"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT"
An International Newsletter
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis, and Commentary
"The Art of Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World"
CONDOLEEZZA RICE AND PRESIDENT BUSH
"The incoming Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, is a Russian
expert and an architect of Mr. Bush's pro-Putin tilt. It's entirely possible
that the U.S. unwillingness to say much about the Russian's increasingly
autocratic behavior has only encouraged him and his Ukrainian allies to
believe they could get away with their election theft. Ms. Rice and the
President have to make clear to their friends in the Kremlin, as much
as to the Ukrainian people, that a slide back to dictatorship is
unacceptable." [The Wall Street Journal, article two]
"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT" Year 04, Number 233
The Action Ukraine Coalition (AUC), Washington, D.C.
Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA), Huntingdon Valley, PA
morganw@patriot.net, ArtUkraine.com@starpower.net (ARTUIS)
Washington, D.C., Kyiv, Ukraine, FRIDAY, November 26, 2004
-----INDEX OF ARTICLES-----
"Major International News Headlines and Articles"
1. "THE RISE OF A NATION"
COMMENTARY: By Ivan Vasyunnyk
The Wall Street Journal, Friday, November 26, 2004
2. BACK TO THE U.S.S.R.?
REVIEW & OUTLOOK
The Wall Street Journal, New York, New York
Friday, November 26, 2004; Page A8
3. "UKRAINE'S MOMENT"
REVIEW & OUTLOOK: The Wall Street Journal,
New York, New York, Friday, November 26, 2004
4. "THE ADVENTURE AIN'T OVER"
EAST OF THE ODER: By Mircea Geoana
Minister Of Foreign Affairs, Romania
The Wall Street Journal, Friday, November 26, 2004
5. PUTIN WARMS TO NEIGHBOR'S OLIGARCHS
FROM breakingviews: edited by Hugo Dixon
The Wall Street Journal, New York, NY, Fri, Nov 26, 2004
6. WORLD NEWS: UKRAINE: DISPUTED VOTE
Ukraine High Court To Rule on Election, Opposition's Fraud
Charges Will Be Heard; Protesters Threaten More Interference
By Guy Chazan in Donetsk, Alan Cullison in Kiev,
Gregory L. White in Moscow and Philip Shishkin in Brussels
Staff Reporters of The Wall Street Journal
The Wall Street Journal, New York, NY, Nov 26, 2004; Page A3
7. CHALLENGE: THE BATTLE FOR UKRAINE
OP-ED: By Yuliya Tymoshenko
Former Deputy Prime Minister of Ukraine
Daily Times, Lahore, Pakistan, Friday, November 26, 2004
8. THE MILLIONAIRE REVOLUTIONARY"
She has been a powerful voice during this week's protests
in Kiev. But who is Yulia Tymoshenko? James Meek reports
By James Meek, The Guardian
London, UK, Friday November 26, 2004
9. "UKRAINE'S REVOLT GAINS STEAM"
By Mark MacKinnon, Globe and Mail
Toronto, Ontario, Canada, Friday, Nov 26, 2004
10. UKRAINE'S UNSPOKEN POLITICAL CONFRONTATION
By Peter Lavelle, Analyst,
Untimely Thoughts, Vol 2 no 157 (204)
Moscow, Russia, Thu, November 25, 2004
========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 233: ARTICLE NUMBER ONE
========================================================
1. "THE RISE OF A NATION"
COMMENTARY: By Ivan Vasyunnyk
Member of the Ukrainian Parliament
The Wall Street Journal, Friday, November 26, 2004
KIEV -- A peaceful revolution is unfolding in Ukraine . Millions of people
all over the country, in small and large towns, are coming out into their
central squares to show support and solidarity with Viktor Yushchenko.
By all credible accounts but the government's, on Sunday he became
independent Ukraine's third president. Here in the capital, a city of tents
is expanding by the hour. Those gathering have no intention of abandoning
their post in defense of democracy.
For too long, Ukraine's ruling government has used deception, manipulation
and repression to impose its will on the people. They have tried so again by
fraudulently claiming victory in this presidential election. But as Abraham
Lincoln once said: "You can fool some of the people all the time, and all of
the people some of the time, but you can not fool all of the people all of
the time." I am convinced that the people of Ukraine want to live in a
sovereign democratic state where the government doesn't feed off society
like a parasite. They want to live in a state where political leaders are
proud of the fact that they serve the people and would consider it shameful
to "pretend to play the role of a leader" as Churchill once said.
I am convinced that not just Ukrainians, but representatives of the other
nationalities of our multi-ethnic country, support the state we are fighting
for today. On our city squares, where hundreds of thousands have gathered
in protest, we see the flags of Russia, Georgia and Belarus, all those
countries aspiring for true democratic change.
Today is not a confrontation between Viktor Yushchenko and his opponent,
Viktor Yanukovych, or their political camps. It is, rather, a conflict
between two different visions of state and society. Today we decide how
Ukraine's political issues will be resolved in the future: Through
violence, deception and manipulation or through open dialogue and mutual
respect? I believe that we do not have the right to miss this historic
opportunity -- the opportunity to become a nation where the people trust the
state, believe in democratic values and institutions and where every single
person has the right to their own views and beliefs.
I am convinced that this struggle goes far beyond our borders. Without
exaggeration, one can say that today we see the creation of a new Eurasian
political reality. For this very reason the election in our country is not
simply a changing of the political guard. It is a changing of mentality, of
our world outlook and political culture. Our mission is to become the source
of inter-civilizational dialogue between East and West. And I think the
Russian president has made a major mistake when he -- together with the
dictator in Belarus, Alexander Lukashenka -- acknowledged the results of
an obviously fraudulent election. Vladimir Putin has cast doubt on his own
project to modernize Russia and be recognized by the world as an equal
partner.
In the times of perestroika the saying "in order to unite, we must split up"
was often heard. I feel that this principle must be applied again today with
respect to Ukraine and Russia. Their relations today are characterized by
shady, semi-criminal ties between the top leaders of both countries. I am
convinced that Russians want to live a democratic way of life. And Ukraine ,
if given such a chance, could serve as a role model for them.
For these reasons our message to the world community is as follows: We
are witnesses to the birth of a new democratic state in the bosom of the
Eurasian continent. It is important that this process succeeds with the help
of those countries where democratic values have developed over hundreds
of years.
Ukraine deserves respect, not because its political elite is what it is, but
because after years of deception and disrespect by the ruling elite, its
citizens did not surrender. Despite the lies of the state-run and oligarchic
mass media, Ukrainians are consciously fighting for change.
In the West, they say that it is difficult to help those who cannot help
themselves. As such, I assert that Ukrainians have earned their right to be
helped. Their aspirations to become a civilized European state deserve
support. Close to 200 Ukrainian diplomats and members of the foreign
service have spoken out against the fraudulent election results. It now
appears the interior ministry forces may be switching to Yuschenko, too.
U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell, along with a number of European
leaders including Germany's Gerhard Schroeder and the Czech Republic's
Vaclav Havel, have shown their support for the Ukrainian people and said
they don't accept the results. Lech Walesa has come to Kiev and Poland's
President Alexander Kwasniewski has offered to mediate. The government
here cannot ignore this unified international show of solidarity for the
freedom of the Ukrainian people. -30-
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Mr. Vasyunnyk, a member of the Ukrainian parliament, belongs to the
"Our Ukraine " bloc and is a member of Victor Yushchenko's campaign
steering committee. [The Action Ukraine Report Monitoring Service]
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.233: ARTICLE NUMBER TWO
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2. BACK TO THE U.S.S.R.?
REVIEW & OUTLOOK
The Wall Street Journal, New York, New York
Friday, November 26, 2004; Page A8
Sunday's stolen election in Ukraine is becoming a full-fledged crisis, with
a nationwide protest strike planned in that country and most of the world
objecting to the outcome, including a denunciation by Secretary of State
Colin Powell. At stake is whether Ukraine will follow the autocratic Russian
model or the Western liberal one. That is, whether it will become another
Belarus -- or another Poland.
On Wednesday, the Ukrainian government certified the vote, despite
overwhelming evidence that fraud and intimidation tipped the outcome against
the Western-leaning opposition leader, Viktor Yushchenko, in favor of the
Kremlin-backed Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych. The election was always
going to be close, but the three-point lead reported by the election
commission just doesn't square up. Mr. Yushchenko came into the election
with an eight-percentage-point lead in the opinion polls and had a four- to
11-point lead in two separate, independent exit polls. As Americans know too
well from the past two elections, opinion and exit polls can be inaccurate
but usually fall within some limited margin of error.
Especially suspicious are the turnout figures. Districts in Mr. Yanukovych's
eastern home region reported more than 100% turnout. International observers
were barred from most polling stations in those areas, where a favorite
trick was multiple-voting. Dozens of buses and trains transported people
from district to district, letting them cast an absentee ballot several
times, according to outside election observers.
The opposition has been able to mobilize hundreds of thousands of supporters
for peaceful demonstrations for Mr. Yushchenko, who first requested an
investigation into the fraud and is now demanding a re-vote. Protesters have
dug in in Kiev. Several city councils, including the capital's, refuse to
acknowledge the result. And one of the national election commissioners
walked out amid the clearly pre-cooked certification proceedings. The
normally toothless Supreme Court yesterday agreed to hear an appeal,
preventing the government from making its result official.
For once, Europe appears to understand what is at stake. The Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Council of Europe and the
NATO parliamentary assembly have all condemned the conduct of the
election. And German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder has also objected.
The one major world leader delighted with the outcome is Russian President
Vladimir Putin, who campaigned vigorously on behalf of the pro-Kremlin Mr.
Yanukovych. This fits with Mr. Putin's increasingly obvious desire to
reconstitute an autocratic Greater Russia that would block Ukraine from
tilting to the West. Mr. Putin's Russia isn't the old Soviet Union in the
sense of having global hegemonic ambitions, but he is increasingly behaving
as a kind of regional Bonaparte who wants to dominate what was the
close-in Soviet empire.
All of this poses a challenge to President Bush, who has put too much faith
in his friend "Vladimir." We're glad to see that Mr. Bush sent Ukraine's
strongman President Leonid Kuchma a frank letter, saying that the U.S.
won't do business with an autocratic Ukraine . And Mr. Powell increased
the pressure on Wednesday, urging a re-vote and saying there could be
consequences to U.S.-Ukraine relations if the election result holds. That
will have to include the global ostracism of Ukraine's leaders.
The incoming Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, is a Russian expert
and an architect of Mr. Bush's pro-Putin tilt. It's entirely possible that
the U.S. unwillingness to say much about the Russian's increasingly
autocratic behavior has only encouraged him and his Ukrainian allies to
believe they could get away with their election theft. Ms. Rice and the
President have to make clear to their friends in the Kremlin, as much as
to the Ukrainian people, that a slide back to dictatorship is unacceptable.
========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.233: ARTICLE NUMBER THREE
========================================================
3. "UKRAINE'S MOMENT"
REVIEW & OUTLOOK: The Wall Street Journal,
New York, New York, Friday, November 26, 2004
Back in 1991, as the Soviet Union crumbled, Ukrainians were handed their
independence. This week, for the first time in earnest, this nation of 48
million is fighting to earn its freedom. Their struggle will equally test
nations, near and far, who claim to defend and promote this universal value.
More than the outcome of a hotly contested presidential election rests on
the peaceful revolution now underway in Ukraine . For four days running,
waves of ordinary Ukrainians, each day growing larger, have braved cold
and snow to protest Sunday's fraudulent elections and defend their right to
choose their president.
Viktor Yushchenko, the opposition candidate, has quickly shed a reputation
for indecisiveness, leading the protests with conviction. His ruggedly
handsome face, pockmarked and swollen by a mysterious disease that his
aides blame on an attempted poisoning, has become the symbol of the
struggle.
The establishment seems shocked to find itself so much on the defensive.
Outgoing President Leonid Kuchma and friends assumed that no one would
seriously mind that a couple million votes were stolen here and there to
give the presidency to Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych, their anointed
successor. But the size of the street protests, backed by the unanimous
condemnation from the world's democracies, shifted the momentum against
them. A historically patient people, Ukrainians are fed up with corruption
and ready to defend democracy.
On Wednesday, the government rushed to call the election for the prime
minister by 800,000 votes, or less than 3 percentage points. Mr. Kuchma
ignored American and European advice to hold off until the allegations of
fraud were addressed. But, in a boost for the opposition, the normally
toothless Supreme Court yesterday agreed to hear an appeal, preventing
the government from making its result official.
These elections meet only the standards of autocrats from Moscow. The
electorate was expanded mysteriously on election day by nearly 5% with
most of the newcomers using absentee ballots that, lo and behold, went for
the government candidate. The unbelievable up-to-99% turnout in the
Donetsk and Lugansk regions was up to 40 points higher than on Oct. 31.
Elsewhere, turnout stayed level between the two rounds. Even by post-
Soviet standards, the fraud was too obvious.
The government now counts on time and Russian support to weather this
storm. Vladimir Putin, who rushed to congratulate his favored candidate
Monday, yesterday told the EU not to meddle in Ukraine . That's rich
coming from a foreign leader who campaigned actively on Mr.
Yanukovych's behalf, making two visits to Ukraine in a month.
Thankfully, Mr. Putin's intentions aren't subtle. His newly assertive Russia
wants to torpedo democracy not only at home but region-wide. Ukraine
would be a huge catch for Mr. Putin, who is increasingly behaving as a kind
of regional Bonaparte who wants to dominate what was the close-in Soviet
empire. As Zbigniew Brzezinski once noted, Russia can only be an empire
with Ukraine , and can only be peaceful and democratic without an empire.
For once, the U.S. and Europe haven't shrunk from the fight. In refreshingly
blunt terms, U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell on Wednesday said that
"we cannot accept this result as legitimate," a view echoed yesterday by
Britain's Jack Straw. Heretofore, George W. Bush has been eager to please
his friend "Vladimir," and got little in return. At their summit with
Russia, the Dutch holders of the EU presidency yesterday kept up the
pressure. Ukrainian democrats are lucky that the EU now includes eight
former Communist states, notably Poland, which see a free Ukraine as
more important than staying friends with Moscow.
The Putin-Kuchma team will be looking for signs of weakness, which now
would be fatal. Ukraine's leaders need to be prodded back into compliance
with international norms. The elections can be cancelled and rerun. The 2.8
million falsified ballots -- by the estimates of the Committee of Voters --
can be invalidated. Lech Walesa, among others, is trying to mediate.
The West need not fear that its pressure will inevitably push Ukraine into
Moscow's hands. Millions of people voted for Mr. Yushchenko, who
supported integration with the West, and are now defending their choice.
Even Ukrainian leaders like Mr. Kuchma have for years balanced the east
and west. No Ukrainian president would prefer to be the governor of a
Russian oblast. The U.S. devoted billions of dollars and political capital
to shore up Ukrainian independence, and can call in its chips with Mr.
Kuchma.
As the days go by, Mr. Kuchma must realize that the army and secret
services may become less dependable. A government minister resigned
yesterday. State-run television reporters went on strike to protest the
blatantly biased coverage. Warnings of a civil war are overstated, but
Mr. Kuchma himself raised that spector. The president can still control
events to get out of the mess he created. That may not be true for long.
========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.233: ARTICLE NUMBER FOUR
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4. "THE ADVENTURE AIN'T OVER"
EAST OF THE ODER: By Mircea Geoana
Minister Of Foreign Affairs, Romania
The Wall Street Journal, Friday, November 26, 2004
Fifteen years ago this month, all Europeans rejoiced at the fall of the
Berlin Wall. It triggered the downfall of Communist regimes and the
liberation of Europe from a vicious ideology. My country gained
freedom at a articularly stiff price.
Totalitarianism collapsed because millions of people from both sides of the
Iron Curtain had the will and courage to bring it down. Western democracy's
strength and appeal sustained the hopes and the struggle of those who lived
in the darkness of a closed society.
In the years that followed, America and Western Europe jointly embarked on
the most complex endeavor since the 1919 Paris conference to reintegrate
Central and Eastern Europe with the Western world. This bold vision led to
a historic enlargement of the Euro-Atlantic democratic community. The
integration process inspired profound political and economic reforms
throughout Central and Southeastern Europe.
Yet this advance of security and democracy, the most exciting adventure of
contemporary history, is far from complete. Integration of the Western
Balkans and the greater Black Sea region into the Euro-Atlantic community is
an essential part of this ongoing transformation. The completion of a Europe
whole and free should be the common agenda of Europe and the U.S. for the
remainder of this first decade of the 21st century. Two great challenges
remain.
* First, we must fully integrate the Western Balkans into NATO and the EU.
Albania, Croatia and Macedonia, founding countries of the Adriatic Charter,
are making consistent progress toward joining the North Atlantic Alliance.
In parallel, their closer association with the EU is a must.
* Next year we should also invite Serbia and Montenegro and Bosnia-
Herzegovina into NATO's Partnership for Peace program and, when they
are ready, into the NATO membership track, the Membership Action Plan. A
clear European and Euro-Atlantic perspective for Serbia and Montenegro will
be essential for a lasting and fair resolution of the Kosovo issue.
The positive experience of developing the NATO-EU common approach to
the Western Balkans could serve as a model for the Black Sea region. This
would demonstrate commitment on the part of Euro-Atlantic institutions, send
an encouraging message to reformers in this strategically vital region, and
give democratization a decisive impetus.
. The other challenge is the formulation of a common Euro-Atlantic strategy
for the greater Black Sea region. Geographically and historically, this
region, including the South Caucasus, is inseparable from Europe.
A cradle and crossroads of civilizations as well as an object of conflicts
throughout history, the Black Sea-Caucasus region has now entered a new
historical phase. Its geostrategic location makes the Black Sea an
indispensable part of Euro-Atlantic security and prosperity. That is why it
is so important that we develop the right common strategy.
The advance of freedom and security through the Euro-Atlantic community
has reached that Sea's western shore, with Romania and Bulgaria joining
NATO, along Turkey on the southern shore. Romania and Bulgaria will soon
join the EU, and Turkey aspires to follow.
On the Sea's eastern shore, Georgia has boldly embarked on the path of
reforms toward Euro-Atlantic integration. Armenia and Azerbaijan are also
making progress in expanding cooperation with NATO and the EU. The
Republic of Moldova needs greater constructive attention and engagement
by the US, EU, and NATO. Ukraine , a crucial part of the Black Sea region,
must demonstrate resolve to join the European system of values.
NATO's summit in Istanbul in June took a first important step towards
charting a Black Sea strategy. Highlighting the region's importance, it
signaled NATO's readiness to contribute to regional security and stability.
The alliance's Partnership for Peace program is moving its focus to the
Caucasus and Central Asia. With three NATO allies on its western and
southern shores, the Black Sea must be seen as NATO's immediate
neighborhood. This is key to the success of U.S. and NATO engagement
in Central Asia and Afghanistan, as well as to cooperation with countries in
the broader Middle East.
The European Union must be a major stakeholder in a comprehensive strategy
for the Black Sea region. The EU should apply to the Black Sea region the
same approach of stabilization and association partnerships as it has used
successfully in the Western Balkans.
The recent EU decisions to open a law enforcement mission in Georgia and to
include the South Caucasus countries in the European Neighborhood Policy,
along with Moldova and Ukraine , begin laying the foundation for a more
active EU engagement, one consistent with Europe's Black Sea region in the
future.
The positive experience of developing the NATO-EU common approach to the
Western Balkans could serve as a model for the Black Sea region. This would
demonstrate the commitment of major Euro-Atlantic institutions, send an
encouraging message to Western-oriented reformers in this vital region, and
give new impetus to democratization.
Renewed energy should be devoted to finding lasting solutions for the
"frozen conflicts" in Transdniester, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Karabakh.
The persistence of lawless "black holes" threatens the security of Europe by
spilling over organized crime, human and arms trafficking, and transnational
terrorism. Hands-on NATO-EU-OSCE engagement is crucial to spurring
resolution of these conflicts.
Crucially, we need to develop oil and gas pipelines and transport routes
from the Caspian basin via the Black Sea region to the European Union.
Making full use of the transit potential of the Black Sea region is
essential, both to its economic and democratic development and to
Europe's energy supplies.
All these are also major goals for Romania. My country is determined to
promote this vision as member of NATO and prospective member of the
European Union, as well as from our UN Security Council seat in 2004
and 2005.
In our Black Sea neighborhood there are countries and peoples whose
history we in Romania share, whose challenges in implementing political,
social and economic reforms we have ourselves tackled, whose security
concerns and interests are the same as ours.
Romania benefited from a Western strategy of enlargement in the 1990s.
It is now our turn to work to extend those benefits to our neighbors in the
Black Sea region. Romania will spare no effort in helping the peoples of
these countries to gain access to security and democracy, just as Western
nations helped us during the last decade and a half. -30-
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Mr. Geoana is Romania's minister of foreign affairs.
========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.233: ARTICLE NUMBER FIVE
========================================================
5. PUTIN WARMS TO NEIGHBOR'S OLIGARCHS
FROM breakingviews: edited by Hugo Dixon
The Wall Street Journal, New York, NY, Fri, Nov 26, 2004
The irony is inescapable for anyone who has watched the disembowelment of
Russian oil firm Yukos. Russian President Vladimir Putin declared war on the
oligarchs at home. Yet now he tacitly supports them in the Ukraine . Viktor
Yanukovych, the official winner of the Ukrainian presidential elections and
Moscow's preferred candidate, is closely associated with a number of
Ukrainian oligarchs, such as Rinat Akhmetov. This 38-year-old is the
owner of various oligarchic baubles, such as a football team, as well as
industrial holding company System Capital Management, which includes
steel, media, brewing and coal firms among its assets.
Two reasons explain why Mr. Putin has taken a different approach in the
Ukraine . The first is that Russia's mass privatizations brought forth a new
class of entrepreneurs to form its new oligarchic class. When they wanted
a share of political power, too, Mr. Putin fought back. In Ukraine , by
contrast, privatization spoils were shared out among the old guard and its
associates. In some ways, that made the corruption -- and the oligarchs'
relationship with the government -- more stable. The second reason is that
Mr. Putin is now simply using different means to pursue the same end:
consolidation of Russian state power, only this time beyond the country's
borders.
The chances of financial contagion spreading from this crisis appear to be
small. Ukraine's financial markets are undeveloped. To the East, Russia's
economy is protected by high oil prices. To the West, the Polish zloty --
often a barometer of emerging market sentiment -- so far remains unmoved.
But if Mr. Yanukovych prevails, the Russian way looks set to become the
Ukrainian way, too. For investors there the message will be the same as in
Russia: don't expect free markets and the rule of law, toe the line, and
stick close to those in power. -30- [Action Ukraine Monitoring]
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.233: ARTICLE NUMBER SIX
Your comments about the Report are always welcome
========================================================
6. WORLD NEWS: UKRAINE: DISPUTED VOTE
Ukraine High Court To Rule on Election, Opposition's Fraud
Charges Will Be Heard; Protesters Threaten More Interference
By Guy Chazan in Donetsk, Alan Cullison in Kiev,
Gregory L. White in Moscow and Philip Shishkin in Brussels
Staff Reporters of The Wall Street Journal
The Wall Street Journal, New York, NY, Nov 26, 2004; Page A3
With the streets of Kiev still filled with citizens protesting the nation's
disputed election, Ukraine's Supreme Court suspended certification of the
election results and said that on Monday it will consider opposition charges
that the vote was tainted by massive fraud.
The move left the announced winner, Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych,
unable to formally take office at least until the appeal is decided. Mr.
Yanukovych was declared the winner of Sunday's runoff election by a
margin of about three percentage points.
POLITICAL STANDOFF
Opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko praised the decision, telling tens of
thousands of supporters in downtown Kiev, "This is only the beginning." His
supporters said they would ratchet up their pressure with several measures,
including blocking highways and calling a national strike.
Poland's President Aleksander Kwasniewski said he would head to Kiev at the
request of Ukraine's President, Leonid Kuchma, to help broker negotiations
between the two sides. European Union foreign-policy chief Javier Solana was
also expected to travel to Ukraine for talks.
Meanwhile, at a summit in The Hague, Russian President Vladimir Putin and
leaders of the EU, who have sparred over the election results this week,
failed to agree on a "strategic partnership" deal as differences remained
over security and Russia's role in its neighbors' politics.
Dutch Prime Minister Jan Peter Balkenende, whose country holds the EU's
rotating presidency, said the two sides see different paths for Ukraine to
reach a stable and democratic future.
"The approach routes to reaching this particular issue differ between Russia
and the EU, but we do agree that a peaceful approach to the setting up of a
legitimate government is essential," he said.
Mr. Putin, who had backed Mr. Yanukovych and has lashed out at critics of
the vote, said all claims relating to the election should be settled by the
courts. "We have no moral right to push a big European state to any kind of
massive disorder," he said.
The rift on the streets of Ukraine epitomizes a broader divide now emerging
across Eastern Europe, the sharpest in the region since the fall of the
Berlin Wall 15 years ago.
On one side are countries that see themselves clearly as part of the West
and embrace the universal democratic values that go with it. On the other is
a group of regimes coalescing around a Russia that uses the rhetoric of
democracy but views elections more as a means to legitimize what those in
power decide.
"There's a different understanding about free and fair elections" between
the West and Russia, said Estonian Foreign Minister Kristiina Ojuland.
"That's a very philosophical disagreement."
The European Union's acceptance of eight new members in Eastern Europe this
spring has brought the division into sharp focus, emphasizing the gulf that
has opened up between Western-oriented countries such as Poland and Hungary
and others such as Ukraine and Russia that may have once aspired to join the
EU but now seem to be deliberately turning their back on Europe. Unlike the
superpower-imposed division of Europe of the Cold War, the roots of this
divide go back into centuries of political, ethnic and, in some cases,
religious tradition.
Partly as a result, market economic reforms in the Western-oriented
countries have reinforced the development of democratic institutions, while
in the others economic liberalization hasn't delivered the democratic
transformations that many hoped for during the 1990s.
The situation in Ukraine , a nation of about the same area as France with a
population of 50 million, has turned into the most serious clash between
Western and Russian interests in years. On Wednesday, U.S. Secretary of
State Colin Powell decried the election results as illegitimate because of
massive fraud and refused to recognize them.
Complicating the EU and U.S. position is the reality that while both see
Ukraine as a strategic buffer against a resurgent Russia and would like to
see the country facing westward, Kiev is known for Byzantine politics and
corruption. As a result, Ukraine didn't get the clear timetable for joining
the EU that its Western neighbors did.
"The worst thing is uncertainty, is this limbo," outgoing Ukrainian
President Leonid Kuchma said in April as he begged a gathering of
European leaders in Warsaw to end the suspense over the possibility
of EU membership.
Economically, Ukraine is bound to Russia. Its steel mills and coal mines
were vital parts of the Soviet industrial machine. Efforts to attract
Western investors have foundered, while Russia's magnates are eager to
pump capital into their neighbor.
But for many in Ukraine the political influence Moscow is seeking along with
the economic ties is unwelcome. Mr. Putin has steadily eroded many of the
mechanisms through which people make themselves heard in democratic
systems.
In Russia, national media have come under state control and slavishly toed
the government line. Opposition groups have been crushed by government
pressure, their place taken by Potemkin parties engineered by the Kremlin.
Once-vibrant regional elections are being replaced with appointments from
Moscow.
Mr. Putin insists he is committed to building a democracy, but the plans
need to be customized. "Every state seeks to find the most acceptable way
for democratic institutions to function," Mr. Putin told journalists last
week. "These democratic institutions need to be based on historical
experience, tradition, and on the level of development."
International observers blasted Mr. Putin's re-election campaign this year
as falling short of Western standards. They cited widespread bias in the
state media in favor of Mr. Putin and voting irregularities, including
suspiciously high turnout figures in some regions.
Those are many of the same criticisms Western capitals have leveled at
Sunday's elections in Ukraine . The Kremlin sent a number of advisers to
Ukraine to help with the Yanukovych campaign, and Mr. Putin traveled
to the country twice to endorse his candidate.
Since Sunday's vote, Ukraine has split along its historical fault line
between the east, which for centuries was part of Russia, and the West, a
border land that went back and forth between Polish, Austro-Hungarian and
Soviet control, all the while preserving the Ukrainian language. The results
show there is almost no middle ground -- each region voted overwhelmingly
for its candidate. Kiev, the capital, is firmly in Yushchenko
territory. -30- [The Action Ukraine Report Monitoring Service]
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Write to Guy Chazan at guy.chazan@wsj.com, Alan Cullison at
alan.cullison@wsj.com, Gregory L. White at greg.white@wsj.com and
Philip Shishkin at philip.shishkin@wsj.com.
========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.233: ARTICLE NUMBER SEVEN
Your comments about the Report are always welcome
========================================================
7. CHALLENGE: THE BATTLE FOR UKRAINE
OP-ED: By Yuliya Tymoshenko
Former Deputy Prime Minister of Ukraine
Daily Times, Lahore, Pakistan, Friday, November 26, 2004
We will stand firm in the cold and the snow to see that our democratic
choices are respected. Ukrainians have endured the worst that man can do:
Stalin's orchestrated famines and the Nazi slaughterhouse. So do not doubt
our ability to endure and stand firm. We shall persist, and our democracy
shall prevail. Stand with us
The old axioms are true: firmness can pay; resolution can see you through.
We who are struggling to maintain our democracy in Ukraine believe this.
Now, more than ever, we must believe this, for Russian troops wearing
Ukrainian uniforms have entered our country, because Ukrainian soldiers are
refusing to carry out orders to crush those who are demonstrating to defend
our democracy. We will need the solidarity of our neighbours, and of
freedom-loving peoples around the world, to assure that our democratic
dreams are realised in peace.
The struggle to secure the victory of Viktor Yushchenko, the true winner in
last Sundays presidential election, as Ukraine's new president is not one
that we sought. But, that battle for our freedom having been imposed upon
us, we will not be found wanting in either courage or resolve.
The days and nights ahead will be difficult, and the secret presence of
Russian troops will make them all the more dangerous. The forces of Prime
Minister Viktor Yanukovich foolishly stuffed ballots and intimidated the
countrys electoral commission to an absurd degree. They then tried to force
the Ukrainian people to swallow this shamthreatening to ban public
gatherings, close our borders to new visa seekers, and silence any word of
our protests on television.
More and more members of a governmental machine that thought it could
impose a fraudulent election on Ukraine's people are shying away from
imposing that choice by force. Members of the army, the security services,
and government officials are all balking at doing the bidding of the
Yanukovich clique. Such a volatile ruling elite cannot be counted on to be
consistent from now on.
The way ahead is a minefield. We recognise that an unstable government can
swing back to uncompromising intransigence. It will try to erode our support
by infiltrating our protests with loyalists who will carry the virus of
defeatism, and it will seek to outflank us by appealing to ordinary,
hard-working Ukrainians, worried about feeding and clothing their children,
that a tottering economy needs stability to be saved. It will try to divide
the country between Russian and Ukrainian speakers.
But it is too late for divide-and-misrule strategies to work. Ukrainians
know that the choice they make now, that their decision to stand firm with
Viktor Yushchenko today, will determine their freedom forever, as well as
the health of their nation's independence as well as its economic strength.
Sowe will stand firm in the cold and the snow to see that our democratic
choices are respected. To do otherwise is to surrender not only our freedom,
but also our hopes for better lives.
We defy those who seek to corrupt our democracy, but we stand with the hand
of friendship extended to all of our neighbours, including Russia. It has no
reason to intervene. A vibrant Ukrainian democracy will need the comradeship
of Russia and of Europe to build the kind of society that our people desire.
Our boldness is tinged by realism. By securing our democracy, we help secure
Russia's own.
We are engaged not in revolution but in peaceful, democratic evolution.
Ukrainians have endured the worst that man can do to his fellow man:
Stalin's orchestrated famines of the 1930s and the Nazi slaughterhouse
of World War II. So do not doubt our ability to endure and stand firm.
We shall persist, and our democracy shall prevail. Stand with us.DT-PS
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
Yuliya Tymoshenko, a former deputy prime minister of Ukraine, is the
co-chairman with Viktor Yushchenko, of Ukraine's political opposition
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=story_26-11-2004_pg3_7
=========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.233: ARTICLE NUMBER EIGHT
Your comments about the Report are always welcome
=========================================================
8. "THE MILLIONAIRE REVOLUTIONARY"
She has been a powerful voice during this week's protests
in Kiev. But who is Yulia Tymoshenko? James Meek reports
By James Meek, The Guardian
London, UK, Friday November 26, 2004
Had she been an international tennis star, a Hollywood actress or a
supermodel, Yulia Tymoshenko's face would have long been familiar from
a thousand front pages and magazine covers. As a woman who in the space
of a few years has merely managed to become a multi-billionaire and deputy
prime minister of one of Europe's largest countries, however, she has
remained - until recently - obscure to the world.
Throughout this week's protests against election fraud in Kiev, Tymoshenko
has appeared at the right-hand side of the opposition leader, Viktor
Yushchenko. Arm in arm, they make a noble couple. Yushchenko's face,
ravaged by a mysterious illness - rumoured to be deliberate poisoning by his
enemies - looks at once wise, tough and vulnerable next to the demure,
delicate Tymoshenko, in her unadorned fur coat. Her hair is neatly parted
and bound with a plait against the back of her head in conscious emulation
of the traditional style of Ukrainian peasant girls. In one particularly
revealing image (right), the round, rosy face of the former speaker of the
Ukrainian parliament, Ivan Plyushch, appears over Yushchenko's shoulder
like some jovial uncle from the home village.
But Tymoshenko's peasant look is somewhat misleading. She is in fact a very
wealthy woman, who gained her fortune in highly debated circumstances
before entering politics. She made the transition from a member of Ukraine's
disliked new moneyed elite to a skilled marshal of the anger of the public
square three years ago, when she mounted an energetic, if ultimately
unsuccessful, campaign to topple the increasingly loathed president, Leonid
Kuchma. Her original entry into politics came earlier, in the mid-1990s; but
her Hromada party was seen then as only one of a rash of factions cynically
created by the new tycoons to advance their business interests.
In recent days, Tymoshenko has put her street protest experience to good use
on behalf of Yushchenko and the massed crowds of protesters on Kiev's
Independence Square and its broad central street, Kreshchatik. Indeed some,
like Yuri Boldyrev, a former independent MP turned political analyst, say
that she is the hardliner in the opposition leadership, the least willing to
compromise and the one most ready to push the authorities to the limit. "She
is an iron lady, a serious woman, the real force behind [Yushchenko]," says
Boldyrev.
It was Tymoshenko whose oratory put fire in the bellies of a column of
demonstrators, sending them marching up the steep slope from Kreshchatik
towards the government district, right up to the presidential office on
Bankova Street. It was Tymoshenko who, when opposition marchers closed
on the ranks of riot police barring the way to the presidential office
earlier
this week, urged the police to make the perilous mental leap from defenders
of the status quo to rebels. "Be on the side of citizens of Ukraine!" she
called through a loudhailer, before posting carnations through their police
shields. "I ask you to support the people and the president elected by the
people!" And it was Tymoshenko who, in the end, accepted the police offer to
slip through the lines for consultations with the authorities, assuring them
that the protesters wouldn't break anything. But who is Tymoshenko? Is she
the dedicated champion of free-market values, Ukrainian independence and
European liberal ideals she and her supporters would claim her to be? Or is
she a darker, more compromised figure, whose own record might tarnish an
opposition victory?
Few would question her personal charisma, or the iron will that has enabled
her to become, at 44, one of the central figures in a Ukrainian political
and business world that is otherwise dominated by men. Ukraine is not a
straightforwardly patriarchal society, but the power of women has
traditionally been exercised in the personal, domestic sphere.
Certainly Tymoshenko is not renowned for her modesty. On her personal
website, browsers are in vited to check the boxes in a poll (in English, as
well as in Ukrainian). "In what position will Yulia Tymoshenko's activity be
most effective?" the poll asks. There are four options: "President", "prime
minister", "parliamentary speaker", and "other". Elsewhere on the site there
are picture of her husband Olexander and her daughter Yevgeniya, who
studied politics at the London School of Economics.
Tymoshenko was born in 1960 in Dnipropetrovsk, one of the arsenals
of Soviet totalitarianism, a Russian-speaking eastern city in a sea of
Ukrainian-speaking villages. She trained as an economist. The city has a
political heritage, and was the power base both of Leonid Brezhnev and of
Ukraine's president for the past 10 years, Kuchma. Kuchma first arrived in
Kiev pulling a long train of friends from Dnipropetrovsk behind him.
Tymoshenko benefited from this connection through her acquaintance with
Pavlo Lazarenko, who became Ukraine's prime minister in 1996.
Lazarenko claimed to have a plan that would solve Ukraine's perpetual
energy crisis - the fact that factories were not able to pay for Russian
gas.
He set up a network of regional gas monopolies which supplied gas to
companies in exchange for whatever those companies had to offer: cash,
goods, or shares. One of the biggest beneficiaries of this system was a
company set up and run by Tymoshenko, United Energy System.
These were heady times for the hungry young tycoon. According to
Matthew Brzezinski's 2001 book Casino Moscow, which devotes a
chapter to Tymoshenko entitled The Eleven Billion Dollar Woman, she
was guarded by an entire platoon of ex-Soviet special forces bodyguards.
She once sent a plane to collect Brzezinski from Moscow, fly him to
Dnipropetrovsk to meet her for lunch, and drop him off back at Moscow
in the evening. When Brzezinski said he didn't want to tie up the company
plane, Tymoshenko said: "Don't worry. I have four of them."
According to Brzezinski, as a result of Lazarenko's patronage, "Tymoshenko
gained control over nearly 20% of Ukraine's gross national product, an
enviable position that probably no other private company in the world
could boast."
Her rapid rise, and her friendship with Lazarenko, would later return to
haunt her. Lazarenko fell from favour, was sacked amid accusations of
corruption in 1997, and fled Ukraine. In June this year, he was convicted of
money-laundering and extortion in California. At first, Tymoshenko was able
to distance herself from the scandal - in the short-lived premiership of
Yushchenko, she became deputy prime minister - but as her relationship with
Kuchma cooled, she became drawn into the scandal. She was accused of
having given Lazarenko kickbacks in exchange for her company's stranglehold
on the country's gas supplies. It is an accusation she has always denied,
although Brzezinski maintains it is true. "The US government has evidence
of wire transfers from her to Lazarenko personally while he was PM," he
told me yesterday.
Whatever the truth of the gas saga, the vast personal enrichment of
Tymoshenko when so many ordinary Ukrainians were going poor and
hungry made her unpopular in the late 1990s. Her redemption began
only with her fall from power. In February 2001 she was arrested by
the authorities on charges of corruption, and put in prison for a month.
Once the charges were dropped, she led a street-level campaign against
President Kuchma for his alleged role in the murder of the journalist
Georgi Gongadze. The following year she was in a mysterious car
accident that almost killed her - an episode some believe may have been
a government assassination attempt. But while for the time being she is
proving a great and popular rebel leader, no one really knows what
she stands for.
This time around, there is a sense that Tymoshenko is determined to push
and tug the crowds into finishing the job against the Kuchma regime and its
appointed successors. Yesterday, she told the crowd in Independence
Square that the opposition would blockade the centres of power in Kiev:
"We are launching a siege of the authorities."
"She's charming, she's good-looking, she says all the right things - but
don't let any of that fool you," says Brzezinski. "She's a pretty tough
cookie. " [Additional reporting by Nick Paton Walsh] -30-
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
LINK: http://www.guardian.co.uk/g2/story/0,,1359986,00.html
=======================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.233: ARTICLE NUMBER NINE
Suggested articles for publication in the Report are always welcome
=======================================================
9. "UKRAINE'S REVOLT GAINS STEAM"
By Mark MacKinnon, Globe and Mail
Toronto, Ontario, Canada, Friday, Nov 26, 2004
KIEV - Ukraine's popular revolt gathered momentum yesterday as police
and military units defected to the opposition camp. A national television
channel admitted broadcasting state propaganda in the past and promised
to start covering events "fairly."
In another potentially crucial development, the Supreme Court blocked the
Central Election Commission's certification of Prime Minister Viktor
Yanukovich as winner of Sunday's disputed presidential election, saying it
would hear opposition complaints of vote-rigging on Monday.
"This is only the beginning," opposition candidate Viktor Yushchenko told
hundreds of thousands of supporters in Kiev's Independence Square. "It is
proof that it is society that always wins. It is small compensation for the
suffering that we have endured." The largest crowd in five days of protests
sang Ukrainian folk songs and enjoyed a fireworks celebration in the square
last night.
Mr. Yushchenko says he won the vote, and took a symbolic oath of office
this week. His supporters, who blame the current government for massive
corruption and declining freedom, say they want Ukraine to be a "normal"
country capable of joining the European Union.
Supreme Court appointments were approved by a parliament loyal at the time
to Mr. Yanukovich and outgoing President Leonid Kuchma, but the judges
have shown an independent streak in the past. They sided with the opposition
several times in the legal wrangling that preceded Sunday's runoff vote.
"I say it's 50-50 which way they will go," said Vitaly Kravchenko, a Kiev
lawyer who took part in protests on Mr. Yushchenko's side outside parliament
last night.
"They can either go with the stream, with the people, or move against it.
With this many people in the streets, it's probably easier to go with the
stream."
The court's announcement seemed to rattle Mr. Yanukovich, who appeared on
television to complain about outside pressure on Ukraine. Canada, the United
States and the EU have refused to recognize the pro-Russian Mr. Yanukovich
as the winner.
"The Central Election Commission has made its decision," said Mr.
Yanukovich, visibly tense and referring to himself as president. "I believe
that resolving issues in the street, appeals to resolve matters through
pressure or revolution, are a deviation from the very democratic norms
advocated by countries making declarations at the moment."
Polish President Aleksander Kwasniewski, who has agreed to act as a mediator
in the standoff, was to arrive in Kiev today for talks with Mr. Kuchma. Lech
Walesa, the union leader who led Poland's struggle to topple its Communist
regime in the 1980s, told Yushchenko supporters yesterday that their
protests would succeed.
The court's announcement was greeted by an explosion of applause from
pro-Yushchenko forces, who roamed the streets of Kiev at will and took
control of the city centre last night.
At Independence Square, about 60 policemen took the stage to say the
capital city's police force would refuse any order to clear the streets.
"Dear brothers and sisters, our calling is not to serve the government,
but to serve you," one officer said before removing his fur hat and
kneeling to kiss a Ukrainian flag he had brought. Military units and
police forces in western Ukraine made similar declarations.
Mr. Yushchenko's support is strongest in the Europe-oriented west, while
official results show the pro-Russian east and the Crimea peninsula in the
south overwhelmingly supported Mr. Yanukovich.The apparent division has
led to fears of violence, with both sides warning the country could slide
into
civil war. Mr. Yushchenko's supporters discourage the notion that Ukraine is
split along ethnic and geographic lines. They say Mr. Yanukovich's apparent
support base in the east has been manufactured by state propaganda.
The argument got a boost yesterday when a leading television network, 1+1,
announced that its pro-Yanukovich news editor had been fired and that in the
future the station would broadcast "complete" information "in accordance
with professional standards of journalism." Previously, only Channel 5
television had given the opposition extensive coverage. Its reach was
limited to western Ukraine.
Observers from the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe
have said Sunday's voting was marred by suspiciously high turnouts,
dismissals of poll clerks and intimidation of voters. Reported turnouts in
the east were suspiciously high, they said. Trying to stay on the offensive,
Mr. Yushchenko's fiery deputy, Yulia Tymoshenko, led supporters in a
march last night to surround government buildings.
Opposition supporters also occupied universities, as well as an exhibition
hall that became the headquarters of a newly formed National Salvation
Committee - in effect a rival government that began issuing decrees
yesterday. Ms. Tymoshenko said major highways would be blocked today
as part of a planned national strike. Mine and factory bosses in the east,
however, promised the country's industrial heartland would continue to
work as normal.
Ukraine's central bank promised to support banks against mass currency
withdrawals after some said they had seen a run on deposits even before the
election, Reuters reported. -30- [Action Ukraine Report Monitoring]
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
LINK: http://www.theglobeandmail.com
=========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 233: ARTICLE NUMBER TEN
Letters to the editor are always welcome
=========================================================
10. RANT: UKRAINE'S UNSPOKEN POLITICAL CONFRONTATION
By Peter Lavelle, Analyst,
Untimely Thoughts, Vol 2 no 157 (204)
Moscow, Russia, November 25, 2004
Did Ukraine's presidential runoff fail last Sunday? Yes. Do a lot of
Ukrainians feel betrayed? Yes. Has democracy in Ukraine been put to
the test and failed. Most probably yes. However, almost no one in
Western media has considered the unspoken political confrontation in
play in Ukraine. Hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians have discovered
political activism, while a small number of oligarch clans maneuver to
continue their grip over Ukraine's economy and politics.
"It's the economy, stupid" and not democracy that is at the center of
Ukraine's present turmoil.
Western media and politicians want the world to know they know best
for Ukraine's democracy. However, few of the same pundits know
much about what makes politics tick in Ukraine. The lecturing from the
West will have the world believe Viktor Yushchenko, Viktor
Yanukovych, and Leonid Kuchma are the real and most important
players in Ukraine's political drama. This is not the case. Other names
and oligarchic empires are those really calling the shots. Yulia
Timoshenko has spun herself as a democrat, but in fact is an oligarch.
Rinat Ahmetov and Semyon Mogilevitch, almost never mentioned in
the context of Ukraine's current political travails, are also oligarchs.
These three and few others are behind Ukraine's politics - they are in
competition to control the country's economy.
Viktor Yushchenko may have been popularly elected as president on
Sunday, but he is no angel or an icon of Western transparency. A
politician called a "fresh start" in the West is accused of stealing over
$120 million from the National Bank. He may be an economic reformer,
but there are questions surrounding his tenure as central bank governor.
The "savior" of Ukraine's democracy is also believed by some to have
twisted the General Prosecutor's arm to drop charges against a one
Timoshenko on charges of fraud and embezzlement of $2 billion related
to Russian natural gas contracts.
Timoshenko and her oligarchic clan have primary economic interests in
western Ukraine. It is not surprising she has thrown her support behind
Yushchenko. The Timoshenko clan is in sharp competition with the
eastern oligarch clan controlled by Rinat Ahmetov - supporting the
political ambitions of Yanukovych. With Ukraine's economy, primarily
in the east, experiencing very respectable growth and prospects Ahmetov
is a kingpin that cannot be ignored.
Semyon Mogilevitch and his group are players as well. Having a strong
hold on Kuchma, he is attempting to mediate the interests of the western
and eastern oligarch clans. His interest in politics is to keep oligarchy
alive and well in Ukraine.
Speaking of oligarchs, the evil one Boris Berezovsky is believed to have
invested considerable sums in the Yushchenko campaign. Berezovsky,
exiled Russian oligarch who has never made a dime by creating wealth,
most likely hopes to engage in asset stripping in Ukraine if his man
becomes president. Of course Berezovsky is also doing anything he can
that could damage Vladimir Putin's political agenda. Other Russian
oligarchs are eying the same opportunity - backing Yushchenko to seal
assets from the Ahmetov clan and other competing business conglomerates
What is the point of this short rant? The public outcry to defend Ukraine's
democracy is being used to protect and promote the "oligarchic turf war"
in Ukraine. The vast majority of Western commentary has no idea what the
reality is on the ground in Ukraine. The vast majority is convinced that
politics and the future of Ukraine's democracy, as well as the country's
geopolitical orientation, are at stake. This is an illusion, with the West
believing its own PR about democracy to reassure itself has nothing to
do with the fate of the average Ukrainian.
Defending democracy is something most of us agree with. However,
most commenting on Ukraine's democracy have little, if any, idea how
the concept of democracy is being used to promote and protect the very
specific and selfish financial interests of the few.
Western commentators should do a little research about what they write
about. They tell us the Cold War has returned and Russia is the enemy
again. They tell us everything is black and white. They us that everyone
in the world should be like us. By doing so, they completely distort what
is happening in Ukraine.
Is my commentary all sour grapes? It is for you to decide. For me, almost
everything written about the political struggle in Ukraine misses the point.
In my opinion, it is a tragedy when the idea of democracy is used to
promote a small group of oligarchs at the expense of the people who
actually believe in the idea. The outside meddlers should also be put on
notice for missing the plot being played out in the streets of Ukraine. (I
truly thank A.L. for the recent exchange of emails on this subject).
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
Peter Lavelle is a Moscow-based analyst working in the areas of financial
analysis, public relations and business consulting. A former academic in the
field of Eastern European and Russian history, he is also a freelance writer
and has written for the Moscow Times, Transitions Online, RFE/RL,
Prime-TASS and Asia Times Online, as well as other publications.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
Untimely Thoughts; http://www.untimely-thoughts.com
Vol 2 no 157 (204) Rant on Ukr, Nov 26, 2004
By Peter Lavelle, plavelle@untimely-thoughts.com
LINK: http://www.untimely-thoughts.com/?art=1082
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