value. This is democracy and this should be preserved.
[Video shows Yanukovych chairing a meeting; attending a meeting of
parliament; addressing parliament from the rostrum; talking to people
wearing hard hats; visiting a factory.]
ABOUT THE RUSSIAN LANGUAGE
I will give an answer in Russian [switches to Russian]. I very much like the
language of the people with which I have lived since boyhood. I mean the
Russian language. However, I clearly realize that we are building a new
state which is called Ukraine. In our state, we must respect any nation and
any language. Therefore, my approach to language policy will always be
liberal.
Many civilized countries have switched to using at least two state
languages. Therefore, we must not incite hatred between Ukrainians and
Russian within our state. We must create equal conditions - naturally,
giving priority to Ukrainian as the state language.
[Video shows Yanukovych talking to people gathered in the street; a rally,
with a placard saying in Russian "Yanukovych is our president".]
[Duration: 10 minutes.] (END)
======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.160: ARTICLE NUMBER THREE
=======================================================
3. THIRD DELEGATION OF FORMER LEGISLATORS GOING
TO UKRAINE AS PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OBSERVERS

By Miriam Bates, U.S.-Ukraine Foundation (USUF)
Washington, D.C., Monday, September 13, 2004

Washington, D.C. - The U.S.-Ukraine Foundation and the U.S. Association
of Former Members of Congress announced today the visit of a third
delegation of presidential election observers to Ukraine, September 18-25.

The delegation of former members of the U.S. Congress and the German
Bundestag will hold meetings in Kyiv with U.S. Embassy officials,
representatives of candidates and political parties participating in
Ukraine’s presidential election campaign, media, international organizations
and observers of the political process in Ukraine, before traveling to the
Kherson region, September 21 - 23.

The delegation is a fact-finding mission and will report its findings to
Ukraine’s Central Election Commission, the U.S. Government, European
governments, international organizations and the public through release to
the mass media. The delegation does not support any candidate or political
party and is only interested in helping ensure that the presidential
election is free and fair.

Members of the delegation are: former Congressmen Robin Beard (R-TN),
Lawrence DeNardis (R-CT), Lou Frey (R-FL), Don Ritter (R-PA), Peter
Torkildsen (R-MA) and former member of the German Bundestag Dr.
Helga Otto. The delegation is certified as official election observers by
the Central Election Commission of Ukraine.

This project is funded by the United States Agency for International
Development (USAID) and managed by the U.S.-Ukraine Foundation
(USUF). The goal of the project is to strengthen democracy in Ukraine
by helping the newly independent nation ensure free and fair elections.
The government of Ukraine has invited election observers from throughout
the world to observe its fourth presidential election since declaring
independence in August, 1991.

At least one more delegation of former legislators will observe this year’s
presidential election in Ukraine before the first round of voting on October
31.

Since 1992, USAID has provided over $1.9 billion worth of technical and
humanitarian assistance in support of Ukraine’s democratic, economic, and
social transition. For more information about USAID Programs, please
contact USAID Program Office [Kyiv] at (380 44) 462-5678. (END)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
For further information contact Miriam Bates, USUF, Washington, D.C.,
Tel: 202-347-4264 Fax: 202-347-4267, E-mail: mirian@usukraine.org.
=======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.160: ARTICLE NUMBER FOUR
=======================================================
4. UKRAINE SETS UP 113 POLLING STATIONS ABROAD
FOR THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

Source: One Plus One TV, Kiev, in Ukrainian, 10 Sep 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Friday, Sep 10, 2004

KIEV - The Central Electoral Commission [CEC] has already set up 113
polling stations abroad so that Ukrainian citizens who are out of the
country can vote [in the presidential election, the first round of which is
to be held on 31 October].

The largest number of polling stations is in Germany - five. In Poland,
Russia and the USA, there are four apiece. In Italy and Spain, where there
are the largest numbers of Ukrainian migrant workers, there are two polling
stations apiece. In Portugal, there is only one.

All of them are located in diplomatic missions. This means that it will
mainly be legally employed Ukrainians who go there to vote. Despite
promises from the Foreign Ministry and the government not to punish them,
illegal workers are unlikely to vote.

The CEC earlier decided to set up polling stations abroad outside diplomatic
missions, so that even those who are not on the consular register could
vote. (END)
=======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.159: ARTICLE NUMBER FIVE
=======================================================
5. UKRAINE: CRIMEAN TATAR CONGRESS BACKS YUSHCHENKO

Source: Era, Kiev, Ukraine, in Ukrainian, Sun, 12 Sep 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Sunday, Sep 12, 2004

KIEV - A congress of the Crimean Tatar people (Kurultay) has asked
fellow countrymen to vote for [opposition] presidential candidate Viktor
Yushchenko.

Kurultay said that the Crimean Tatars associate Yushchenko's activities with
democratic development of the entire state and of the Crimean Tarar people
in particular. Kurultay urged all Crimean voters regardless of their ethnic
and religious background to take part in the election. (END)
=======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.159: ARTICLE NUMBER SIX
=======================================================
6. YUSHCHENKO CONTINUES TO TOP PRESIDENTIAL POLLS
IN UKRAINE, 40.1 PER CENT TO 34 PERCENT FOR YANUKOVYCH

Source: Ukrayinska Pravda web site, Kiev, in Ukrainian 10 Sep 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Saturday, Sep 11, 2004

KIEV - If [opposition bloc] Our Ukraine leader Viktor Yushchenko and
Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych make it to the runoff [of the upcoming
presidential election], the former will be supported by 40.1 per cent of
voters, while the latter by 34 per cent.

These are the results of the first three waves of a rolling all-Ukrainian
poll as of 5-6 September. The poll was started on 19-21 August by the
Democratic Initiatives Fund and the Sotsis centre, and continued in
September. Some 9.3 per cent of those polled said they were going to vote
against both candidates, 6.8 per cent said they were not going to turn out
and 10 per cent could not answer the question. As of 4 September,
Yushchenko's support in western Ukraine was 73.9 per cent, in central
Ukraine 45.1, southern 28.5 and eastern 21 per cent.

In the second round of the election, 9.2 of those polled in western Ukraine
said they were going to vote for Yanukovych, in central Ukraine 23.1 per
cent, southern 38.1 per cent and eastern 53.2 per cent. In the first round
of the election, 30.5 per cent of voters are ready to support Yushchenko,
24.3 Yanukovych.

Some 6.9 per cent of those polled are going to vote for [Socialist Party
leader] Oleksandr Moroz, 7.5 per cent [Communist Party leader] Petro
Symonenko, 1.8 per cent [Progressive Socialist Party leader] Nataliya
Vitrenko. Other candidates are supported by less than 1 per cent of those
polled.

Only 14.2 per cent said their opinion had been influenced by recent events.
The majority, 66.2 per cent, said it was not. Some 19.7 per cent could not
answer the question. A total of 12.5 per cent of respondents believe the
election will be free and fair, while 32.5 per cent said there would be
sporadic irregularities which would not affect the outcome.

At the same time, 24.8 per cent of respondents said there would be serious
violations which would significantly affect the outcome. Another 18 per cent
are sure that the election would definitely be rigged. Some 12.3 per cent of
those polled could not answer the question.

A total of 7.6 per cent of respondents said they had personally encountered
attempts to bribe voters during the current election campaign, 15.3 per cent
said they had come witnessed bosses pressurizing employees to vote for a
certain candidate, 14.8 per cent said they had seen officials campaigning
for a candidate. A total of 47.9 per cent of those polled said they had not
encountered any election violations.

Some 14.8 per cent of those polled said they believed the election campaign
was fair and just, 42.4 believe it is not quite fair and just, as certain
candidates are enjoying advantages. Another 25 per cent said the campaign
was absolutely unfair and unjust, as certain candidates have access to
voters and others are facing obstacles. Some 17.9 per cent could not answer
the question.

[Passage omitted: most respondents believe Yanukovych was enjoying
favourable conditions, while obstacles were put in Yushchenko's way]
The poll covered 2,000 respondents. The margin of error is not more than
2.2 per cent. (END)
=======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 159: ARTICLE NUMBER SEVEN
=======================================================
7. UKRAINE: "WHERE IS TARAS CHORNOVIL GOING?"
The political star of Chornovil has fallen into a black hole.

ANALYSIS: By Ivan Hayvanovych
Ukrayinska Pravda web site, Kiev, in Ukrainian 9 Sep 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Friday, Sep 10, 2004

Former opposition MP Taras Chornovil's stated motives for his decision to
act as an adviser to presidential candidate and Prime Minister Viktor
Yanukovych are not realistic, a Ukrainian opposition web site has said. The
fervently anti-presidential radical's change of heart is hard to understand
as his declared desire for self-fulfilment. It is more likely that he is
acting out of pique at not being begged to return to the faction of
frontrunning opposition candidate Viktor Yushchenko, the article concludes.

The following is an excerpt from the article by Ivan Hayvanovych entitled
"Where is Taras Chornovil going?" published on Ukrayinska Pravda web
site on 9 September:

In a telephone conversation with Ukrayinska Pravda, Taras Chornovil repeated
many times that nothing meriting press attention had happened, that it was
not news, and so on. Dare we assume that only a bare minority of people
interested politics will agree with Mr Chornovil? On the contrary, the news
that opposition figure Taras Chornovil has agreed to become an adviser to
the prime minister [Viktor Yanukovych] has every chance of becoming the top
news of the day.

All the more so in that the deputy does not rule out in future the
possibility of formalizing the cooperation, in which case he will become a
freelance adviser to the prime minister. To be sure, the politician
immediately added that for him this "plays a small role". Chornovil said
that he gave his agreement to the cooperation proposal, which came from
the prime minister's side, after discussing its possible forms "with people
from the Cabinet of Ministers and the prime minister's office".

He said that his present collaboration with the government was in no way
linked with the election campaign and that his role in the present
presidential election was "absolutely zero". [Passage omitted: Chornovil's
frustration with conventional politics] He said that he simply wanted "to
develop himself" and that "today something in the government is impressive",
in particular "some things in economic policy".

At the same time, Chornovil made it clear that he "does not like everything"
in the work of the government and that he is critical of some things.
However, "there are possibilities for applying efforts and there is an
understanding of certain problems" for him there. "It may be that it also
exists in the team of [leading opposition presidential candidate, Our
Ukraine leader Viktor] Yushchenko, but I'm unaware of it," Chornovil
added.

At the same time, according to Chornovil, "an elementary analysis of the
legislative work (of Yushchenko's faction) prompted serious disenchantment
with that team". [Passage omitted: more on this]

Taras Chornovil's agreement to give advice to Yanukovych is hard to explain
only by his eagerness to apply himself, as the people's deputy himself
argues. At least, for that he could have waited another couple of months
[until after presidential elections on 31 October]. [Passage omitted:
expanding this]

Even when he was a member of the Our Ukraine faction, Chornovil was, in
his own words, an "opposition within the opposition" - precisely because of
his uncompromising hostility to the current political regime.

But now the politician who called [President] Leonid Kuchma's rule
"criminal", who still cannot forgive Yushchenko for the "statement of the
three" [Kuchma, then Prime Minister Yushchenko and then parliament speaker
Ivan Plyushch] condemning the opposition [for violent antipresidential
protests in Kiev], who rejects the very right to exist of a party led by the
presidential administration head [Viktor Medvedchuk - the United Social
Democratic Party of Ukraine] - this politician has become an adviser to the
presidential candidate from the authorities.

The author can be accused of misinterpreting the issue, since Chornovil has
become an adviser to the prime minister [rather than to the presidential
candidate]. Be that as it may. But then he has become adviser to the
chairman of the "most ungifted government in Ukraine's entire history".
These were his words of six months ago.

Chornovil thereby has declared his support for the official heir to the
current regime. Incidentally, along with a list of forces where the first
fiddle is played by precisely that party that he considers a gangster party.
[Passage omitted: expanding this] It is not impossible that there is an
element of ostentatiousness in Chornovil's move. A man who, when
leaving the faction, waited in vain for the call to return.

A man who very authentically planned his political prospects via the
creation of the [independent parliamentary] Centre group and did not take
the place of leader in it. A man who, even after leaving Our Ukraine, said
that he would vote for Yushchenko, but was not offered the job of an
authorized agent for him at the elections. This at a time when eight other
members of Centre are Yushchenko's proxies at the presidential elections.

To all appearances, the process of creating the announced political party is
not all that could be wished. Well, one can understand the feelings of "not
being in the right place" in such a situation. But there is a danger that in
seeking his place, the political star of Chornovil has fallen into a black
hole. [Passage omitted: Chornovil's brother approves his move] (END)
=======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.159: ARTICLE NUMBER EIGHT
=======================================================
8. BIASED ELECTION COVERAGE CONTINUES ON UKRAINIAN TV
TV continued their critical coverage of Viktor Yushchenko
[In spite of several guarantees of a free and fair election by President]

Source: BBC Monitoring research in English 12 Sep 04
BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Sunday, Sep 12, 2004

Major Ukrainian progovernment TV channels on 6-12 September continued
their critical coverage of Viktor Yushchenko, the frontrunning opposition
candidate in the 31 October presidential election. Their reporting about the
progovernment hopeful, Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych, was invariably
positive.

The channels also ignored news which could cast a shadow on the reported
strength of the coalition supporting Yanukovych. In contrast, TV 5 Kanal,
which is linked to Yushchenko's bloc Our Ukraine, gave extensive coverage
to the decision by at least 45 MPs from the progovernment majority in
parliament.

As evidenced by evening news bulletins, channels linked to presidential
administration chief Viktor Medvedchuk (UT1, Inter and One Plus One)
remained the most bitter critics of Yushchenko and the most vociferous
supporters of Yanukovych. Channels associated with Viktor Pinchuk, the
son-in-law of outgoing President Leonid Kuchma (ICTV and Novyy Kanal),
provided more balanced coverage of the election campaign. However, they
also followed the Medvedchuk channels' pattern of reporting on the
parliamentary majority crisis.
MEDVEDCHUK CHANNELS
State-run UT1 and private Inter remained at the forefront of attacks on
opposition candidate Viktor Yushchenko, with privately-owned One Plus One
closely behind them. They broadcast similar-looking critical reports about
the Our Ukraine leader and numerous upbeat stories about Yanukovych.
On 10 September, the channels made no mention of the coalition's loss of
over 45 MPs. They reported no other news from parliament on that day at all.
On 9 September, the channels did not pick up any of the conflicting reports
about whether the People's Agrarian Party had quit the coalition. In its
flagship evening news bulletin, UT1 broadcast no news from parliament at
all.
Prior to that, the three channels had been broadcasting daily reports about
parliamentary proceedings since the session opened on 7 September.
Also uncharacteristically, evening news bulletins on Inter and One Plus One
on 10 September featured no reports focusing on Yanukovych. The only item
about Yanukovych on UT1 was a brief presenter-read report in the second
half of the programme. It said that Yanukovych had ordered a probe into the
legality of a parliamentary decision to set up a commission overseeing the
election campaign.
On 11 September, the channels made only brief mentions of the parliamentary
majority crisis. They quoted the leader of the People's Agrarian Party,
parliamentary speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn, as saying that the party would
continue to support Yanukovych despite its faction leaving the majority.
Only on 12 September did One Plus One and Inter broadcast reports about the
coalition meltdown. Vyacheslav Pikhovshek, the presenter of One Plus One's
weekly analytical programme, regretted the crisis, blaming it on Lytvyn.
Inter showed, among others, MP Sivkovych, who had left the majority, saying
that he might return. UT1 showed Lytvyn saying his party still supported
Yanukovych.
Earlier in the week, the channels continued efforts to portray the
opposition as right-wing extremists. All three channels quoted Communist MP
Heorhiy Kryuchkov as criticizing Our Ukraine MP Roman Bezsmertnyy over
allegedly insensitive statements he had made about the Beslan school siege
in Russia. "As far as I'm concerned, he no longer exists as a person,"
Kryuchkov reportedly said. The channels quoted Bezsmertnyy as saying that
"the people cannot be defeated", supposedly referring to Chechen rebels. Our
Ukraine later complained that the quote was taken out of context. On UT1 and
Inter, the Kryuchkov quote followed moving reports about the Beslan tragedy
and condolences expressed by Ukrainian officials and progovernment parties.
On 8 September, the next day after the opening of the parliamentary session,
the three channels broadcast reports saying that the Our Ukraine faction did
not expel MP Oleh Tyahnybok despite promising to do so. On 9 September,
Inter broadcast footage of the xenophobic speech Tyahnybok made back in July
(which was often observed on UT1 and One Plus One in August). UT1 and Inter
also quoted Communist MP Yuriy Solomatin as saying that Our Ukraine shares
Tyahnybok's extremist views.
On 9 September, UT1 carried a report about a rally held by the ultra-right
party Ukrainian National Assembly (UNA) to support Yushchenko. Our
Ukraine said the event was held deliberately to discredit Yushchenko. Inter
reported that UNA activists "traded insults" with Our Ukraine supporters.
The channels continued to broadcast reports saying that Yanukovych is about
to catch up with Yushchenko in popularity ratings. On 8 September, One Plus
One quoted a Russian pollster as revealing that "the gap between Viktor
Yushchenko and Viktor Yanukovych has narrowed to 1 per cent." The next day,
the channel said the gap "has narrowed to 3 per cent". Mainstream Ukrainian
pollsters put the gap at 6 to 8 per cent.
UT1, Inter and One Plus One also continued providing exhaustive and upbeat
coverage to Yanukovych's activities as prime minister. He was said to be
working to raise living standards, clear wage arrears, raise wages and keep
prices down.
In contrast, reporting about Yushchenko remained scant and was presented
mostly in the form of critical comments. The criticisms were often voiced by
other presidential candidates (e.g., Communist Party leader Petro Symonenko,
Socialist Party leader Oleksandr Moroz, Progressive Socialist Party leader
Nataliya Vitrenko). About the only quote from Yushchenko was a promise
"not to disrupt parliamentary proceedings", shown by the three channels on 6
September.
PINCHUK CHANNELS
ICTV and Novyy Kanal broadcast much fewer upbeat stories about
Yanukovych. No openly anti-Yushchenko reports were observed.
Similarly to the Medvedchuk channels, ICTV and Novyy Kanal did not report
the withdrawal of scores of MPs from the parliamentary majority on 10
September. Just as the Medvedchuk channels did, ICTV quoted Lytvyn
commenting on the development the next day. However, the quote was more
neutral than the one supporting Yanukovych. Lytvyn reportedly said that "the
composition of forces in parliament will most likely be rearranged".
The cabinet's activities featured prominently in the channels' news
bulletins, but the reports were more balanced than on the Medvedchuk TV
stations. In several cases, negative information was also included. For
instance, reporting the cabinet's intentions to raise wages, ICTV said on 8
September that they would still be below subsistence level. On 9 September,
the channel quoted Yanukovych as saying that fuel prices might grow. On the
same day, UT1 and Inter showed the prime minister saying that the government
will keep fuel prices down.
Still, ICTV's coverage of the government's activities contained a fair
amount of rhetoric about raising wages, clearing wage arrears and increasing
social spending.
TV 5 KANAL
The channel, which is owned by Our Ukraine MP Petro Poroshenko, continued
to pay much attention to negative coverage of Yanukovych. However, upbeat
stories about Yushchenko were not as prominent as at the early stages of the
election campaign.
The possible split in the progovernment coalition in parliament topped the
channel's agenda as early as on 9 September. Announcing a report about the
People's Agrarian Party's intentions to quit the majority, the presenter
said that "remains of what used to be a political majority are falling
apart".
The next day, the parliamentary majority crisis was TV 5 Kanal's top news.
In contrast to the Medvedchuk and Pinchuk channels, TV 5 Kanal devoted
plenty of time to the opinions of all sides involved in the crisis.
On 9 September, the channel also broadcast an openly anti-cabinet report
saying that Olympic medalists from Ukraine had not received 100,000 dollars
each in prize money the government had promised them.
On the same day, TV 5 Kanal broadcast what it said was secretly taped
footage of students copying signatures collected in support of presidential
candidate Yuriy Zbitnev. The signatures were then to be presented to the
Central Electoral Commission as those collected in Yanukovych's support,
the TV said. The video was broadcast on 10 September again, accompanied
by comments from Zbitnev staff, who said they were investigating. (END)
=======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.159: ARTICLE NUMBER NINE
=======================================================
9. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN IN QUOTES
September 1-12, 2004

Source: BBC Monitoring Service, United Kingdom, Sun, Sep 12, 2004

The collapse of the pro-government majority in parliament, harsh exchanges
on electoral fraud and extremism, disagreement over opinion polls and bitter
recriminations dominated the Ukrainian presidential election campaign in the
first two weeks of September.

The following is a selection of quotes by Ukraine's leading presidential
candidates, their representatives and President Leonid Kuchma:
PARLIAMENT MELTDOWN
It is very unpleasant for me to say this, but parliament is no longer such a
dependable partner as it once was. It is now a place of populism.
By Prime minister and presidential candidate Viktor Yanukovych, UNIAN
news agency, 11 September

Yanukovych should pull himself together and accept manfully the developments
in parliament, which reflect MPs' lack of confidence in the prime minister
and their unwillingness to see him as president. He should make a sober
assessment of his presidential prospects.
By Oleksandr Zinchenko, opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko campaign
chief, Our Ukraine web site, 11 September.
POLITICAL DISTURBANCES
These are all links in a single chain of events designed to build up tension
in society and legitimize the use of force in the event of the clear defeat
of the government-backed candidate.
By Viktor Yushchenko, referring to covert police surveillance of his
campaign activities, a road incident in Kherson Region which he described
as a possible assassination attempt, and a bomb explosion in a Kiev market
that police initially blamed on his supporters, Ukrayinska Pravda web site,
2 September

I am seriously worried by the persistent and... dangerous attempts to whip
up the natural tension of the presidential election campaign. Newly-minted
warriors are dragging explosive Trotskyist phraseology out of dusty
historical archives and brandishing such words as revolution, uprising, coup
and so on like burning torches... There will be no uprisings or revolutions
in Ukraine! However bad some home-grown revolutionaries want this, they
will not be allowed to rise to power on the wave of anarchy and lawlessness.
By President Leonid Kuchma, addressing a special police regiment in
Crimea, UT1 TV, 7 September

The situation is being heated up artificially. All these discussions on the
theme "If Yushchenko loses, it means that the results were rigged" are
frankly a profanation. All pollsters are saying the ratings gap between the
main candidates is closing fast. We don't need to use any special tricks to
win.
By Serhiy Tyhypko, Yanukovych campaign chief, Den newspaper, 1 Sep
POLLS AND PREDICTIONS
I don't believe in exit polls. This is a new technology that is being used
in Ukraine for the first time. And we don't know how to manipulate them.
By Yanukovych, UNIAN, 31 August

Today we have the false choice between the two Viktors [Yushchenko
and Yanukovych]. It really is false, since I know that their true ratings
are quite different and that Yanukovych is actually in fourth place.
By Socialist candidate Oleksandr Moroz, disputing Yanukovych's second
place in opinion polls, Kontekst web site, 8 September
ACCUSATIONS
Did you know that a person cannot become a police sergeant if he has a
past criminal conviction? He can't become a sergeant, but he can become
president. Isn't that absurd?
By Zinchenko at a pro-Yushchenko rally, referring to Yanukovych's two
criminal convictions, Ukrayinska Pravda, 6 September

Ukraine is not divided into confessions, nor is it divided into east and
west. It is divided into bandits and honest people.
By Yushchenko, Ekspress (Lviv), 9-16 September

If it ends up with Yanukovych or Yushchenko - irrespective of which of
them comes to power - this will be like a third term of Kuchma... If this
criminal gang remains in power, in the person of this or that oligarch, in
the person of Yanukovych or Yushchenko - it makes no difference.
By Communist candidate Petro Symonenko, Ukrayinska Pravda, 8 Sep

I'm not going to suggest to Yanukovych topics for repentance, but when the
Kryvorizhstal steelworks... is stolen overnight and the difference in price
between what the president's son-in-law and the Donetsk clan paid for it
and the best offer is 5bn hryvnyas - that is where repentance is due.
By Yushchenko, Ukrayinska Pravda, 29 August
ASPIRATIONS
We should go neither West nor East. We have to go upwards, from the mud
in which we are bogged down. We have to build Europe here in Ukraine.
By Moroz, election broadcast on UT1, 3 September

I won't try to convince you to vote for me. If you prefer Symonenko or
Moroz, vote for them. That's your choice, and I respect you for it. The
only thing I ask is that you don't vote for yesterday.
By Yushchenko, Ekspress, 9-16 September

Ukrainians will never agree to be anyone's younger brothers. We must never
allow Ukrainians to be humiliated anywhere... When advice is given to us,
its tone and assessments are not entirely respectful and sometimes even
offensive. We must put an end to this without hesitation. We know what to
do in our own country.
By Yanukovych, election broadcast on UT1, 9 September
UKRAINIAN AS THE STATE LANGUAGE.
My approach to language policy will always be liberal. Many civilized
countries have switched to using at least two state languages. Therefore,
we must not incite hatred between Ukrainians and Russian within our state.
We must create equal conditions [for the Ukrainian and Russian languages]
- naturally, giving priority to Ukrainian as the state language.
By Yanukovych, UT1, 9 September

Political competition should go only so far that after the elections it will
be possible to sit down at the table and try to reach an agreement. Let's
not forget that we live in one country. We will have to work together.
By Tyhypko, Ukrayina Moloda, 11 September (END)
=======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.159: ARTICLE NUMBER TEN
=======================================================
10. "PRESS FREEDOM AWARD 2004-SIGNAL FOR EUROPE"
BELARUS, MOLDOVA, ROMANIA AND UKRAINE
Deadline for submissions is September 15, 2004

Austrian Chapter of Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
Vienna, Austria, September, 2004

VIENNA - The Austrian chapter of Reporters Without Borders (RSF) is
organizing the "Press Freedom Award 2004 - Signal for Europe" contest for
journalists from Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova and Romania.

The contest, funded by the Austrian oil company, OMV, honors journalists
whose work promotes and defends press freedom. ROG will hand out two
EU 7,5000 (around US$9,000) prizes, one for lifetime achievement and one
for journalists under 40, at a ceremony in Vienna in January 2005.

Journalists can submit articles, television and radio programs, including an
authorized English translation. A jury composed of Freimut Duve, the former
OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media, Christine von Kohl, an
expert on Central and Eastern Europe, and various Austrian political figures
will select the winners.

The deadline for submissions is September 15. All materials, including a
curriculum vitae and English translations, should be sent to ROG at
Margaretenstrasse 70, A-1050, Vienna, Austria.

For more information, contact ROG at info@rog.at
tel +43 (1-58) 10-011, fax +43 (1-58) 10-011-99
http://www.rog.at/index_e.php (END)
========================================================
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Kyiv vs. Kiev----SPELLING POLICY--Chornobyl vs.Chernobyl
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rather than KIEV (Russian), whenever the spelling decision is under our
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PUBLISHER AND EDITOR
Mr. E. Morgan Williams, Executive Director, Ukrainian Federation of America
(UFA); Coordinator, The Action Ukraine Coalition (AUC);
Senior Advisor, Government Relations, U.S.-Ukraine Foundation (USUF);
Advisor, Ukraine-U.S. Business Council, Washington, D.C.;
Publisher and Editor, www.ArtUkraine.com Information Service (ARTUIS),
http://www.ArtUkraine.com Ukrainian News and Information Website;
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Tel: 202 437 4707, morganw@patriot.net
========================================================
"POWER TENDS TO CORRUPT,
ABSOLUTE POWER CORRUPTS ABSOLUTELY"
An observation that a person's sense of morality lessens as his or
her power increases. The statement was made by Lord Acton, British
historian of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
True then, true today, true always.
========================================================
THE ACTION UKRAINE COALITION
"Working to Secure Ukraine's Future"
========================================================