"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT"
An International Newsletter
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis, and Commentary
"The Art of Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World"
"WE HAVE GOTTEN A NEW COUNTRY"
We have realized that we are a European Nation
"Ukrainian opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko praised thousands
of cheering supporters Wednesday for their weeks of protest against
electoral fraud, saying "we have gotten a new country." Yushchenko
told a roaring crowd of tens of thousands "We have realized that we
are a European nation." [article number one]
"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT" Year 04, Number 253
The Action Ukraine Coalition (AUC), Washington, D.C.
Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA), Huntingdon Valley, PA
morganw@patriot.net, ArtUkraine.com@starpower.net (ARTUIS)
Washington, D.C., Kyiv, Ukraine, WEDNESDAY, December 8, 2004
-----INDEX OF ARTICLES-----
"Major International News Headlines and Articles"
1. UKRAINE'S YUSHCHENKO ASSERTS WE HAVE A NEW COUNTY
Associated Press, Kiev, Ukraine, Wed, December 8, 2004
2. UNITED STATES SAYS CHANGES BY UKRAINE PARLIAMENT
A VICTORY FOR THE PEOPLE OF UKRAINE
Dow Jones Newswires, New York, NY, Wed, December 8, 2004
3. STANDOFF IN UKRAINE
Brief chronology of events leading up to the current crisis
The Wall Street Journal, New York, NY, Wed, December 8, 2004
4. DETAILS OF UKRAINIAN CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1004 gmt 8 Dec 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Thu, Dec. 8, 2004
5. UKRAINIAN PARLIAMENT APPOINTS NEW ELECTORAL BODY
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1100 gmt 8 Dec 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Thu, December 8, 2004
6.YANUKOVYCH DOUBTS NEW CEC TO HOLD ELECTION HONESTLY
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Wed, December 8, 2004 (16:50)
7. UKRAINE'S PROSECUTOR GENERAL HENNADII VASYLIEV
TENDERS HIS RESIGNATION
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Wed, December 8, 2004
8. RUSSIAN ENVOY STILL BACKS YANUKOVYCH IN UKRAINE
REUTERS, Astana, Kazakhstan, Wed, December 8, 2004
9. POLAND'S EFFORTS IN UKRAINE DRIVEN BY FEAR
OF RUSSIAN IMPERIALISM
Agence France Presse (AFP), Warsaw, Poland, Tue, Dec 7, 2004
10. PRO-KUCHMA CAMP CONTINUES TO DISINTEGRATE
By Taras Kuzio, Eurasia Daily Monitor
Volume 1, Issue 142, The Jamestown Foundation
Washington, D.C., Wednesday, December 8
11. UKRAINE PRESENTS A MEMBERSHIP QUANDARY
FOR THE EUROPEAN UNION
By Marc Champion and Alan Cullison
Staff Reporters of The Wall Street Journal
The Wall Street Journal, New York, NY, Dec 8, 2004; Page A11
12. UKRAINE'S ELECTIONS: NEXT STEPS
STATEMENT BY THE HONORABLE CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH
U.S. House International Relations Committee
Hearing on Ukraine, U.S. House of Representatives
Washington, D.C., Tue, December 7, 2004
13. WHEREVER THE BUCK STOPS, IT'S NOT HERE!
OP-ED: by Dr. Bohdan Vitvitsky
The Ukrainian Weekly, Ukrainian National Association
Parsippany, New Jersey, Sunday, December 5, 2004
14. "INTO PUTIN'S SOUL"
OP-ED By Stephan Vitvitsky, Tufts Daily,
Tufts University, Medford, Massachusetts, Tue, Dec 07, 2004
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 253: ARTICLE NUMBER ONE
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1.UKRAINE'S YUSHCHENKO ASSERTS WE HAVE A NEW COUNTY
Associated Press, Kiev, Ukraine, Wed, December 8, 2004
KIEV - Ukrainian opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko praised thousands
of cheering supporters Wednesday for their weeks of protest against
electoral fraud, saying "we have gotten a new country." Yushchenko told a
roaring crowd of tens of thousands "We have realized that we are a European
nation."
Yushchenko's supporters, who had surrounded Ukraine 's parliament building
and blockaded other key structures in downtown Kiev, broke into chants of
"Well done! Well done!" as the leader took the podium.
He praised them for their efforts in helping pass electoral reform -a key
victory in the so-called "Orange Revolution." "We will remember these days
as the best in our lives," he said, describing the 17 days of peaceful civic
resistance. He thanked the police and military for not resorting to force
against the protesters.
"I want to thank the people in uniform that in this time of trials, they
were together with the people," he said. "Thank you for not putting your
fingers on the trigger."
Yushchenko spoke after Ukraine 's parliament adopted electoral and
constitutional changes in a compromise intended to defuse the nation's
political crisis.
The vote came as a surprise after days of political maneuvering and massive
street protests following the disputed Nov. 21 presidential runoff election.
It suggested that Yushchenko's camp had determined that the prolonged
unrest could ultimately weaken the country and his own position ahead of
a Dec. 26 rerun of that vote. The package was approved in a 402-21
vote with 19 abstentions.
Lawmakers stood and cheered as President Leonid Kuchma signed the
measure, which would limit the powers of the new president - as he had
demanded. "Today was the day for critical compromise," a jubilant
Yushchenko said after the laws passed. "Tomorrow could have been
too late."
The U.S. and other Western governments praised the decision, coming
after a tense two weeks of round-the-clock street protests in Kiev.
"Ukrainian and Russian authorities are hearing a clear message from
North America and Europe, in diplomatic stereo - and that stereo sound
makes a difference," Powell said in Brussels, where he was attending
NATO talks. "And what do we say? Let the people decide."
The European Union's foreign policy chief, Javier Solana, congratulated
"all sides on the crucial decisions that were taken today" in a letter
obtained by The Associated Press.
President Kuchma said "Over the last 100 years, Ukraine has more than
once suffered through a crisis, but there was always enough common
sense to find a way out and a decision."
Campaigning in eastern Ukraine , Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych,
the Kremlin-backed presidential candidate whose support in Ukraine is
slipping away, said he was "not happy" with parliament's decision. He
described it as a "soft coup d' etat." "All the decisions were made under
pressure," Yanukovych said, apparently referring to opposition protests.
The opposition planned to end its blockades of government buildings
Wednesday evening, said Socialist Party leader Oleksandr Moroz, a
key Yushchenko ally.
Yushchenko's camp had pushed strongly for electoral changes to close
loopholes for fraud ahead of the new vote, but they had resisted the
constitutional changes, which would transfer some presidential powers
to parliament.
A group of communist, socialist and pro-government factions in parliament
agreed to the electoral changes on condition they were voted together with
the constitutional changes. In the final version approved Wednesday, the
president no longer has the power to appoint his own government, but
keeps the right to reject parliamentary nominees for the top three
positions - prime minister, foreign minister and defense minister.
Parliament also earns the right to appoint all other Cabinet positions
without presidential approval.
To prevent electoral fraud in the new ballot, restrictions were placed on
absentee voting. Also, Kuchma said he accepted the resignation of the
prosecutor general, a key opposition demand.
The parliament returned after a brief recess and began to reshuffle the
Central Election Commission, which had declared Yanukovych the winner
of the runoff that was marred by allegations of fraud, beginning Ukraine's
crisis. Lawmakers voted to oust the election commission's chief, Serhiy
Kivalov, and a decision to nominate him was met with shouts of "Shame!"
by Yushchenko supporters. -30- [Action Ukraine Monitoring Service]
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.253: ARTICLE NUMBER TWO
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2. UNITED STATES SAYS CHANGES BY UKRAINE PARLIAMENT
A VICTORY FOR THE PEOPLE OF UKRAINE
Dow Jones Newswires, New York, NY, Wed, December 8, 2004
NEW YORK -- The U.S. State Department said election measures
approved Wednesday by the Ukraine Parliament are "a victory for
the people of Ukraine."
Spokesman J. Adam Ereli said the Ukrainian people, through their
institutions, helped resolve a crisis from the disputed presidential run-off
election last month "and put the country on a path towards responding
to the will of the people."
According to a transcript of a news briefing, Ereli said the U.S. hoped
and expected that the new run-off election for president on Dec. 26
would be "freely conducted."
He praised European leaders who had helped mediate a resolution.
Ereli announced that the U.S. would be "spending an additional $3 million"
to help support 100 U.S. observers who would monitor the upcoming vote.
Earlier Wednesday, Ukraine 's parliament adopted electoral and
constitutional changes in a compromise intended to defuse the nation's
political crisis. -30- [The Action Ukraine Report Monitoring Service]
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.253: ARTICLE NUMBER THREE
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3. STANDOFF IN UKRAINE
Brief chronology of events leading up to the current crisis
The Wall Street Journal, New York, NY, Wed, December 8, 2004 .
NEW YORK- Ukraine 's presidential election has boiled down to a
closely fought battle of wills between Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych
-- who has the support of both the Kremlin and outgoing President Leonid
Kuchma -- and pro-Western reformer Viktor Yushchenko, a former prime
minister credited with halting the nation's economic collapse.
Here's a brief chronology of events leading up to the current crisis:
Spring 2004 -- It becomes clear that Mr. Kuchma, who has struggled during
his time in office to increase the powers of the president, will not be
running for re-election. Messrs. Yushchenko and Yanokovych are the leading
candidates to succeed him.
September -- Mr. Yushchenko develops facial lesions and pancreatitis,
briefly stops campaigning and accuses his political opponents of poisoning
him. His opponents suggest he ate some bad sushi. Medical tests are
inconclusive.
October -- Opposition lawmaker Yuriy Karmazin claims Mr. Kuchma's allies
are plotting to assassinate Mr. Yanukovych as an excuse for declaring an
emergency and postponing the election. In a government-owned warehouse,
Yushchenko supporters find millions of anti-Yushchenko posters. Mr.
Yanukovych's campaign acknowledges that the posters, which breach Ukrainian
election laws but were never distributed, were found on government property
but says they had no connection to Mr. Yanukovych.
Oct. 31 -- Messrs. Yushchenko and Yanukovych and 22 other candidates
face off at the ballot box. After the counting ends and results are
confirmed,
more than a week later, Mr. Yushchenko is ahead by 0.5 percentage point.
Because no candidate has more than 50% of the vote, a one-on-one runoff is
scheduled for the end of November.
Nov. 21 -- Runoff-election day. Mr. Yanukovych claims victory, though exit
polls show Mr. Yushchenko winning. Western observers call the vote rigged,
with the U.S. and the EU calling for investigations. Moscow calls it valid.
Yushchenko supporters begin a vigil in Kiev's main square.
Nov. 23 -- As thousands of backers remain stationed in a tent city in
central Kiev despite cold and snow, Mr. Yushchenko takes symbolic oath of
office before Parliament. Mr. Kuchma, speaking for the first time in two
days, invited Messrs. Yushchenko and Yanukovych to talk.
Nov. 24 -- Ukraine 's Central Election Commission declares Mr.
Yanukovych the winner. Secretary of State Colin Powell says the U.S.
considers the results illegitimate.
Nov. 25 -- Ukraine 's Supreme Court suspends certification of the election
results.
Nov. 26 -- Messrs. Yanukovych, Yushchenko and Kuchma meet for talks
in Kiev.
Nov. 27 -- Parliament declares the vote invalid and passes a vote of
no-confidence in the Central Election Commission, which counted the votes.
Mr. Yanukovych leaves Kiev and travels to his power base in Donetsk, in
eastern Ukraine .
Nov. 28 -- Supporters of Mr. Yanukovych in southern and eastern Ukraine
schedule a vote on self-rule for Dec. 5. Donetsk later postpones its vote
until January while a second vote, in Kharkiv, is cancelled.
Nov. 29 -- Ukraine 's high court begins a hearing on challenges to the
election results.
Nov. 30 -- Pro-Yanukovych lawmakers block no-confident vote in the
prime minister. Yushchenko supporters, in response, break off talks on a
compromise. Court hearings continue.
Dec. 1 -- Ukraine 's parliament passes a vote of no-confidence, bringing
down Mr. Yanukovych's government. International mediators gather in Kiev
discuss a resolution. Mr. Kuchma calls for an entirely new election, while
Mr. Yanukovych asks the court to declare the runoff results invalid.
Thursday, Dec. 2 -- Mr. Kuchma travels to Moscow for discussions with
President Putin, who says a revote would be a bad idea.
Friday, Dec. 3 -- Supreme Court rules the runoff election results invalid
and calls for a new vote, specifying a Dec. 26 date but not specifying
whether the entire election should be redone or just the two-candidate
runoff.
Saturday, Dec. 4 -- Parliament blocks legislation intended to avert fraud in
the new presidential runoff.
Tuesday, Dec. 7 -- The political rivals agree on legislation to ensure a
fair vote but continue to argue over constitutional amendments trimming
presidential powers, called for by a coalition of communists, socialists and
pro-government factions.
Wednesday, Dec. 8 -- Parliament adopts electoral reforms and constitutional
changes in the power of the president, prompting opposition leaders to say
they planned to lift a blockade of government buildings. -30-
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 253: ARTICLE NUMBER FOUR
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4. DETAILS OF UKRAINIAN CONSTITUTIONAL EFORM
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1004 gmt 8 Dec 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Thu, Dec. 8, 2004
KIEV - Ukraine's parliament has passed amendments to the constitution
transferring some powers from the president to parliament. According to
the amendments, parliament, rather than the president, will have a final say
in appointing the Cabinet of Ministers. The president, however, retains the
right to appoint regional governors and dissolve parliament if it fails to
either form a majority or appoint a cabinet swiftly after the previous
cabinet' dismissal. The amendments will come into effect from either 1
September 2005, if the legislation on local governments is amended by
then, or from 1 January 2006.
The following is the summary of the constitutional amendments as
compiled by the Ukrainian news agency UNIAN:
Kiev, 8 December: The Supreme Council of Ukraine [parliament] has
amended the Basic Law [constitution] transforming Ukraine into a
parliamentary-presidential republic.
The appropriate bill No 4180 was backed by 402 deputies from the 442
registered in the session hall; 21 [of the right-wing opposition Yuliya
Tymoshenko bloc] voted against the bill; and 19 did not take part in the
voting.
According to the amendments, the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine shall be
the supreme executive body. The government shall report to the president
of Ukraine and the Supreme Council of Ukraine and its functioning will be
monitored by the Supreme Council within the boundaries provided by the
constitution.
The Supreme Council shall appoint the Cabinet of Ministers. The president
shall propose the prime minister's candidacy to the Supreme Council for
approval. The president shall propose the prime minister's candidacy after
consultations with a coalition of deputy factions in the Supreme Council
that constitute the majority in parliament.
The president shall submit the candidacies of defence minister and foreign
minister to the Supreme Council for approval. The prime minister shall
submit the candidacies of the other members of the Cabinet of Ministers to
the Supreme Council for approval. The Cabinet of Ministers shall resign
when the Supreme Council of Ukraine is re-elected.
According to the amendments, the Supreme Council's term is increased by
one year to five years. The deputies may not work in the government and
parliament simultaneously. The list of reasons for which deputies may be
deprived of their mandates has been expanded, in particular, to include
cases when deputies elected to parliament from political parties do not join
the factions of respective parties or blocs or when they quit the factions.
Parliament shall be elected according to the proportional basis [from the
lists of parties and blocs of parties]. A coalition of MP factions including
the majority of people's deputies in parliament shall be formed according
to election results and on the basis of correlation of political positions.
The coalition shall be formed in parliament within one month of the first
meeting of parliament. The constitution and the Supreme Council's
regulations shall be the basis for organization and dissolution of the
coalition.
Parliament added several points to the Supreme Council's mandate. Along
with appointing the government, people's deputies shall appoint and dismiss
the head of the Antimonopoly Committee, the head of the State Committee
for TV and Radio Broadcasting, the head of the State Property Fund; and
appoint and dismiss the head of the Security Service of Ukraine upon
submission from the president. The president shall also submit to the
Supreme Council for approval the candidacies for the post of head of
the National Bank of Ukraine and half of the National Bank's council
composition; the candidacies for half of the seats on the Central Electoral
Commission; and the Prosecutor-General's candidacy.
The Supreme Council shall appoint and dismiss half of the candidacies for
the National Council for TV and Radio Broadcasting and one third of the
candidacies for the Constitutional Court. The Supreme Council shall
monitor the Cabinet of Ministers' activities.
According to the amendments, the president shall preserve the right to
dissolve the Supreme Council ahead of schedule if the Supreme Council
fails to form a coalition of MP factions within one month; if the Cabinet of
Ministers' composition is not formed within 60 days after the previous
cabinet's dismissal; and if the Supreme Council fails to begin plenary
meetings during 30 days of the same regular session. The president shall
decide to dissolve parliament ahead of schedule after consultations with the
Supreme Council's chairman, his deputies and heads of deputy factions and
groups. The president shall have no right to dissolve the Supreme Council
ahead of schedule during the last six months of the Supreme Council's
mandate.
The president, people's deputies and the Cabinet of Ministers shall have the
right to submit bills to the Supreme Council.
According to the amendments, the Supreme Council chairman shall perform
the president's duties if the president's term is terminated ahead of
schedule.
The president shall retain the right to appoint regional state
administration heads [governors]. The president also shall have the right to
suspend government decisions if they are not in line with the constitution,
with simultaneously submitting an appropriate motion to the Constitutional
Court. The amendments also say that the prime minister and the minister
responsible for implementation of relevant orders shall sign the president's
orders issued in line with the constitution. The amendments have also vested
the Prosecutor-General's Office with the authority to watch how the rights
and freedoms of citizens are respected.
In accordance with the law's final provisions, the amendments to the
constitution shall come into force on 1 September 2005 if amendments to
the constitution regarding local self-government are passed by that time. If
those amendments are not passed by 1 January 2006, the law shall come
into force nevertheless.
The final provisions also stipulate that the government appointed after the
2004 presidential elections shall work until the 2006 parliamentary
elections, and that parliament preserves the right to vote no-confidence
in the government during the period. -30-
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.253: ARTICLE NUMBER FIVE
Please send us names for the free distribution list
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5. UKRAINIAN PARLIAMENT APPOINTS NEW ELECTORAL BODY
UNIAN news agency, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1100 gmt 8 Dec 04
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Thu, December 8, 2004
KIEV - The Supreme Council [parliament] of Ukraine has approved the new
make-up of the Central Electoral Commission. The decision was supported
by 410 out of 445 deputies present.
The new commissioners are: Serhiy Dubovyk, Yaroslav Davydovych, Ihor
Kachura, Ruslan Knyazevych, Andriy Mahera, Mykola Melnyk [new], Maryna
Stavniychuk, Olekdandr Chupakhin, Zhanna Usenko-Chorna [new], Valeriy
Sheludko [new], Valentyna Zavalevska, Yuriy Donchenko, Anatoliy Pysarenko
[new], Bronislav Raykovskyy and Mykhaylo Okhendovskyy.
Serhiy Kivalov [former chairman], Olena Lukash [who represented Prime
Minister Viktor Yanukovych in the Supreme Court] and Valeriy Bondyk failed
to get the necessary number of votes.
The opposition's representatives form a majority on the new commission. All
nominations from Our Ukraine, the Socialist Party, the Yuliya Tymoshenko
Bloc, Centre, People's Agrarian Party and the People's Democratic Party have
been approved. Almost all nominations from the Regions of Ukraine faction
[supporting the prime minister] have been rejected.
All the new members of the commission were sworn in immediately. Speaker
Volodymyr Lytvyn asked them to hold their first meeting to appoint the
leadership. Parliament voted earlier today to dismiss the previous
commission. -30- [The Action Ukraine Report Monitoring Service]
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.253: ARTICLE NUMBER SIX
Your comments about the Report are always welcome
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6. YANUKOVYCH DOUBTS NEW CEC TO HOLD ELECTION HONESTLY
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Wed, December 8, 2004 (16:50)
KYIV - Presidential candidate, Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych
doubts that the new composition of the Central Election Commission,
which was approved on Wednesday, will hold the repeated second round
of presidential elections honestly.
Ukrainian News learned this from the press service of Yanukovych HQ.
Voting by the Verkhovna Rada on the new CEC members has demonstrated
that unlawfulness in the country continues, Yanukovych opined. The premier
noted that not a single candidate from the Party of Regions was appointed
to the CEC.
"Being the candidate for presidency, I actually have no representation. All
this makes me doubt the chance that elections will be held honestly," he
said. Yanukovych believes that Rada was pressed into passing its decision
by demonstrators rallying on Kyiv street.
"What is happening in Ukraine today testifies to unlawfulness that some
people are committing under the cover of democratic phrases," he added.
As Ukrainian News earlier reported, on Wednesday parliament appointed
Valerii Sheludko (330 votes under a minimum of 226 votes), Zhanna
Usenko-Chorna (340), Anatolii Pysarenko (234) and Mykola Melnyk (251)
as CEC members instead of Valerii Bondyk (216), Volodymyr Danylevskyi,
Mykola Rybachuk and Serhii Kivalov (129).
Yaroslav Davydovych (273), Yurii Donchenko (245), Serhii Dubovyk (392),
Ihor Kachur (341), Ruslan Kniazevych (249), Andrii Mahera (254), Valentyna
Zavalevska (297), Mykhailo Okhendovskyi (230), Bronislav Raikovskyi (246),
Maryna Stavniichuk (319) and Oleksandr Chupakhin (316) retained their seats
in the CEC. -30- [The Action Ukraine Report Monitoring Service]
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.253: ARTICLE NUMBER SEVEN
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7. UKRAINE'S PROSECUTOR GENERAL HENNADII VASYLIEV
TENDERS HIS RESIGNATION
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Wed, December 8, 2004
KIEV - Ukraine's Prosecutor General Hennadii Vasyliev has tendered
resignation. Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma said this at the
Verkhovna Rada. He added that he would sign Vasyliev's letter of
resignation. "I will authorize the resignation," Kuchma said.
In Vasyliev's statement about his resignation, the text of which Ukrainian
News obtained, he noted that he submitted a resignation letter unwilling
to participate in political games.
"Presently politicians of various hue are making attempts to shift
responsibility to the bodies of persecution for all this mess that continues
in the country," Vasyliev stated.
"I cannot allow that my name or the post of the Prosecutor General of
Ukraine were used as element of trading in the present political games,"
he added.
Vasyliev added that while in office of the Prosecutor General, he did
everything possible to keep the situation in the legal field and prevent
involvement of prosecution bodies in politics.
"And this is in the conditions of that powerful political pressure that was
and is exerted on the prosecution bodies during presidential election,"
Vasyliev noted. As Ukrainian News reported, the Verkhovna Rada
earlier failed to vote no confidence in Hennadii Vasyliev and dismiss him.
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.253: ARTICLE NUMBER EIGHT
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8. RUSSIAN ENVOY STILL BACKS YANUKOVYCH IN UKRAINE
REUTERS, Astana, Kazakhstan, Wed, December 8, 2004
ASTANA - Russia's mediator in Ukraine's crisis said on Wednesday
that Moscow still supported Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovich who
is standing in a rerun of a rigged presidential poll.
Parliamentary speaker Boris Gryzlov's comments contrasted with remarks
by President Vladimir Putin, who despite backing Yanukovich in the original
Nov. 21 election, has since said he is ready to work with either winner of
the Dec. 26 repeat vote.
"I am deeply convinced that only Yanukovich's victory will allow Ukraine
to remain an integral and united country," Gryzlov, who has represented
Moscow in mediation talks in Kiev, told reporters on a visit to Kazakhstan.
Asked to comment on Ukrainian opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko,
who has proclaimed himself the new president, Gryzlov said: "The self-
declaration of oneself as president should be qualified as cheating. So,
in any country, this would be a matter for the criminal code to consider."
He also questioned the legality of the Supreme Court's decision to order
the rerun. The dispute over the November election brought tens of
thousands out onto the streets in support of opposition leader Viktor
Yushchenko.
"(Ukraine's) Supreme Court had no legal right whatsoever to give its
assessment to the election and, furthermore, it had no right to pass a
ruling on such a formulation as 'a rerun of the second round of voting',"
he said, after meeting Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev.
"Whatever is happening right now, on the part of the opposition, is
obviously an attempt to exert pressure by force." -30-
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.253: ARTICLE NUMBER NINE
Suggested articles for publication in the Report are always welcome
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9. POLAND'S EFFORTS IN UKRAINE DRIVEN BY FEAR
OF RUSSIAN IMPERIALISM
Agence France Presse (AFP), Warsaw, Poland, Tue, Dec 7, 2004
WARSAW - Poland's commitment to helping Ukraine emerge from its
current political crisis and its open sympathy for its neighbour's pro-
Western opposition can be explained by a shared past and a deep-
seated fear of a revival of Russian imperialism, politicians and analysts
say.
"We have the feeling of sharing a common destiny with Ukrainians,"
Bronislav Komorowski, a former Polish defence minister and now
lawmaker for the opposition Civic Platform told AFP.
"Our past experiences show that we have every reason to fear
Moscow," he said, while denying that Poland was waging an "anti-
Russian" campaign in Ukraine, as some Russians and Westerners
have accused.
To the Polish way of thinking, if Russia tries today to impose its will on
Kiev, tomorrow it will meddle in the politics of all the former Soviet
republics in the Baltic region, and a bit further down the line, it could
well decide to extend its sphere of influence to Poland, also once under
Moscow's tutelage.
Russian President Vladimir Putin's advisor on European affairs, Sergei
Yastrzhembski, recently accused "certain forces in the West" of trying to
manipulate public opinion in Ukraine.
According to Yastrzhembski, the burgeoning "orange revolution" in
Ukraine behind pro-Western presidential candidate Viktor Yushchenko
bears the "same Western and US hallmarks" as the Solidarity trade union
movement in Poland in the 1980s, the end of Slobodan Milosevic's regime
in Serbia in 2000 and Georgia's rose revolution in 2003, which brought
Western-educated reformer Mikhail Saakashvili to power.
Komorowski said Yastrzhembski's analysis indicates that Moscow feels
powerless in seeking to resolve the situation in Ukraine, and therefore has
sought to wrongly apportion blame for the crisis that broke after
Moscow-leaning candidate Viktor Yanukovich was awarded a hotly
disputed victory in Ukraine's November 21 election.
Another issue driving the Polish effort to resolve the crisis in Ukraine is
an almost obsessive fear among Poles that historical secular animosity
between the two countries' peoples could be revived.
Some in Warsaw believe the only way of stilling the ages-old demons is
to draw Ukraine into the embrace of NATO and the European Union.
Jan Rokita, one of the leaders of Poland's Civic Platform, has said that
Warsaw's backing for Ukrainian opposition leader Yushchenko and Polish
mediation efforts in its neighbour's election crisis "represent a strong
foundation for future relations between the two countries."
The groundswell of popular pro-Yushchenko feeling in Ukraine also reminds
Poles of their own anti-communist and anti-Russian movement led by the
Solidarity trade union, which 15 years ago helped Poland definitively
extract itself from Moscow's orbit. "There's a kind of nostalgia for that
period," sociologist Edmund Wnuk-Lipinski told AFP.
The involvement of former Solidarity leader -- and later president of
Poland -- Lech Walesa in efforts to resolve the crisis in Ukraine, and the
warm welcome he was given by Yushchenko's supporters, are in part
driven by that nostalgia.
Taking a more diplomatic tack, Polish President Aleksander Kwasniewski
said recently that "Russia was too quick in adopting a position in the
Ukrainian affair."
Putin "twice took part in the election campaign. That is an unprecedented
move. It wouldn't have carried any risk if the result had been clear, but
in the face of deep divisions such as those in Ukraine, there should have
been greater restraint," said Kwasniewski. But, he added, Moscow had
a mandatory place at the negotiating table to try to resolve the crisis in
Ukraine. -30- [The Action Ukraine Report Monitoring Service]
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ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 253: ARTICLE NUMBER TEN
Names for the distribution list always welcome
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10. PRO-KUCHMA CAMP CONTINUES TO DISINTEGRATE
By Taras Kuzio, Eurasia Daily Monitor
Volume 1, Issue 142, The Jamestown Foundation
Washington, D.C., Wednesday, December 8
In the aftermath of the scandalous second round of the Ukrainian
presidential election on November 21, the pro-Kuchma parliamentary
majority, established originally to back up Prime Minister Viktor
Yanukovych's "coalition government," is continuing to unravel. The
disintegration is part and parcel of the gradual defection of state
institutions from Kuchma to either a neutral position or challenger
Viktor Yushchenko's camp.
The pro-presidential majority has been in crisis since September, when the
Agrarian Party faction, led by parliamentary speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn,
announced that it was "suspending" its membership. This step effectively
eliminated the pro-presidential camp's claim to be a "majority," as it
brought their number to below 225 deputies. New defections have reduced
the pro-Kuchma camp by another one-third.
On the eve of round one, opposition ally Yulia Tymoshenko claimed that a
new parliamentary majority of 233 deputies was ready to be dispatched in the
event of a Yushchenko victory (Ukrayinska pravda, October 31). After round
two Yuriy Kostenko, another close ally of Yushchenko, claimed that this
embryonic pro-Yushchenko majority had increased to 270 deputies
(razom.org.ua, December 3).
This increase, Kostenko argued, was due to three factors. First, Kuchma's
"administrative pressure" on deputies to stay in line is no longer
effective. Second, deputies are re-aligning their loyalties to a new
president-in-waiting: Yushchenko. Third, some deputies are angry at the
actions of Labor Party head and faction leader Serhiy Tyhipko, who resigned
as head of the Yanukovych campaign and chairman of the National Bank
without consulting either his party or his parliamentary faction.
Labor Ukraine, controlled by the Dnipropetrovsk oligarchic clan, suffered
the greatest disintegration from Tyhipko's resignations. Ten deputies quit
the faction, reducing it to only 16 deputies. The defectors include the head
of the Labor Ukraine faction, Ihor Sharov, as well as Defense Minister
Oleksandr Kuzmuk. This latter defection shows the degree to which the
military has deserted Kuchma. Two former defense ministers (Yevhen
Marchuk and Valeriy Radetsky) have also defected to Yushchenko.
The defections from Labor Ukraine were caused by the party's loss of
authority ahead of the March 2006 parliamentary elections. As head of the
Yanukovych camp, Tyhipko and Labor Ukraine were viewed by the public
as linked to election fraud in the presidential runoff, which was severely
denounced by parliament in a resolution on November 27 and in a
Supreme Court ruling six days later.
Most of the deputies who have quit Labor Ukraine remain unaffiliated. But
they likely will either create a pro-Yushchenko faction or even join Our
Ukraine under a Yushchenko presidency. Serhiy Buriak, the founder of
Brokbiznesbank, is, for example, Yushchenko's father-in-law.
Many unaffiliated deputies have long cooperated with Yushchenko by
maintaining a neutral position under the "protection" of parliamentary
speaker Lytvyn. Oleksandr Volkov, once Kuchma's adviser and an important
strategist in the 1999 presidential elections and 2000 referendum on
changing the constitution, has long cooperated with Yushchenko. In the
re-run of round two, set for December 26, Volkov predicts that
Yanukovych's chances are "nil" (Ukrayinska pravda, December 1).
Other unaffiliated deputies provided concrete assistance to Yushchenko
during the elections. Former Dnipropetrovsk oligarch Andrei Derkach, now an
unaffiliated deputy, permitted Yushchenko to be prominently shown on ERA TV
and ERA radio, two media outlets that he owns. Besides Channel 5, owned by
Our Ukraine businessman Petro Poroshenko, ERA TV was the only other
television channel where Yushchenko received positive media coverage.
As with Lytvyn's Agrarians (20), three other factions are now neutral,
meaning that after Kuchma departs from office they will move into the
Yushchenko camp. These include the People's Democratic Party-Party of
Industrialists and Entrepreneurs (16), United Ukraine (17), and the Center
(16) factions, a total of 69 deputies.
Besides the end of the Kuchma era and the discredited second round of the
elections, another factor promoting a re-shaping of centrist factions is
their lack of an ideological profile. This separates them from the
ideologically oriented national democrats (Our Ukraine, Tymoshenko bloc)
and left (Socialists, Communists). Oleksandr Yedin, a defector from Labor
Ukraine, complained that it was unclear what they stood for, "orientating in
western Ukraine upon one political force and in the east on another"
(Ukrayinska pravda, December 3).
Viktor Medvedchuk's Social Democratic United faction (SDPUo) is also in
decline, losing seven deputies. Yuriy Liakh, a close ally of Medvedchuk and
chairman of Ukrkreditbank, committed suicide on December 3 in Kyiv. The
SDPUo, unlike Labor Ukraine in Dnipropetrovsk or especially Yanukovych's
Regions of Ukraine in Donetsk, has little support in its home base of Kyiv,
where Yushchenko dominates.
Of all of the centrist parties and factions, the SDPUo has the most to lose
from a Yushchenko victory. It will prove impossible for Medvedchuk to remain
in Ukraine under a Yushchenko presidency. Parliamentary votes earlier in the
year called upon the Ministry of Justice to ban the SDPUo as a "fascist"
party and for Kuchma to remove Medvedchuk as head of the presidential
administration.
After the Supreme Court ruling, the Security Service launched a criminal
investigation into alleged hacking into the Central Election Commission
(CEC) server, using evidence provided by the computer consultants who
designed the CEC system. Medvedchuk and Deputy Prime Minister
Andrei Kluyev have been implicated in this scheme.
Other centrists concerned about their future include Transport Minister
Heorhiy Kirpa. Deputy Transportation Minister Ivan Saliy provided mounds
of evidence to the Supreme Court about the massive abuse of "administrative
resources" by state transportation companies in support of Yanukovych, which
was undertaken on the orders of Kirpa and Kluyev. Kirpa organized the
Vidrodzhennia Party in the summer to force transportation workers to back
Yanukovych.
If a nascent parliamentary caucus of 270 deputies has indeed already been
formed, a pro-Yushchenko parliamentary majority would be only 30 short of
the 300 votes needed to consider changes to the constitution. -30-
=========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 253: ARTICLE NUMBER ELEVEN
Letters to the editor are always welcome
=========================================================
11. UKRAINE PRESENTS A MEMBERSHIP QUANDARY
FOR THE EUROPEAN UNION
By Marc Champion and Alan Cullison
Staff Reporters of The Wall Street Journal
The Wall Street Journal, New York, NY, Dec 8, 2004; Page A11
KIEV - Ukraine's so-called orange revolution is increasing hope among
opposition supporters that the country's embrace of democracy will put it
on track for European Union membership, alongside neighbors such as
Poland and soon Romania. Trouble is, many of the EU's 25 member
nations don't want Ukraine .
The EU has taken the lead in mediating Ukraine's presidential-election
crisis. Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych beat Viktor Yushchenko on Nov.
21, but the nation's Supreme Court declared the vote fraudulent, and a
revote will be held Dec. 26. But the EU has been steadfast in its refusal to
give Ukraine the long-term prospect of membership offered to such countries
as Albania, Serbia and Montenegro, and Turkey. According to EU officials,
that isn't likely to change soon.
But on Kiev's main square, the site of recent protests against the election
results, joining Europe is a big draw. "I want to be part of civilization,
part of Europe," said Tatiana Rydenko, a 54-year-old teacher. "I just know
that we can be like a lot of European countries....All our efforts, I think,
are in this direction."
The EU's flag has been among those hoisted by the protesters. Mr.
Yushchenko, the opposition candidate, has made integration with the EU one
of his key campaign planks. If he wins it could create an awkward situation
for the EU.
"What does the EU do on Dec. 27 if Yushchenko wins the election rerun?"
asks Ron Asmus, Europe specialist at the German Marshall Fund of the
United States, a Washington think tank. "Ukraine will say, 'We have changed,
what's your response in the U.S. and Europe?' If the answer is business as
usual, that's historically inadequate."
"Membership is not our only resource," responds Cristina Gallach,
spokeswoman for EU foreign-policy chief Javier Solana. "If it were, that
would mean we'd have to offer membership to every country where we
want to encourage democracy."
Ukraine's electoral turmoil still is far from over. Its Parliament failed in
a raucous debate yesterday to endorse a deal between the two candidates
that would have seen Ukraine's Central Election Commission and election
law changed to ensure a fairer vote on Dec. 26. The deal was mediated by
Mr. Solana and the Polish and Lithuanian presidents late Monday.
A coalition of pro-government, communist and other parliamentarians refused
to back the deal without agreement on constitutional changes that would
transfer powers from the president to the prime minister. But Mr. Yushchenko
would accept the constitutional move only if it were delayed at least until
September.
That would give him time to establish his power if he were to become
president, and to ensure he didn't end up a figurehead to the prime minister
and Parliament, where his allies hold only a slim majority, people familiar
with the matter say.
Events in Ukraine illustrate a central paradox about the EU, analysts say.
The prospect of joining Europe has proved one of the most effective tools
anywhere in persuading regimes to drastically change their institutions,
laws and even values. In Ukraine , people talk of joining "Europe" as a way
of securing their place in the world, of developing the rule of law and a
working democracy, and attaining rights and a lifestyle on a par with
Ukraine's Western neighbors.
Yet the EU often has been reluctant to use its draw. According to an EU
diplomat, no review of Ukraine's status is likely to start on Dec. 27. The
reason, in part, is that it will be too early to know what a new government
in Kiev will deliver, while such a move might be received badly by Russian
President Vladimir Putin.
In addition, the EU already is in turmoil over the looming Dec. 17 decision
on whether to start membership talks with Turkey. The EU's most powerful
states -- France, Germany and Britain -- are currently opposed to welcoming
Ukraine . EU enlargement also is problematic because it means subsidizing
poorer entrants and forces the bloc to change in order to function with new
member states.
While Ukraine's size, history and long border with Russia present specific
problems, analysts say that in the long term it will be difficult to
maintain that Ukraine isn't a viable EU candidate, but that Turkey, Romania
and others are. There are signs that tensions could develop quickly among EU
states over Ukraine if Mr. Yushchenko comes to power and delivers on his
promise to clean up corruption and create a more transparent political
system.
Poland, for one, believes the time is right to offer Ukraine the prospect of
membership, even though the process could take decades. "These events
have shown that the collapse of the Eastern empire is still going on, and
that we need to finish it in Ukraine ," says Stanislaw Ciosek,
foreign-policy adviser to Polish President Aleksander Kwasniewski.
"What Ukrainians need to have is hope."
If Mr. Yushchenko is elected, his government would push hard for a
cooperation agreement with the EU that has been in the works for two
years, according to Myron Wasylyk, an analyst for the Yushchenko
campaign. "That would be a starting point," he said. -30-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
Write to Marc Champion at marc.champion@wsj.com and Alan
Cullison at alan.cullison@wsj.com
=========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 253: ARTICLE NUMBER TWELVE
Letters to the editor are always welcome
=========================================================
12. UKRAINE'S ELECTIONS: NEXT STEPS
STATEMENT BY THE HONORABLE CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH
U.S. House International Relations Committee
Hearingon Ukraine, U.S. House of Representatives
Washington, D.C., Tue, December 7, 2004
Rep. Chris Smith's (Vice-Chairman HIRC; Chairman
Helsinki Commission) opening statement:
Mr. Chairman, I commend you for convening this extremely timely and
important hearing on developments in Ukraine. I was pleased to have worked
with you on H. Con. Res. 415, a resolution urging the Ukrainian Government
to ensure a democratic, transparent, and fair election process in Ukraine
which passed the House unanimously in early October. As Chairman of the
Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, I have closely monitored
developments in Ukraine and have chaired hearings on that strategically
important country.
Over the past year I have repeatedly spoken out and tried to highlight
concerns about the election process and state of democracy in Ukraine.
Regrettably, though not surprisingly, the Ukrainian authorities - including
President Kuchma - largely ignored our calls and those of the international
community to hold free and fair elections.
It was, and continues to be, essential to demonstrate that the United States
is keeping the faith with the Ukrainian people in their struggle for
democracy, human rights and human dignity. And it is absolutely vital that
we support their historic struggle at this critical juncture and into the
future.
Helsinki Commission staff who served as OSCE observers in central Ukraine
for the November 21st run-off elections witnessed flagrant violations as did
many other international and domestic observers. The OSCE pronounced the
elections as not meeting "a considerable number of OSCE commitments" with
British MP Bruce George underscoring that violations during the run-off were
even worse than those observed in the first round. Importantly, the
Ukrainian people have made clear that they will not accept elections that by
all credible accounts were fraught with fraud and falsification.
What we are witnessing today in Ukraine is a historic, momentous, peaceful
"orange" revolution. The Ukrainian people and many institutions of
government, including the Supreme Court, with its momentous decision
invalidating the November 21 run-off and ordering a new one for December
26, have demonstrated that they will stand up firmly, decisively and
peacefully to assaults on their democratic rights whether from within
Ukraine
or beyond.
Much has been said about the geo-political implications of these elections
and the peaceful "orange" revolution. Indeed, the implications are
tremendous, for the U.S. and Europe, and for Russia, Belarus and other
not-so-newly independent states. Russian President Putin's repeated,
heavy-handed personal involvement shows that he understands what is at
stake.
It is not only about Ukraine's resistance to Russian encroachment on its
independence and neo-imperial ambitions in the region, but it is also about
Ukraine's serving as a model for Russians, Bearusians and other peoples'
legitimate aspirations for freedom and democracy. The Putins and
Lukashenkas of the world well know that the events in Ukraine will have
lasting consequences elsewhere.
For the Ukrainian people, this peaceful revolution is primarily about the
desire to confront corruption, break with the status quo, and live in a
truly free and independent country where democratic norms, including the
rule of law, prevail.
Those who have peacefully taken to the streets; the courageous journalists
who have said no to state censorship; the members of the military and
security services who have renounced the use of force against the people;
the Ukrainian diplomats here in Washington and around the world who are
standing with their countrymen; and the millions resisting intimidation -
deserve our admiration and moral support in their struggle for truth,
freedom and justice.
Mr. Chairman, the fate of Ukraine rightly belongs in the hands of the
Ukrainian people, period. Independent Ukraine need not look elsewhere
for the way ahead. -30- [The Action Ukraine Monitoring Service]
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
Link to the House International Relations Committee hearing on Ukraine:
http://wwwc.house.gov/international_relations/fullhear.htm
========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 253: ARTICLE NUMBER THIRTEEN
Letters to the editor are always welcome
=========================================================
13. WHEREVER THE BUCK STOPS, IT'S NOT HERE!
OP-ED: by Dr. Bohdan Vitvitsky
The Ukrainian Weekly, The Ukrainian National Association
Parsippany, New Jersey, Sunday, December 5, 2004
One of the most bizarre aspects of recent events in Ukraine has been the
statements made on repeated but separate occasions by both president
Leonid Kuchma and prime minister Viktor Yanukovych, the substance of
which has been that if there were any voting irregularities, then he would
be in favor of doing one thing or not doing another.
If there were any voting irregularities? From what planet did Kuchma and
Yanukovych suddenly descend? What is it exactly of which the architects of
these "irregularities" are unsure? Whether their henchmen carried out their
orders? Surely the announced election results confirm their work. That
this is all some kind of bad ream from Kuchma and Yanukovych will suddenly
awake? News flash: I don't think so.
Although the agnostic posture adopted by Kuchma and Yanukovych is indeed
bizarre, it is entirely consistent with the Russo-Soviet model of leadership
in which both were steeped and against which Ukrainians are now rebelling.
A half century ago president Harry Truman had a sign on his desk at the
White House that over the years became famous. The sign read: "The Buck
Stops Here." This is an idiomatic expression meaning that I, as president,
am ultimately responsible, and that I accept that responsibility. That is
called accountability, a fundamental precept in, for example, Western and
Japanese political culture. When a European or Japanese politician messes
up badly, he will resign.
In the Russo-Soviet model of leadership, the leader has all of the power,
but no responsibility in the sense of accountability. As president of
Ukraine, Kuchma appointed new prime ministers as often some women change
dresses. To begin with, the number of prime ministers appointed is a joke
in itself. If the men chosen were such bad choices, who is responsible for
making those choices? (Kuchma: "Wherever the buck stops, it ain't here.
And besides, we don't have any bucks in Kyiv.") And if the choices were not
so bad, who is responsible for why the numerous prime ministers were
needlessly removed?
One obviously competent prime minister, Viktor Yushchenko, was sacked
after serving a year and a half. Some of the others were semi-incompetents,
and at least one, if not more, criminals (Lazarenko). In the West, a leader
that had made such appointments to high office would be held accountable.
But in the Russo-Soviet tradition, it's always someone else's fault, because
the leader is, of course, a great man who doesn't make mistakes, or else he
wouldn't be the leader. How's that for logic?
So, back to the "if." If there were any voting irregularities! It's simply
breathtaking to see how naturally and effortlessly they lie, all with a
perfectly straight face and full sincerity. Russia's president Putin also
gets the highest marks for sincerity when he lies: "Of course the elections
in Ukraine were democratic and fair!" Do these guys attend special classes
where they were taught to master the public lie? Are there then advanced
classes on how to lie and be indignant about it? Or how to lie while
strenuously insisting that the people who are actually telling the truth are
the liars? We need George Orwell to come back and unpack some of these
riddles.
Somehow, though, Ukrainians have managed to maintain a sense of what is
true and what is false. And now they are demanding what is true and want
to do away with what is false. It is as simple as that. -30-
=========================================================
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 253: ARTICLE NUMBER FOURTEEN
Letters to the editor are always welcome
=========================================================
14. "INTO PUTIN'S SOUL"
OP-ED By Stephan Vitvitsky, Tufts Daily,
Tufts University, Medford, Massachusetts, Tue, Dec 07, 2004
I wonder what President Bush saw when he looked into Vladimir Putin's soul.
Apparently, our President got an inside view of the Russian President's
innermost, even subconscience emotions when he declared after a meeting, "I
looked into [Putin's] soul and I saw that I could work with him."
Yet regardless of the deep connection between the two leaders, it is clear
that President Bush put way too much faith in Putin regarding the war on
terror and the elections in Ukraine.
The Russian President is considered a valuable asset to have on your side in
the war on terror. Yet one would have to be completely naive, or just plain
stupid, to believe that Putin's only intention in teaming up with Bush to
fight terrorism is to protect the citizens of Russia. Though Putin seems to
be deeply committed to fighting global terrorism, he is also deeply
committed to centralizing governmental control and undermining the
development of democracy.
Following the Chechen terrorist attacks on a Moscow theater in 2002, Putin
passed a bill that restricted journalists' access to terrorist attack sites.
The Kremlin was not pleased that journalists had revealed a governmental
secret: Over 100 hostages had died because of gas used by Russian police,
and not by terrorists' gunshots like the original report had claimed.
In response to the tragedy at a school in Beslan, in which over 300 people
died, Putin has proposed striking changes to the process in which regional
governors are elected. Currently, these leaders are elected by the local
population; under Putin's proposal, the governors will be proposed by the
Kremlin and elected by local parliaments. As a result of these reforms,
Putin has established significant central government control over his
country and has undermined the development of democracy, clearly using
the threat of terrorism to his political advantage.
Concerning the elections in Ukraine, Bush's faith in Putin has vastly
complicated the relationship between the U.S. and Russia. Bush's constant
rhetoric is that the United States should pledge to spread and promote
freedom and democracy throughout the world. Less than two months before
national elections are to supposedly take place in Iraq, the United States
is working to make sure that the Iraqi elections are fair and transparent.
Well, it is clear that Putin simply does not care about free and fair
elections in Ukraine; he called to congratulate Victor Yanukovych on his
alleged victory even before the Central Election Committee released the
blatantly falsified results. As long as his endorsed candidate wins, it
doesn't matter how. Even if the election is fraudulent. So, as much as Bush
and Putin want to be friends, their ideals and priorities couldn't be more
different.
Although Putin has traveled twice to Ukraine to endorse the alleged winner
Yanukovych, and has gotten in the middle of the Ukrainian election, he does
not want the West to meddle in the internal affairs of Ukraine, which, like
Belarus, is in Russia's sphere of influence. Despite these blatantly
hypocritical statements by Putin, Secretary of State Colin Powell, Senator
Richard Lugar, the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and
the leader of the U.S. envoy monitoring the Ukrainian elections have issued
scolding remarks condemning the Nov. 21 runoff and refusing to recognize its
results.
The Ukrainian presidential elections have clearly strained Russian-American
relations but have actually improved relations between Europe and the U.S.
For the first time in years, it seems the United States and Europe are
united in pressuring the Ukrainian government to clean up its act and hold
legitimate elections.
As a result of the incredible circumstances in Ukraine and Putin's
undemocratic political reforms, the two leaders may realize they do not need
each other's support as much as they originally thought. Though Bush and
Putin may be united in fighting global terrorism, they are deeply divided
concerning the promotion of free and fair elections and democracy. If
opposition candidate Victor Yushchenko wins the proposed rerun of the runoff
between him and Yanukovych on Dec. 26, it will be interesting to follow how
quickly the United States recognizes the results, and more importantly, if
Bush will invite Yushchenko to the White House. So, relations between the
United States and Russia could likely continue to worsen in the future.
As a result, Bush and Putin will not continue to give each other unrelenting
support. Though we aren't heading towards another Cold War, we may be
heading towards another era of deep distrust between the United States and
Russia. Even Bush may now know what is really in Putin's soul. -30-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
Stephan Vitvitsky is a junior majoring in Economics and Political Science.
He can be reached via e-mail at Stephan.Vitvitsky@tufts.edu.
http://www.tuftsdaily.com/vnews/display.v/ART/2004/12/07/41b54df98bf5e
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