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Action Ukraine Report

"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT - AUR"
An International Newsletter
The Latest, Up-To-Date
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis, and Commentary

"Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World"

Distinguished leaders!

"We are able to prevent crimes against humanity and mankind. I am
referring to you on behalf of the nation that has lost ten million of human
lives because of the famine - genocide arranged against our nation."

[President Victor Yushchenko at the UN]

"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT - AUR" - Number 561
Mr. E. Morgan Williams, Publisher and Editor
Washington, D.C., Kyiv, Ukraine, FRIDAY, September 16, 2005

NOTE: Due to the unusually large number of special articles about
Ukraine because of the situation there including op-ed's, editorials,
analytical, and commentary material we have temporarily increased
the number of AUR's being distributed. Editor

--------INDEX OF ARTICLES--------
"Major International News Headlines and Articles"

1. STATEMENT BY H.E. MR. VICTOR YUSHCHENKO, PRES OF UKRAINE
AT THE PLENARY MEETING OF THE UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY
Statement by H.E. Mr. Victor Yushchenko, President of Ukraine
at the High-Level Plenary Meeting of the UN General Assembly
United Nations, New York, NY, Thursday, 15 September 2005

2. FIRST LADY KATERYNA YUSHCHENKO HOLDS RECEPTION IN NY
Honor of wives of several heads of United Nations member countries
Press office of the President of Ukraine Victor Yushchenko
Kyiv, Ukraine, Thursday, September 15, 2005

3. UKRAINE: PRESIDENT VIKTOR YUSHCHENKO MEETS WITH US
SECRETARY OF STATE CONDOLEEZZA RICE IN NYC
Ukrinform, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thursday, September 15, 2005

4. UNITED STATES URGES UKRAINE TO STICK TO REFORM PATH
Stick to promises made during the "Orange Revolution"
By Sue Pleming, Reuters, New York, NY, Thu, Sep 15, 2005

5. U.S. RICE BACKS UKRAINE GOVT, DISCUSSES IRAN WITH INDIA
Associated Press (AP), New York, NY, Thu, September 15, 2005

6. FORMER PRES BILL CLINTON INAUGURATES GLOBAL CONFERENCE
Participants include President Viktor Yushchenko of Ukraine
From combined dispatches
The Washington Times, Washington, D.C., Friday, Sep 16, 2005

7. PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO MEETS WITH AMERICAN JEWS
Will ask US Congress to repeal Jackson-Vanik amendment for Ukraine
Press office of the President of Ukraine Victor Yushchenko
Kyiv,Ukraine, Thursday, September 15, 2005

8. YUSHCHENKO'S NEW YORK GALA
COMMENTARY: By Walter Prochorenko PhD
Paramus, New Jersey
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR), No. 561, Article 8
Washington, D.C., Friday, September 16, 2005

9. GONGADZE KILLERS STILL ROAM FREE IN UKRAINE SAY
JOURNALISTS IN NEW CALL FOR JUSTICE
Fifth anniversary on Friday 16th of killing of internet journalist Gongadze
International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)
Brussels, Belgium, Tuesday, 13 September 2005

10. FORMER UKRAINIAN OFFICIAL SPEAKS OF ANTI-STABILITY PLOT
RIA Novosti, Moscow, Russia, Thu, September 15, 2005

11. RUSSIAN PARLIAMENT SPEAKER WARNS OF ANOTHER
REVOLUTION IN UKRAINE
RBK TV, Moscow, in Russian 1400 gmt 15 Sep 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Thu, Sep 15, 2005

12. LOOKING AT SIX MONTHS THROUGH THE EYE OF ONE UKRAINIAN
COMMENTARY AND ANALYSIS: By Member Ukrainian Diaspora
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR)
Washington, D.C., Friday, September 16, 2005

13. UKRAINE: GOVERNMENT IN CRISIS
ANALYSIS: Oxford Analytica, UK, Monday, September 12, 2005

14. "DAY AND ETERNITY OF JAMES MACE"
New book published by Den
By Morgan Williams, Publisher and Editor
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR), No. 560, Article 3
Washington, D.C., Thursday, September 15, 2005

15. "BEHIND UKRAINE'S CRISIS"
COMMENTARY AND ANALYSIS: Taras Kuzio
Part I and II, Eurasia Daily Monitor
The Jamestown Foundation, Washington, D.C.
Wednesday, Sep 14 and Friday, Sep 16, 2005

16. UKRAINE: A TINTIN MOMENT
In short, the Tintin moment is the moment when the
new regime seems like the old regime.
COMMENTARY: OUR TAKE, Transitions Online (TOL)
Prague, Czech Republic, Monday, 12 September 2005

17. DEMOCRACY IS ALIVE IN UKRAINE
Kyiv's governmental crisis will not
derail Ukraine's democratic development, says Alexander Motyl
COMMENTARY: Alexander Motyl
Open Democracy, Free Thinking for the World
Online Global Magazine of Politics and Culture
London, UK, Monday, September 12, 2005
================================================================
1. STATEMENT BY H.E. MR. VICTOR YUSHCHENKO, PRES OF UKRAINE
AT THE PLENARY MEETING OF THE UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY

Statement by H.E. Mr. Victor Yushchenko, President of Ukraine
at the High-Level Plenary Meeting of the UN General Assembly
United Nations, New York, NY, Thursday, 15 September 2005

Co-Presidents!
Secretary General!
Excellencies!
Ladies and Gentlemen!

I am strongly convinced that the jubilee of the United Nations is the
celebration of hope for all humanity. The whole history of our unique
forum convinces us that peoples of different races and cultures are able
to hear and support each other.

According to Winston Churchill, these walls were erected for a Temple
of Peace, but not for a Babylon tower.

This is how the peoples see this Assembly. I truly believe that we will live
up to their expectations. I offer my sincere congratulations to you - my
dear friends and all good people in the world.

At this meeting the international community shapes its new guidelines.
New Ukraine - free and independent - follows it together with the whole
family of democratic nations. I believe that the efforts and experience
of my country will contribute to finding important benchmarks.

I am a son of a soldier of the World War II, whose fate was to live through
the battles, wounds and the honors of Auschwitz concentration camp.
Millions failed to succeed. Every Ukrainian family has a live memory of
pain and losses.

Due to its heroic contribution to the victory over the nazism Ukraine gained
a honorable right to become one of the founders the United Nations. We
brought in our aspiration for peace. We are always ready to counteract the
threat of war everywhere.

Our county is providing and will always provide the support to the efforts
of ensuring peace in different regions of the world. I hope that Ukrainian
peacekeepers under the United Nations flag will prove their courage and
professionalism once again.

As a representative of the nation, that shoulder to shoulder with free
nations liberated the humankind from Nazi threat, I am convinced we can
set free the humanity from other mortal threats.

Ukraine has already contributed much to the security in the world by
abandoning its the nuclear weapons. We can put the nuclear technologies
under rigid international control, we are obliged to prevent the
proliferation of nuclear weapons.

We stand for the hard-edged fight against terrorism and we are convinced,
that this evil can be overcome by collective efforts. Ukraine actively
participates in these actions. The international community should do every-
thing possible to destroy the environment nourishing the virus of terror -
intolerance, tyranny, poverty and humiliation.

Distinguished leaders!

We are able to prevent crimes against humanity and mankind. I am referring
to you on behalf of the nation that has lost ten million of human lives
because of the famine - genocide arranged against our nation.

At that time the governments of all counties turned their back to our grief.
We insist that the world should come to know the truth about all the crimes
against humanity. That is how we can be sure that the indifference will
never encourage the criminals.

I have a privilege to speak on behalf of the nation, which was inspired by
the ideals of the United Nations in its fight for dignity, human rights and
independence. The Statehood of Ukraine paved the way for advancing
these values.

It was on the Orange Maidan (Square) where Ukraine has made a peaceful
breakthrough towards freedom. We are determined to create an open,
integrated society and free-market economy, integrated into the world
economy. We will seize historic chance to gain prosperity, to reunite our
future with that of Common Europe.

The Ukraine's example demonstrates that the freedom cannot be stopped
along old dividing lines. Its language is clear to all the peoples. It has
vast potential for peace, stability and cooperation.

It is only through collective efforts that humanity can respond to old and
new threats. On these days, we are paying tribute to the memory of the
victims of September 11 and sharing the pain of those suffered in the
aftermath of the disaster in the South of the United States. We have been
warned - there are challenges that no nation can deal with alone.

Next year will mark the 20th anniversary of the Chornobyl catastrophe. I
strongly believe that this will be an important opportunity to realize the
universal social and cultural depth of this tragedy; and will enable us to
combine our efforts to mitigate its consequences.

The world is globalizing itself rapidly. It has turned into common space,
where we doomed either to win altogether or to lose altogether. We are
all threatened by economic shocks and terrorism, degrading environment
and spread of HIV/AIDS.

The destiny of prosperous nations will be influenced by the performance
of the poorer nations. Our duty is to apprehend these realities.

Ukraine is fully conscious of its responsibilities. We have recommitted
ourselves to the Millennium Development Goals and we will work to ensure
their full achievement.

We stand ready to be a trusted partner in political, economic, environment
and humanitarian projects. Ukraine is ready to find common ways to
strengthen multilateralism I am convinced that the reform of the United
Nations will open up unique opportunities in this field.

The reform of the Security Council is a prerequisite to enhance the
effectiveness of our Organization. To perform adequately, its membership
should reflect present realities. It would be fair if all regional groups,
including the Group of Eastern European States, are represented in the
Council. The voice of the region, which is shaping new Europe, deserves
to be heard.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

60 years has passed since Franklin Roosevelt has said: "We are to
secure our friendship and to share its spirit with the rest of the world.

This is not an ultimate end, but if achieved, we will be empowered to meet
the great goal of the humanity".

We have every opportunity to ensure that our hopes for peace, welfare,
freedom and justice for all come into fruition.

Thank you for your attention. -30-
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
SOURCE: Permanent Mission of Ukraine to the United Nations, 220
East 51st St, New York, NY. Tel: 212 759 7003; Fax 212 355 9455;
http://www.un.int/ukraine; uno_us@mfa.gov.ua.
http://www.un.org/webcast/summit2005/statements15/ukr050915eng.pdf
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[Format editing by The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
=============================================================
2. FIRST LADY KATERYNA YUSHCHENKO HOLDS RECEPTION IN NY
Honor of wives of several heads of United Nations member countries

Press office of the President of Ukraine Victor Yushchenko
Kyiv, Ukraine, Thursday, September 15, 2005

KYIV - Ukraine's first lady Kateryna Yushchenko held a reception in honor of
wives of several Heads of UNO countries in New York City. The event, which
was held at the Ukrainian Institute of America, was organized to present
Ukraine's cultural heritage.

The First Lady told her guests about the Ukraine 3000 Foundation and urged
all to cooperate with Ukrainian charitable organizations.

The President's wife also spoke about the Ukrainian Institute of America
whose aim is to present the Ukrainian culture in the United States.

During the presentation, the guests saw various pieces of art from Ukraine.
==============================================================
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3. UKRAINE: PRESIDENT VIKTOR YUSHCHENKO MEETS WITH US
SECRETARY OF STATE CONDOLEEZZA RICE IN NYC

Ukrinform, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thursday, September 15, 2005

KYIV - President Viktor Yushchenko, on a working visit to the USA, met with
United States Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice in New York, the
presidential press service told Ukrinform. Ukrainian acting Foreign Minister
Borys Tarasyuk attended the meeting.

The meeting focused on bilateral relations. As the President stressed,
Ukraine's aspiration to join European and Euro-Atlantic entities remained
unchanged.

The parties discussed the situation in Ukraine. Viktor Yushchenko commented
on his decisions to dismiss the Government and the National Security and
Defense Council Secretary, having noted that the move was aimed at
continuing reforms.

As Viktor Yushchenko added, the economic situation in Ukraine is stable
and a new government will work hard to prevent the economy's stagnation.

In her turn, Condoleezza Rice stated that the USA is watching the situation
in Ukraine and support the Ukrainian power's actions, which are directed at
combating corruption. As the Secretary of State noted, the USA hails
Ukraine's moves toward the development of democracy.

According to Viktor Yushchenko, Ukraine hopes for signing a bipartite
protocol on mutual access to markets of goods and services with the USA
and for its support of Ukraine's getting the market economy nation status.

The Ukrainian Head of State reminded that Ukraine deleted visas for US
citizens and expects a relevant step by the USA with regard to
liberalization of the visa regime for Ukrainian citizens. -30-
==============================================================
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==============================================================
4. UNITED STATES URGES UKRAINE TO STICK TO REFORM PATH
Stick to promises made during the "Orange Revolution"

By Sue Pleming, Reuters, New York, NY, Thu, Sep 15, 2005

UNITED NATIONS - The United States urged Ukrainian President Victor
Yuschenko on Thursday not to be swayed from making reforms after he
fired his government and voiced support for him during turbulent political
times.

In a meeting on the sidelines of the U.N. General Assembly in New York, U.S.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice told Yuschenko she hoped he would
stick to the promises he made during the pro-Western "Orange Revolution"
that brought him to power last year.

U.S. Undersecretary of State Nicholas Burns told reporters the United States
believed Ukraine was moving in the right direction and Washington very much
wanted to see the fledgling democracy succeed.

"The job we have is to be a good friend of Ukraine and support the reforms
and to encourage private investment and have them work with us on the
security issues that are so important for the world," Burns said.

Last week, Yuschenko dismissed the government of Prime Minister Yulia
Tymoshenko amid infighting and accusations of corruption. She was a
crucial ally during last year's street protests that helped him to defeat a
pro-Moscow rival and win power in a presidential election.

Burns said the United States did not want to get involved in Ukrainian
domestic politics.

"We don't seek to cast judgment on Ukraine," he said, adding it was not
surprising to see such turbulence in a government moving away from an
authoritarian past.

Speaking to the U.N. General Assembly, Yuschenko said his government
was determined to move ahead and create an open, integrated society
and a free-market economy.

"We will seize this historic chance to gain prosperity, to reunite our
future with that of a common Europe," he said.

"Ukraine's example demonstrates that freedom cannot be stopped along
old dividing lines. Its language is clear to all peoples. It has vast
potential for peace, stability and cooperation," he added.

Ukraine is relying on Washington for support in the former Soviet republic's
entry talks with the World Trade Organization. -30-
=============================================================
5. US RICE BACKS UKRAINE GOVT, DISCUSSES IRAN WITH INDIA

Associated Press (AP), New York, NY, Thu, September 15, 2005

NEW YORK -The Bush administration said Thursday that Ukraine is
"headed in the right direction," despite recent upheaval in the country's
government.

The Orange Revolution in Ukraine won praise from the Bush administration
last winter as a turn toward democracy in Eastern Europe. But it is
faltering now under the weight of reported corruption and political
divisions.

Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko last week fired his Orange Revolution
ally Yulia Tymoshenko from her job as prime minister and dismissed her
government. The dismissal came after members of Yushchenko's team began
publicly leveling accusations of corruption against one another.

"We continue to believe the Ukrainian government is headed in the right
direction," Undersecretary of State Nicholas Burns said after Secretary of
State Condoleezza Rice met with the embattled Ukrainian leader.

"What we have seen is not surprising" as the Kiev government moves away
from authoritarian rulers, Burns said. The United States is a good friend of
Ukraine, the U.S. official said.

Rice told Yushchenko he could count on "very strong support for Ukrainian
democracy," Burns said.

In New York for U.N. meetings, Rice also met with Indian Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh. She took up Iran's suspension of nuclear negotiations with
the European Union and the question of how to try to persuade Tehran to end
the stalemate.

The secretary has courted India in hopes of sending a "unified message" to
Iran. "We were gratified to hear India does not want to see Iran become a
nuclear power," Burns said. But he declined to say whether India would like
the U.N. Security Council to take up the issue of its suspension of
negotiations.

Rice indicated Wednesday the administration was backing away from
referring Iran's actions to the Security Council for censure or sanctions.
Describing efforts to constrain Iran from producing nuclear weapons, Rice
said "the world is not perfect in international politics. You cannot always
get a 100% solution."

Rice last week appealed to China, Russia, India and others to support
threatening Iran with penalties for refusing to halt its nuclear program.
Russia quickly made known its opposition to trying to punish Iran in the
Security Council. The White House acknowledged Wednesday that
President Bush was unable to get a commitment from Chinese President
Hu Jintao.

Iran's new president, Mahmoud Ahmedinejad, also urged the U.N. not to
bend to U.S. pressure. He said Thursday that Iran was prepared to transfer
nuclear know-how to Islamic countries. Meanwhile, ministers from Britain,
France and Germany, which have negotiated with Iran, met with Iran's new
foreign minister, Manouchehr Mottaki, and its chief nuclear negotiator, Ali
Larijani. -30- [The Action Ukraine Report Monitoring Service]
==============================================================
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==============================================================
6. FORMER PRES BILL CLINTON INAUGURATES GLOBAL CONFERENCE
Participants include President Viktor Yushchenko of Ukraine

From combined dispatches
The Washington Times, Washington, D.C., Friday, Sep 16, 2005

NEW YORK -- Former President Bill Clinton yesterday convened his own
gathering of world leaders in a Manhattan hotel, vying for attention with
the United Nations summit across town.

British Prime Minister Tony Blair, U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan, King
Abdullah II of Jordan, left-wing financier George Soros and Secretary of
State Condoleezza Rice were among those in attendance at the first session
of the Clinton Global Initiative.

During the opening session, Mr. Clinton suggested the creation of an
insurance program against terror attacks, saying such a program would
promote private investment in places desperate for economic development
but beleaguered by conflict, like the Gaza Strip.

"I would just like to ask that you consider setting up some sort of
insurance structure," Mr. Clinton said. "Then I think we'd have a lot more
success in getting venture capital in there."

In addition to speeches and panels on topics such as global warming and
Middle East peace, the conference featured a cocktail reception last night
at the Museum of Modern Art. Admission was expensive, with some
attendees paying $15,000; the fee was waived for others.

Today, a panel will examine "Islam and the West," with participants
including Elizabeth Cheney, principal deputy assistant secretary of state
for Near Eastern affairs and daughter of Vice President Dick Cheney. An
afternoon session will discuss the role of religion in political conflicts,
featuring participants such as Gerry Adams, president of Northern Ireland's
Sinn Fein party, and former Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright.

Also among the participants in the conference are Presidents Olusegun
Obasanjo of Nigeria and Viktor Yushchenko of Ukraine, World Bank chief
Paul Wolfowitz, Nobel Prize winner Elie Wiesel, Queen Rania of Jordan
and former Vice President Al Gore.

The conference is bankrolled by "major underwriter" Tom Golisano, a
Rochester, N.Y., billionaire. Mr. Golisano, a prominent advocate of
legalizing marijuana for medicinal use, ran unsuccessfully three times for
governor of New York on the Independence Party ticket.

Other "inaugural partners" of the Clinton Global Initiative include the
Rockefeller Foundation, Goldman Sachs, the Starbucks coffee chain,
and such computer/Internet industry giants as Microsoft Corp., Hewlett-
Packard Development Co. LP, Yahoo and Google. -30-
==============================================================
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==============================================================
7. PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO MEETS WITH AMERICAN JEWS
Will ask US Congress to repeal Jackson-Vanik amendment for Ukraine

Press office of the President of Ukraine Victor Yushchenko
Kyiv,Ukraine, Thursday, September 15, 2005

KYIV - In New York, Victor Yushchenko met with representatives of American
Jewish Organizations. During the meeting, they told the President they
intended to address the Congress to repeal the Jackson-Vanik amendment for
Ukraine.

The participants discussed ways to return cult buildings to religious
confessions. The Head of State informed those present that representatives
of all religious groups in Ukraine would form a special committee to
consider such issues.

They also discussed the current situation in the country. Yushchenko urged
businessmen to more actively invest in the Ukrainian economy. He promised
them that the government would spare no effort to create a favorable
investment climate.

In the course of the meeting, the President spoke about national issues. “We
oppose nationalism and national intolerance. Ukraine respects all national
minorities,” said the President. He added that the government adequately
responded to all manifestations of national intolerance. - 30 -
==============================================================
8. YUSHCHENKO'S NEW YORK GALA

COMMENTARY: By Walter Prochorenko PhD
Paramus, New Jersey
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR), No. 561, Article 8
Washington, D.C., Friday, September 16, 2005

Kudos to Adrian Karatnycky, his entourage, and the newly formed Orange
Circle for putting on an outstanding event at the venerable Rainbow Room
at Rockefeller Plaza in NY for President Yushchenko in honor of his first
social appearance in the city that claims to be the center of the financial
universe.

The event appears to have been a spectacular commercial success
although the political, economic, and social outcome may turn out to be
somewhat questionable.

So what if some guests never got seating at tables for which they paid
"political event" prices, but instead were left out in the lobby to drink
their sorrows away or to leave under embarrassing conditions.

In the case of this writer it would not have been so bad (after all I have
over 30 years of experience in underdeveloped countries), but what of the
Wall Street portfolio manager with over $1.5 billion to invest in Eastern
Europe who was snubbed due to this error.

How does this look for Ukraine and why does this begin to look dubiously
unprofessional?

So what if President Yushchenko's speech failed to re-ignite the fires of
the Orange Revolution and sounded very much like an accountant's report
to his board of directors. Given the stress that this hero has been going
through with the September turmoil in Ukraine's politics, it is certainly
forgivable.

So what if many of the guests acted like rock star groupies when trying to
get their moment with the President but completely ignoring yesterday's
hero - Vitaliy Klitchko,- who stood just inches away and seemed to be
completely unrecognized and forgotten by the guests. (So much for fame
and fortune in the land of the diaspora).

So what if the event exemplified the lack of seriousness on the part of our
Ukrainian society to take current events in Ukraine under full consideration
and to recognize the severity of the political crisis that could undo much
of what Ukraine's citizens stood in the cold and harsh wintry days of Kyiv
to achieve.

We may have waived our orange flags during those solemn days in support
of the Yushchenko and Tymoshenko team, but now we seem to have
forgotten what they were fighting for or against.

For the most part however, we did have a great social event. The vodka
and liquor flowed with exemplary East European hospitality. The mood
was euphoric (with the previously stated exceptions), and the food (I'm
told) was worthy of New York's cuisine artistry.

It's certainly easy to criticize and to find flaws in any situation. But
professionalism is within the reach of everyone if we should strive to
attain it.

Let's hope that future events don't leave things to chance and make sure
that potential investors are not ignored or left out in the cold. This
would serve Ukraine far better than any gala event could ever do.

Ukraine desperately needs investments. The best PR will be when Ukraine
takes its place among the European countries as an equal and not as an
enigma. -30- [The Action Ukraine Report Monitoring Service]
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Walter Prochorenko is a businessman who spent over 8 year in Ukraine
in private enterprise which included consulting, real estate development,
business appraisals for banking interests, and construction. He has just
finished a doctorate in International Business with his main area of
research: business in Ukraine. E-Mail: prowalt@yahoo.com.
==============================================================
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==============================================================
9. GONGADZE KILLERS STILL ROAM FREE IN UKRAINE SAY
JOURNALISTS IN NEW CALL FOR JUSTICE
Fifth anniversary on Friday the 16th of killing of internet journalist

International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)
Brussels, Belgium, Tuesday, 13 September 2005

The crisis-ridden government of Ukraine comes in for criticism today in a
report published by the International Federation of Journalists
(http://www.ifj.org/pdfs/gongadze2.pdf) and other journalists’ organisations
who claim that the authorities continue to obstruct the investigation into
the murder five years ago of journalist Gyorgy Gongadze.

“The people who authorised the brutal assassination of Gongadze still roam
the corridors of power in Kiev,” said Aidan White, IFJ General Secretary.
“There will be no real democracy in Ukraine until there is justice in this
case.”

The report, published jointly by the IFJ, the National Union of Journalists
of Great Britain and Ireland, the Gongadze Foundation and the Institute of
Mass Information, a Kiev-based press freedom NGO, has been issued to
mark the fifth anniversary on Friday of the killing of internet journalist
Gongadze, whose headless body was found in a ditch in a village outside
Kiev.

Those responsible for his killing – specifically powerful figures who
instigated and authorised the murder – are “getting away” says the report
while a handful of individuals who took part in the immediate killing are
taking full responsibility.

Shortly after the headless body of Gongadze was found in 2000 tapes made by
a bodyguard of former president Leonid Kuchma, on which the president and
other ministers could be heard planning to harm Gongadze, were made public.

Since then there has been a series of incompetent investigations into the
case. There was renewed hope for progress last year after the “Orange
revolution”, when the new president, Viktor Yushchenko, promised to make
solving the murder a priority.

But, today’s report asserts that the investigation continues to be marked by
serious negligence and the authorities are accused of steering it away from
the powerful organisers of the crime and limit it to the immediate
perpetrators.

The investigation has established that Gongadze was killed by a group of
serving interior ministry officers, some of whom are expected to be tried
shortly. But the leader of the group, General Olexiy Pukach, has
disappeared. Former interior minister Yuri Kravchenko, a key witness, has
died in mysterious circumstances.

At the same time, the Ukrainian general prosecutor has failed to examine the
links between the case and the operation of death squads within the interior
ministry. He has also failed to get the tapes made in former president
Kuchma’s office to be accepted as evidence in court.

“This brutal killing casts a long shadow over Ukraine as it struggles to
create a democracy worthy of the name,” said White. “But there will be no
peace or democracy in Ukraine until there is justice for Gongadze. Those
who abused their power to stifle the voice of a critical journalist must be
exposed and brought to trial.” -30- [The Action Ukraine Report]
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
This report updates a previous report issued in January:
http://www.ifj.org/default.asp?Index=2917&Language=EN
For further information please contact: +32 2 235 22 00
The IFJ represents over 500,000 journalists in more than 110 countries
=============================================================
10. FORMER UKRAINIAN OFFICIAL SPEAKS OF ANTI-STABILITY PLOT

RIA Novosti, Moscow, Russia, Thu, September 15, 2005

KIEV - A former senior official in Ukraine claimed Thursday that a plot
existed to destroy political stability in the country.

Former Secretary of the Ukrainian Security Council Petro Poroshenko said
corruption allegations earlier voiced by a former head of the country's
Security Service, Oleksandr Turchinov, were part of a plot devised by some
former officials.

"This confirms the forecasts about potential attempts to destabilize the
political situation in Ukraine and use it to seize power illegally,"

Poroshenko said after Turchinov accused some officials, including
Poroshenko of corruption at a Thursday news conference.

Poroshenko also said, "the first stage of the plan based on blackmailing,
lies and cynicism" started to be implemented on September 5, when the then
state secretary of the president, Oleksandr Zinchenko, first accused some
people from President Viktor Yushchenko's inner circle of corruption.

Poroshenko said Turchinov had abused his office to collect compromising
materials that could not be used legally. Considering that Turchinov had not
reported this information at the time, Porosehnko said he could be held
criminally liable. -30- [The Action Ukraine Report Monitoring Service]
==============================================================
11. RUSSIAN PARLIAMENT SPEAKER WARNS OF ANOTHER
REVOLUTION IN UKRAINE

RBK TV, Moscow, in Russian 1400 gmt 15 Sep 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Thu, Sep 15, 2005

MOSCOW - [Presenter] Ukraine is facing a threat of another revolution.
The old and the new opposition have refused to take part in the voting on
forming the government and on the candidacy of Yuriy Yekhanurov [to
appoint him to the post of prime minister]. [Passage omitted]

Moscow does not rule out another Maydan [central square in Kiev and
venue of orange revolution] in Ukraine in the future.

[Boris Gryzlov, State Duma speaker] It is clear that there is a political
crisis in Ukraine. It is developing. It would be undesirable for this
situation to develop into street riots. We remember a quite complicated
and threatening situation during the presidential election.

I was in Kiev three times during the election campaign and took part in
round-table discussions. I see that there is a potential threat. -30-
==============================================================
12. LOOKING AT SIX MONTHS THROUGH THE EYE OF ONE UKRAINIAN

COMMENTARY AND ANALYSIS: By Member Ukrainian Diaspora
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR)
Washington, D.C., Friday, September 16, 2005

NOTE: The following commentary was sent to The Action Ukraine
Report by a person known to us who asked that the name not be
included. If you want to send comments to this writer please send
them to morganw@patriot.net and they will be forwarded to the writer.

My wife & I have recently returned from a six-week holiday in Ukraine.

What a bitter sweet pill we had to swallow when we returned home an
several days later found out that the government was sacked.

I had been to Ukraine in December as an election observer after the
debacle of the second tour!

It was a calling, to be part of history. Something inside me that my
father's Ukrayina, our batkivschina was going to what she always wanted -
true democracy and freedom from a socialist oligarchy.

I stood in that orange revelry - I stood in the crowds and felt the country
unify - it was compelling. The people on the maidan united as one. Those
emotions will remain in my memories till the day I die and beyond.

So quickly, eight months have come and gone. And now we have seen the
big chop! Why was it necessary?

The feedback of many of my colleagues in Ukraine is of unbelief of what has
happened. Many of them are chiding Victor Yushchenko's moves. It even
seems the support of Ukraine's "new middle" class is waning from our new
president.

Is it because of the charisma of an extremely charming and shrewd
businesswoman, Yulia Vladimirovna Timoshenko that has presented to the
population so well? Has it been the lack of foresight of our new president,
Victor Andriyovych Yushchenko and his advisors?

I think it has been neither! My answer is a simple analogy.

Yushchenko's move to sack his parliament has been like an expert gardener
pruning his garden. It is always sad to cut of the once beautiful blossom
and branches, but the job needs to be done to improve the shape and
growth for the next season. The proper time to prune is determined by the
condition. Old and neglected plants often require extensive pruning to
rejuvenate them.

The mass sacking was a job that needed to be done to ensure that the new
growth would be straighter and the flowers more delicate and fragrant.

Too much dead wood was present in Ukraine's parliament from the
beginning. Too many of the same faces from the previous government were
there only wearing a new hat or suit.

Personally, I feel Victor Andriyovych Yushchenko is an excellent gardener
and the time was right to prune! Yes, it is autumn and soon to be winter.
Politics is like the seasons some months are hot and some are cold.

But for my Ukrainian friends in Ukrainian, I say sit tight and stay warm
because next year there will be a new spring and a new summer and
Ukraine will rejuvenate - stronger and more colourful than she ever was.

There were over 12,000 observers who cared enough about Ukraine's
history in December 2004 to forego Christmas with their loved ones.

Did you sit at home watching the news and wondered how you could
have helped?

Did you wake up your mum or dad or your loved one and say with pride
"Ukraine has a new President"!!

If you care then I invite you to come and be part of the team to give
Ukraine another fair election result in March 2005. -30-
=============================================================
13. UKRAINE: GOVERNMENT IN CRISIS

ANALYSIS: Oxford Analytica, UK, Monday, September 12, 2005

EVENT: In his televised address on September 11, President Viktor
Yushchenko accused the Tymoshenko cabinet of taking sides in business
disputes, overstepping its authority and working behind his back.

SIGNIFICANCE: Yushchenko's dismissal of the government is an attempt to
take the situation under control and bring a degree of cohesion to his
policies.

ANALYSIS: The dismissal of Yulia Tymoshenko's government on September 8 is
a product of deep-rooted problems that have engulfed Yushchenko's presidency
(see UKRAINE: Political manoeuvring set to intensify - September 9, 2005).

Business links. The current political crisis was precipitated by the
resignation of the presidential chief of staff, Oleksandr Zinchenko, who
accused three of President Viktor Yushchenko's close allies, including the
head of the National Security and Defence Council (NRBO), Petro Poroshenko,
of corruption. A businessman and one of the wealthiest people in
central-eastern Europe, according to the 2005 annual list by Polish journal
Wprost, Poroshenko had provided the financial resources for the 'Orange
Revolution'. Poroshenko had hoped to be appointed prime minister but was
undermined by his image as a Ukrainian oligarch. Excluding Poroshenko from
the team was hardly an option for Yushchenko not only because of the role
that he had played during the Revolution but also for personal reasons, as
Poroshenko is the godfather of one of the president's children. His
subsequent appointment as NRBO head contributed to the popular perception
that Yushchenko would be unable to end the corrupt practices of the Kuchma
era.

Prime Minister Tymoshenko's reputation has been tarnished by her alleged
links to the Privat oligarch group from her hometown of Dnipropetrovsk. Her
deputy, the head of the Our Ukraine parliamentary faction, Mykola
Martynenko, is believed to have ties to the businessmen in the outgoing
government, such as Minister of Emergency Situations David Zhvania and
Minister of Transport Yevhen Chervonenko. An opinion poll suggests that the
number of Ukrainians who believe that under Yushchenko business was "being
truly separated" from politics declined from 51% in April to 34% in August.

Power games. Yushchenko has proved unable or unwilling to halt the power
struggle between the members of his team, notably Tymoshenko and Poroshenko.
Although constitutionally the NRBO is only one of several coordinating
bodies, Poroshenko appropriated extensive security functions, effectively
turning the security council into a second cabinet. He made enemies within
the government by attempting to play the role of a 'gray cardinal' in
control of the country's media and judiciary. On the other hand,
Tymoshenko's cabinet was "too politicised", according to Yushchenko, who
accused her of failing to deliver, despite heading a cabinet with more
powers than her predecessors (see UKRAINE: Opponents fear tough
Tymoshenko - February 10, 2005).

In addition, Yushchenko's senior adviser Oleksandr Tretyakov, who has been
suspended pending criminal investigation on corruption charges, is believed
to have used his position to decide who would obtain access to the president
and what subjects would be discussed. By controlling information channels,
Tretyakov left the president under- or misinformed and created numerous
opportunities for corruption.

Presidential style. Following a series of resignations and allegations of
corruption, Yushchenko had no choice but to act decisively in order not to
undermine popular support for his presidency. This contrasted with his
style since the elections, when he left the daily running of the country to
Tymoshenko and Poroshenko, and spent much of his time abroad. Yushchenko
intervened only when crises became unmanageable, as when he warned
Tymoshenko over her statist economic policies and against supporting one
oligarch group (Privat) over another (Interpipe) in a dispute over the
re-privatisation of the Nikopol plant. Generally, he abstained from using
many of the extensive powers that the presidential office had inherited from
former President Leonid Kuchma.

Yushchenko's seeming inaction has negatively affected his public standing.
A Razmukov Centre poll concluded that the number of Ukrainians who believed
that Yushchenko was a better leader than Kuchma has steadily declined --
from 52% in April to 37% in August. The number of respondents who believed
that Ukraine was "moving in the right direction" has also declined -- from
51% in February to 32% in August. Meanwhile, the number of people who
thought that Ukraine was "moving in the wrong direction" increased from 24%
in February to 43% in August.

Tymoshenko's options. The dismissal of Tymoshenko will induce her to pose
as a radical alternative to Yushchenko and may even lead to her political
ascendancy. She is likely to attract those who believe that the president
and his closest aides have 'betrayed' the Revolution. The Tymoshenko bloc
in parliament has doubled to 41 deputies since the presidential elections,
while Yushchenko's faction has suffered defections, falling from 100 to 45
deputies. As such, Yushchenko's faction has only four more deputies than
Tymoshenko's and only one more than People's Party headed by parliamentary
speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn.

Defectors from Yushchenko's 2002 Our Ukraine election bloc have created four
factions -- Rukh (14 seats), Reforms and Order (15), Forward Ukraine (19)
and the Ukrainian People's Party (22) -- which, if allied with Tymoshenko,
will give her additional 70 votes. With such support, Tymoshenko will be
tempted to run independently, rather than in a coalition with Yushchenko, in
the 2006 parliamentary elections. In fact, she has already indicated her
ambition to do so.

Yekhanurov's prospects. The governor of Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, Yuri
Yekhanurov, has been appointed acting prime minister, but to replace
Tymoshenko his candidacy has to be confirmed by the parliament. Yekhanurov
has a good record on economic reform in 1999-2001, when he was first deputy
prime minister, and in 1994-97, when he was head of the State Property Fund
(SPF) during Ukraine's first privatisation phase. His reform credentials
and lack of business connections make him different to Yushchenko's outgoing
allies. He is untainted by corruption and, being originally from eastern
Ukraine, is a good choice for the position of prime minister.

Outlook. The opposition composed of hard-line Communists, Regions of
Ukraine, and the United Social Democratic Party are unlikely to benefit from
the current political crisis, as they are led by unpopular leaders.
Meanwhile, Tymoshenko, who will present herself as the standard bearer of
the Orange Revolution, and Lytvyn, who portrays his party as a 'third
force', may reap political dividends. Poroshenko's resignation complicates
matters for Lytvyn, who having lost an ally within the presidential team,
may now be investigated in relation to the murder of opposition journalist
Heorhiy Gongadze because he was head of Kuchma's administration in
1996-2002. The removal of Poroshenko will also reduce support for Lytvyn's
People's Party (former Agrarians) within a 2006 coalition. The radicals in
the Tymoshenko bloc have long opposed any alliance with Lytvyn, regarding
his party as a 'protective roof' for former Kuchma officials who fear
criminal charges.

Members of Tymoshenko's Fatherland Party probably would not agree to rejoin
the cabinet, but other members are more likely to return under Yekhanurov.
These include Defence Minister Anatolii Hrytsenko, Foreign Minister Borys
Tarasiuk, and Interior Minister Yuri Lutsenko, a Socialist. However,
Yushchenko may reconsider giving Socialists the posts of the minister of
agriculture and head of the SPF, as his previous appointments drew
widespread criticism from Western investors. Martynenko, who was reportedly
being groomed to stand as a candidate for mayor of Kyiv in the 2006
elections, is now unlikely to be nominated by his party.

CONCLUSION: The broad alliance that brought Yushchenko to power in the
"Orange Revolution" will no longer stand united in the March 2006
parliamentary elections. Radicals, unhappy with Yushchenko's leadership
style and ability to implement reforms, are likely to rally around
Tymoshenko, whose stature as the opposition leader is set to grow.
Yushchenko may try to salvage his popularity by appointing individuals
committed to reforms. -30- [Action Ukraine Report Monitoring]
=============================================================
14. "DAY AND ETERNITY OF JAMES MACE"
New book published by Den

By Morgan Williams, Publisher and Editor
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR), No. 560, Article 3
Washington, D.C., Thursday, September 15, 2005

KYIV - A new book featuring the writings of the late Professor James
Mace has been published in Kyiv by the newspaper Den/The Day. The
book will be officially launched on Friday, September 16, at the
International Book Fair in Lviv, according to Natalia Dziubenko-Mace
(Mrs. James Mace) who will be present at the Book Fair.

Mrs. Mace told me in Kyiv last Sunday, when I interviewed her, that Larysa
Ivshyna of Den will present the new book in Lviv. The book was under the
overall editorship of Larysa Ivshyna. Maryna Zamuatina and Nadiya
Tysiachna of the Den assisted in the compilation of the articles by Dr.
Mace. The book is being published in separate editions in Ukrainian
and English.

There are over 110 articles in the book written by Dr. Mace, many of them
while he worked for the Den and wrote a weekly column for the Day Weekly
Digest in English. There are also over 20 tributes and memoirs in the
book written by Kateryna Yushchenko, Stanislav Kulchitsky, Yury Shapoval,
Eugenia Dallas, Maria Bohachevsky-Chomiak, Marta Kolomayets, Roman
Serbyn, Natalia Feduschak, Yury Shcherbak, myself and others who knew
Jim so well and about his outstanding scholarship and teaching.

Natalia Dziubenko-Mace said she is so proud the new book has been
published, and is very grateful to the management of Den. "It is a fitting
tribute to Jim, his work about the Ukrainian genocidal famine (Holodomor)
of 1932-1933 and his dedication to the people of Ukraine. I hope you and
others will do what you can to tell the world about the book. We really
want the book to receives wide distribution and readership. This will be
the best tribute for Jim and his work," Mrs. Mace said.

Larysa Ivshyna wrote in her introduction 'To The Readers,' "The report to
Congress, prepared by the U.S. Commission on the Ukraine Famine of
1932-1933 headed by James Mace, created a sensation, a veritable
exposing that opened the eyes of the international community to the
enormity of the catastrophe experienced by the Ukrainian people.

Much has been said and written about his achieving a singular insight into
this country, about his becoming perhaps a better Ukrainian than most,
about this sharing the grief of the Holodomor victims in his own singularly
empathic way.

His own, very keen sense of justice must have been the reason for his
decision to become a part of Ukraine. He wanted to expose that official
conspiracy to remain silent on the Holodomor Manmade Famine; he
wanted the tragic truth made public knowledge worldwide.

It was a very hard task. We know that a number of his US counterparts
remain Soviet-minded researchers specializing in Soviet history,
that they are vague about vague about singling out Ukraine with its
disasters and national interests.

The editor of the book continued, "Den/The Day presents this unique
bilingual book project featuring James Mace's weekly columns and
analytical articles that appeared in our newspaper between 1998 and
2004.

We have published the book also in English not only because most
of the articles were originally written in English, but also because we
would like the world to see Ukraine through the eyes of James, much
like he opened the world to us through his articles.......

It is with special emotion that we compiled the book. We would like
for it to touch a chord with readers Ukrainian and otherwise, whose
souls are still alive. It is dedicated to the memory of an honest
intellectual, fearless man, and passionate journalist, of whom there
are few.

Individuals the likes of James are people with a mission. It is a matter
of honor for Ukrainians to remember him, a true Hero Of Ukraine."
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
NOTE: The new book published in Ukraine by Den, "Day and Eternity
Of James Mace" is available from the www.ArtUkraine.com Information
Service (ARTUIS). There are two separate editions of the book, one
in Ukrainian and one in English. If you are interested in obtaining
information about purchasing the book please send an e-mail to
ArtUkraine.com@starpower.net. [Editor]
=============================================================
Send in names and e-mail addresses for the AUR distribution list.
=============================================================
15. "BEHIND UKRAINE'S CRISIS"

COMMENTARY AND ANALYSIS: Taras Kuzio
Part I and II, Eurasia Daily Monitor
The Jamestown Foundation, Washington, D.C.
Wednesday, Sep 14 and Friday, Sep 16, 2005

The removal of the Yulia Tymoshenko government on September 8 came as
a surprise as it had not been accused of corruption. Such accusations were
only levelled by outgoing head of the presidential secretariat, Oleksandr
Zinchenko, four days earlier against close members of President Viktor
Yushchenko's circle (EDM, September 7 and 8).

Similar accusations were made a week earlier by Mikhail Brodsky, an adviser
to Tymoshenko. Brodsky had been an opponent of Yushchenko's 1999-2001
government and had voted for its dismissal in April 2001 (Times, September
5).

Members of the outgoing government remained angry that they were tarred with
the same brush of corruption as those accused by Zinchenko. Tymoshenko could
not understand how her government which had fought against corruption was
also being removed (Ukrayinska Pravda, September 9)?

Nevertheless, the government's success in the battle against corruption was
not felt by Ukrainian citizens. A poll of Kyivites found that 73.1% did not
believe that corruption had declined with only 20.4% agreeing (Zerkalo
Tyzhnia/Nedeli, September 10-16, 2005). Another poll found that only 31% of
Ukrainians believed that the government had successfully battled corruption,
with 59% disagreeing (UNIAN, September 9).

The poll also found that Ukrainians did not credit the government with good
results in inflation, creation of new jobs or re-privatization.

Accusations of corruption are commonly made in Ukraine and other CIS
states, often with little evidence to back up the accusations.

Zinchenko made his accusations on September 5 without showing evidence
which he only began to collect three days later.

Besides personality conflicts, there are two major reasons for the split
between Tymoshenko and Yushchenko.

First, a second split in national democratic forces. In the early 1990s Rukh
divided over whether to cooperate with the national communists, today's
centrists.

In 2005 the national democratic camp has divided over the same issue of how
to relate to the past. Tymoshenko seeks to prosecute high ranging centrists
in the former regime implicated in corruption, abuse of office, the murder
of Heorhoy Gongadze and election fraud.

Yushchenko, on the other hand, is a "force for stability and peace" while
Tymoshenko is a "main proponent of change" (Financial Times, September 12).
Yushchenko is in favour of compromise with members of the former regime and
turning over a new leaf (Financial Times, September 9).

Members of the Gongadze family remain pessimistic that Yushchenko has
the necessary "political will" to find the organizers
(eng.imi.org.ua/?id=read&n=179&cy=2005&m=thm for latest report by
international journalists unions). Kuchma may have been given verbal
immunity in the December 2004 round-table negotiations.

Yekhanurov was head of the State Property Fund in 1994-1997 and opposes
re-privatization. Oligarchs will no longer feel threatened by the government
and will seek to cooperate with Yushchenko.

The People's Union-Our Ukraine will fight the 2006 election in alliance with
centrists, the former backbone of the Kuchma regime, such as parliamentary
speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn's People's Party. Tymoshenko had opposed
cooperating with centrists in the 2006 election.

Oligarchs afraid of losing their assets looked to National Security and
Defence Council secretary Petro Poroshenko. Now they will look to
Yushchenko and Yekhanurov and feel safer with Tymoshenko gone
(Financial Times, September 9).

At the heart of this lies the dichotomy between Yushchenko never having been
comfortable in opposition (unlike Tymoshenko). Two months prior to the
removal of the Yushchenko government he condemned the anti-Kuchma
opposition in which he never participated. Yushchenko never took an active
part in the Ukraine Arise! protests of 2002-2003. During the Orange
Revolution, Yushchenko chose round-table negotiations over Tymoshenko's
preference for storming the presidential administration.

Tymoshenko went into opposition in 1998, four years ahead of Yushchenko and
his business allies. After her government was removed she immediately
announced her readiness to go into opposition in the 2006 elections. She
will also stand against Yushchenko in the 2009 presidential elections
(Inter, September, Ukrayinska Pravda, September 13).

Yushchenko is not a revolutionary but was nevertheless, brought to power by
the Orange Revolution. Ironically, the Orange Revolution, in turn, was only
made possible by the Kuchmagate crisis of November 2000.

The Orange Revolution was also bankrolled by businessmen who had defected
with Yushchenko into opposition in 2001. The Orange Revolution was termed a
"rebellion by millionaires against billionaires". Poroshenko has a reported
wealth of $350 million.

But, it was these businessmen around Yushchenko, such as Poroshenko, who
had begun to disillusion Ukrainians that little had in fact changed. Kuchma
had his oligarchs and now Yushchenko has his own.

This is not just a question of the businessmen accused by Zinchenko.
Outgoing First Deputy Prime Minister Anatoliy Kinakh heads the Union of
Industrialists and Entrepreneurs. Yushchenko's centrist allies in the 2006
election will also include former pro-Kuchma oligarchs.

Second, one of ideology. The Orange coalition was eclectic, including
Socialists, populists and reformers. Yushchenko's "liberal-right" views were
opposed by Tymoshenko's "monopolistic left" policies (Zerkalo
Nedeli/Tyzhnia, September 10-16).

Although at heart a populist, firm ideological beliefs are conspicuously
absent from Tymoshenko's political past. She first entered politics within
former Prime Minister Pavlo Lazarenko's Hromada, the first dissident
oligarch party, in the 1998 elections. After he fled abroad, Tymoshenko
created her own Fatherland Party.

Like the centrist parties that backed Kuchma, Fatherland has no clear
ideological position. In 2002, Fatherland merged with the radical
nationalist Conservative Republican Party led by Stepan Khmara. Two years
later Fatherland merged with the Yabloko party, led by Brodsky. Yabloko
grouped Russophone small and medium businessmen.

Fatherland has though, in the course of Yushchenko's presidency managed to
attract dissident parties from the People's Union-Our Ukraine. These include
Reforms and Order (RiP), led by former Economic Minister Viktor Pynzenyk
and Yuriy Kostenko's Ukrainian People's Party.

Former First Deputy Prime Minister Mykola Tomenko, a leading member of RiP,
has become a vocal critic of the Yushchenko administration and a proponent
of an alliance between the RiP and Fatherland.

The Ukrainian Republican Party-Sobor and the United Ukraine parties will
also align themselves with Tymoshenko. Only outgoing Foreign Minister Borys
Tarasiuk's Rukh alone of the national democratic parties, will support
People's Union-Our Ukraine.

Zinchenko may head the PORA party, created out of the 'yellow' wing of the
PORA NGO. This would have to assume that the politically ambitious head of
PORA and Yushchenko adviser Vladyslav Kaskiv would step aside.

If correct, the 2006 elections could well see PORA, which played such an
important role in the Orange Revolution, together with Tymoshenko in the
anti-Yushchenko camp (see pora.org.ua, September 10 for statement).

PART II ------

The Orange Revolution and election of Yushchenko showed that Ukrainian
society wanted "change". But, Yushchenko, as a non-revolutionary, was
unable to deliver them. As the Economist (September 8) pointed out, the
"Orange Revolution promised much but has so far delivered little".

Ukrainians do not believe that there has been sufficient change and break
with the Leonid Kuchma regime in the eight months of Yushchenko's
presidency. A Razumkov Center analyst commented that, "Ukraine gave
Yushchenko a giant credit of faith, but now they want results" (AP,
September 7).

One reason why there has been no charges against high ranking officials is
because the prosecutor's office is headed by Sviatoslav Piskun. Piskun was
prosecutor in 2002-2003 and was reinstated in his position on December 10,
2004.

Why was Piskun was reinstated? This only came two days after parliament
voted on the "compromise package" to permit a repeat election on December
26 and constitutional reforms in 2005 or 2006.

Was Piskun brought in to protect Kuchma with immunity and to ensure that
high ranking Kuchma officials would be not charged? Only low and medium
level former Kuchma officials have been charged with abuse of office,
corruption and election fraud.

The lack of substantial progress in indicting former Kuchma officials is
clearly seen in the plight of Serhiy Kovalov, head of the Central Election
Commission (CVK) in the 2004 elections. The CVK was directly accused by
the Yushchenko camp of open falsification in rounds one and two. After the
elections, Kivalov returned to his position as Dean of the Law Academy in
Odesa.

"As long as bandits are not punished, they remain examples for criminals of
all types", Socialist leader Oleksandr Moroz warned (Ukrayinska Pravda,
September 5). As a central player in the Kuchmagate affair, Moroz is,
together with the Tymoshenko camp, the only ones calling for the
"organizers" of Heorhiy Gongadze's murder to be brought to trial.

The charges of corruption in Yushchenko's entourage levelled by former
presidential head Oleksandr Zinchenko (EDM, 8, 9) are to be investigated by
a commission. Either of the outcomes is a no-win situation for Yushchenko.

If the commission exonerates the three accused officials Yushchenko stands
to deepen the degree of public disillusionment that the new guard are little
different from the old. This would increase Yulia Tymoshenko's popularity in
the 2006 elections.

Yushchenko has already been criticized for pre-judging the outcome of the
investigation. While welcoming the creation of the commission, Yushchenko
said "I am confident that these facts will not be found" (Zerkalo
Tyzhnia/Nedeli, September 10-16). In post-Soviet states such a comment by
a president is seen by officials as a hint as to how to conclude the
investigation.

51.3% of Kyivites, a city that staunchly backed Yushchenko in the Orange
Revolution, believe the accusations made by Zinchenko. Meanwhile, 68% do
not believe the prosecutor's office will investigate the charges, with 23.5%
believing it will (Zerkalo Tyzhnia/Nedeli, September 10-16).

If the commission, despite Yushchenko's confidence in their innocence, finds
evidence of corruption amongst his close allies this would be irrevocably
damaging to his presidency. Yushchenko would have to take responsibility for
tolerating corruption in his close circles.

Another factor is the granting of additional power to the National Security
and Defence Council (NRBO) headed by one of the accused, Petro Poroshenko,
was unconstitutional. The result was paralysis of decision-making and
in-fighting with Poroshenko turning the NRBO into a parallel government.

Disillusionment is especially acute among young people, without whom the
Orange Revolution would have been impossible. Younger generation politicians
from the Reforms and Order Party (RiP), and young people more generally, are
likely to be orientate towards Tymoshenko in the 2006 elections. RiP was
Yushchenko's main political ally in the 1990s and its defection to
Tymoshenko is one of the outcomes of the crisis.

There are four main consequences for Yushchenko in removing the
Tymoshenko government.

FIRST, constitutional reforms are due to go into effect in January 2006 that
transfer some of the executive's power to parliament. This makes it
imperative that Yushchenko has a parliamentary majority after the 2006
elections as it elects the government.

It would be politically disastrous for Yushchenko if became a symbolic
president after constitutional reforms with a hostile parliamentary majority
and government. Such a scenario would return Ukraine to the
executive-parliament conflicts of the 1990s and damage progress on reforms.

SECOND, the People's Union-Our Ukraine has ratings of only 18% (compared to
Tymoshenko's 11.3%) (Ukrayinska Pravda, September 9). Yushchenko will be
forced to align himself with former pro-Kuchma centrists, such as Lytvyn,
for support in parliament. Both now in the confirmation of Yuriy Yekhanurov
as Prime Minister and after the 2006 elections to establish a parliamentary
majority and new government.

THIRD, Tymoshenko as an oppositionist will take votes from the hard-line
opposition grouped in Regions of Ukraine (RU), Social Democratic united
(SDPUo) and Communist (KPU) parties. All three are led by uncharismatic
and unpopular leaders. In contrast, Tymoshenko has great media appeal, is a
fiery orator and a popularity that was as high as Yushchenko's.

FOURTH, Yushchenko and Tymoshenko will publicly duel over who has the
right to claim to represent the "true ideals" of the Orange Revolution.
Tymoshenko's bloc will campaign in support of separating business and
politics.

"The domination of oligarchs in the government around Petro Poroshenko
contradicts the principles of the Maidan", Tomenko believes (Ukrayinska
Pravda, September 8).

Yushchenko's trusted and close allies continue to remain businessmen that
supported Our Ukraine in the 2002 elections and his presidential campaign in
2004. This will be especially the case if, as expected, the commission
exonerates his close allies of corruption.

The Tymoshenko camp will campaign on the platform that the Orange Revolution
is "unfinished". Ukraine needs to "commence preparations for another stage
of the revolution", Tomenko argues, "as he (Yushchenko) has not used the
chance that history and the revolution gave to him" (Kommersant, September
9).

The Tymoshenko bloc will support the "demands of the maidan" (Ukrayinska
Pravda, September 9). Tymoshenko believes that, "I am on the right and clear
path" (Inter TV, September 9). Yushchenko disagrees, pointing to his elected
mandate as president.

The 2004 elections were a struggle between the Kuchma regime's Viktor
Yanukovych and the Orange democratic alternative, Yushchenko. This
sidelined the KPU that had been the main opposition in the 1990s. The KPU
candidate come in fourth place in round one.

Both the KPU and Kuchmite centrists will be marginalized in the 2006
elections in a contest to be dominated by two wings of the Orange
Revolution - Yushchenko and Tymoshenko. -30-
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
NOTE: Taras Kuzio is a Visiting Professor, at the Institute for European,
Russian and Eurasian Studies, Elliott School International Affairs,
George Washington University, Washington, DC. tkuzio@gwu.edu
LINK: Jamestown Foundation: http://www.jamestown.org
==============================================================
16. UKRAINE: A TINTIN MOMENT
In short, the Tintin moment is the moment when the
new regime seems like the old regime.

COMMENTARY: OUR TAKE, Transitions Online (TOL)
Prague, Czech Republic, Monday, 12 September 2005

Why a cartoon character should concentrate the minds of Ukraine's
politicians.

Viktor Yushchenko was last week supposed to be in Poland at an economic
forum in Krynica, a relaxing spa-town setting at which, no doubt, to renew
Ukraine's claim to eventual EU membership. Instead, he spent a febrile week
back in Kyiv watching his government disintegrate.

Finally, in his own words "frustrated," Ukraine's president stepped in and
swept away the remnants of the government. Three of the president's closest
associates from the revolution are, for the time being, out of power.
Ukraine's first post-revolutionary phase is over.

His Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, is surely gleeful. Even before the
Ukrainian government fell, he had responded to divisions within the
Ukrainian cabinet and allegations of corruption by telling Western
journalists that "we said this before and no one wanted to listen to us -
and we have to be listened to."

THE BRIGHTER SIDE .

Putin could have found good reasons for suggesting Ukraine's Orange
Revolution would inevitably flounder. He didn't and instead reached the
wrong conclusion: the current problems in no way reduce the justification
for the revolution. But, more importantly, he is missing a key point: that
one factor contributing to the government's collapse may actually help
Ukraine's democracy.

The argument that the government headed by Yulia Tymoshenko was bound
to hit the rocks is simple. From Latin America to the former Soviet Union,
opposition groups have realized that often the best way to overthrow an
entrenched regime is to unite into a single movement.

When success cuts the bonds that bound them, it is natural that unnatural
partners will go their own way (or, when they remain together, like Serbia's
one-time 17-party ruling coalition, that they will spend much of their time
in enervating in-fighting).

In Ukraine, the opposition was, if anything, particularly likely to split.

FIRST, one of the factors that enabled the opposition to remove the old
system in late 2004 was precisely the political system's fragmentation:
ex-President Leonid Kuchma and his supporters were always too divided
and Ukraine's politics and its system too fractious for them to consolidate
authority in the manner(s) achieved by Putin and Belarus' Alyaksandr
Lukashenka.

To watch the Ukrainian political scene before the revolution was to watch a
kaleidoscope, with members of parliament constantly moving from faction to
faction and new constellations of power forming with every twist of events.

From the moment the revolution ended that fragmentation began again, with
some of Kuchma's supporters gravitating to the new powers-that-be and
some of Yushchenko's fellow-revolutionaries - notably, the Socialists -
immediately trying to catch some homeless or discontented left-wing
politicians. With the dismissal of the Tymoshenko government, the
kaleidoscope is again changing shape and color fast.

The SECOND reason why it was very probable the opposition parties would
part ways was that, come parliamentary elections in March 2006, the real
power in the country should no longer be Yushchenko but the prime minister.
A presidential system common in the former Soviet Union will become a
parliamentary system more familiar to most Europeans.

It was perhaps natural, then, that factions within the government would
begin, as they have, to clash and accuse each other as they maneuvered for
pole position in the election race - particularly when the forces that
gathered around Viktor Yanukovych in last year's presidential elections
remain weak. The government's fall is, then, partly an unwelcome by-product
of a welcome change.

And nor should the accompanying loss of revolutionary innocence be a
particular cause of lament. In 1989, the Czechoslovak dissidents who led the
Velvet Revolution hoped their movements - Civic Forum and Public Against
Violence - would remain political forces, but amorphous organizations with
their raison d'etre already a matter of history are hardly an ideal
mechanism to cope with dramatic challenges.

If one consequence of the Ukrainian government's collapse and the change
in political system is a stronger party-political system, then something
positive will have emerged.

. AND THE DARKER SIDE

But this assessment somehow rings hollow. Something fundamental is
missing. That something could be the fear - or, in Putin's case, the hope -
that a Tintin moment has arrived.

When Tintin signed off a cartoon career that had taken him to four corners
of a largely despotic world, he did so in the tinpot dictatorship of a South
American brass hat, General Tapioca. When he left, the name of the capital
had changed from Tapiocapolis to Alcazaropolis, named after the latest
strongman-ruler, General Alcazar.

In short, the Tintin moment is the moment when the new regime seems like
the old regime.

No one interested in objectivity (and so Putin can be excluded) could
possibly look at Ukraine's current crisis and think that Yushchenko and his
government are as yet anywhere close to being doppelgangers for Kuchma
and his government.

But a Tintin moment does not depend on objectivity; it depends on a
population's well-trained instinct to believe that nothing improves, that
power inevitably corrupts, that politics is just politicking.

The danger of a Tintin moment would be particularly strong in Ukraine
regardless of Yushchenko's or Tymoshenko's actions. One reason was the
heightened level of cynicism about the revolution in some quarters, the
notion that the revolution was simply a battle of millionaires (Yushchenko's
supporters) against billionaires (Yanukovych's supporters).

At the same time, there were perhaps greater hopes or idealism (or both)
than in Georgia and Serbia. Yushchenko seemed a remarkable rarity, a
political leader against whom there were no proven charges (or real hint) of
corruption and only the slightest trace of sleaze. For all her wealth and
the accompanying trail of questions, Tymoshenko also helped heighten
expectations.

As the academic Marian Rubchak demonstrated for TOL, Tymoshenko
managed to transform herself into the Marianne of the Orange Revolution,
tapping into Ukrainian archetypes and the imagery of the French Revolution.

You may not buy into her imagery, but for many ordinary Ukrainians it was
an effective psychological tack - and one that created great expectations
of Tymoshenko.

Outsiders too may have harbored unusually high hopes of Ukraine: while
Serbia was the political laggard of the Western Balkans and Georgia was but
a small country, Ukraine's revolution roused hopes that there might be at
least some long-term hope of change in Belarus and Russia.

But the real danger of a Tintin moment now does not come from overly high
expectations, but from the actions of Ukraine's political leaders these past
few months. Of course, there are the allegations of corruption that
Oleksandr Zinchenko, head of the presidential secretariat, and Deputy Prime
Minister Mykola Tomenko leveled at close associates of the president (though
not at Yushchenko himself) when they resigned.

There is sometimes also extreme language that will fuel the notion that the
Orange Revolution has rotted (two examples from Tymoshenko's advisor
Mykhailo Brodsky: "I declare that around Yushchenko - there is only
corruption" and "I apologize to voters who I earlier encouraged to vote in
the elections").

Those are, though, just accusations at present. Still, even in relatively
small ways, Tymoshenko and Yushchenko have both given reason to worry. In
Tymoshenko's case, one instance is simply a willful economy with the truth,
an incredible stretching of credibility. Tymoshenko's career may have
started from humble beginnings but no one doubts that her career led her to
wealth, immense wealth.

Now, "Mrs. $11 billion" (as she has been called) has declared that her only
income last year was her salary as a member of parliament.

Yushchenko's problem is in part because of the lifestyle of his son, Andriy.
A liking of a playboy lifestyle is in itself nothing exceptional and there
are limits to the paternal influence of even a president. The problem is how
19-year-old Andriy is thought to have come to his money (and platinum mobile
phone): by copyrighting some of the symbols of the Orange Revolution.

When the president's family effectively privatizes the revolution, ordinary
people can legitimately ask whether the president will also privatize the
presidency.

There also have to be questions about how much Yushchenko has understood
that the revolution involved setting radically better standards. As a recent
book* by the Ukraine expert Andrew Wilson indicates, politics in the
post-Soviet region is often "virtual politics," a world of manipulation and
deceit.

But at some point, the world of "virtual politics" ends and real politics
begins; some accusations need real answers. At least twice, Yushchenko has
failed to understand that journalists have asked legitimate questions about
people close to him: first, when earlier this year he labeled questions
about Justice Minister Roman Zvarych "intrigues" and then when he called a
journalist "a hitman" when he asked about his son's income (an echo of
Tymoshenko, as it happens, as she had accused journalists of acting as
"hired killers" in the Zvarych affair).

. AND THE NEED FOR SOME LIGHT

To argue that the revolution did bring new expectations and a radical change
in attitudes is no idle assertion. According to a survey conducted in
February by the Applied Research Center for Democracy and Elections, nearly
every Ukrainian (92 percent) was interested in the elections, and nearly
three-quarters (72 percent) said they have at least a moderate level of
interest (up from 59 percent just before the elections).

The vast majority (87 percent) said they were very likely or likely to vote
in the March 2006 elections, and only a small minority (16 percent) believed
that the parliamentary elections would not be free and fair. Many more
believed the revolution was legitimate (70 percent) than actually voted for
Yushchenko (52 percent), and almost two-thirds (62 percent) though the
revolution had played a role in furthering Ukrainian democracy.

One-third (30 percent) believed Ukraine was a democracy and even more
believed (43 percent) was moving to become one. A majority of Ukrainians (53
percent) said that voting gives them a chance to influence decision-making
in the country (up from 47 percent in October), with young people
particularly energized (42 percent before the elections to 59 percent). That
is a long list of figures, but no apologies for the list, for because it
details what was a comprehensive change.

The question now is what damage recent months have done, and what impact
they will have on the parliamentary elections. Already Yushchenko's standing
is being affected. A Razmukov Center poll in August noted a sharp drop in
the number of people who thought Yushchenko was an improvement on Kuchma
(from 52 percent to 37 percent in five months) - and more people now think
Ukraine is heading in the "wrong direction" (43 percent, 20 points down in
five months) rather than the right direction (32 percent).

The hope at the start of the year was that, like Georgia's President Mikheil
Saakashvili and the late lamented Prime Minister Zurab Zhvania, Yushchenko
and Tymoshenko would prove a formidable team. That hope has been dashed.

The other hope was that Yushchenko would use his moment of real power to
bring big changes; there is probably now little prospect of sweeping
improvements in the months that remain before the political system changes.
Yushchenko's main challenge now is simply to keep people's faith in
Ukraine's political direction.

To keep the faith (and also to stem the rapid disintegration of his party),
Yushchenko needs to bring some transparency. Some light needs to be shed
on the corruption charges and the allegations leveled in recent months. More
needs to be known about the investigation into the Kuchma-era killing of the
journalist Georgi Gongadze.

Gongadze's mother now says "Yushchenko or Kuchma - nothing has changed,"
but the key issue is to ascertain the truth of the accusation by former
Deputy Prime Minister Mykola Tomenko that Volodomyr Lytvyn - leader of a
party that backed the revolution, but at the time of Gongadze's murder the
head of Kuchma's presidential administration - has been blocking
parliamentary discussion of the investigation. And, perhaps most of all, he
needs to make sure that the parliamentary elections really are transparent,
free and reasonably fair.

That will require Yushchenko changing his self-described role as a
"hands-off manager" and also to make difficult choices. One of those lies in
his relationship with Petro Poroshenko - the (now former) head of the
National Security Council, a major source of funding and, as a TV magnate,
television airtime during the revolution, a leading figure in Yushchenko's
party, and, as it happens, godfather to one of Yushchenko's children. (Again
there is a Tintin moment here: one of Kuchma's key backers was his
son-in-law, the magnate Viktor Pinchuk.)

The development of that relationship now that Poroshenko has been forced to
resign pending an investigation will also have a bearing on ensuring free
and fair parliamentary elections. Throughout Ukraine, thousands of officials
(some say 18,000) have been sacked for their role in perverting the
presidential elections. But the process has been geographically patchy.
Analysts are pointing fingers at Poroshenko, claiming that he is protecting
some officials.

And while the clear-out suggests the elections in March will be less subject
to embedded interests, Ukrainian publications such as Ukrayinska Pravda are
reporting cases of seats in local government being sold for as much as
$70,000. Full-scale reform of campaign financing and local government may be
impossible in the next few months, but these are areas Yushchenko needs to
focus on.

None of this is unfamiliar from (for example) U.S., French, or British
political history, but while knowledge of that history protects against
alarmism it is hardly a reason to be sanguine. And, while looking at the
structural changes in Ukraine can give reason to be optimistic, the traces
of Tintinism give reason to worry how the revolution will turn out.

How it does develop will depend largely on Ukrainians themselves. The French
Revolution brought the guillotine and Emperor Napoleon, but its republican
ideas lasted longer. It is up to Ukrainians to remember what they fought for
and why - and then to vote.

But it will not depend just on the government or ordinary Ukrainians. For
reasons of geopolitics and domestic Russian politics, Putin wants Ukrainians
to have a Tintin moment, for democracy to be discredited in the eyes of
Ukrainians and Russians.

And for reasons of geopolitics and for democracy in Ukraine, the fall of
Tymoshenko's government should be a reminder to Europe that - just as it
helped Central Europe and the Western Balkans - it should support Ukraine
by continuing to hold out the prospect of NATO and EU membership.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
* Andrew Wilson. Virtual Politics. Faking Democracy in the post-Soviet
World. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. 2005
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
LINK: Transitions Online: http://www.tol.cz
==============================================================
17. DEMOCRACY IS ALIVE IN UKRAINE
Kyiv's governmental crisis will not
derail Ukraine's democratic development, says Alexander Motyl

COMMENTARY: Alexander Motyl
Open Democracy, Free Thinking for the World
Online Global Magazine of Politics and Culture
London, UK, Monday, September 12, 2005

When Ukraine's democratically elected president, Viktor Yushchenko,
sacked his government on 8 September - including his prime minister
and former political ally, Yulia Tymoshenko - alarm bells went off and
commentators spoke of the end of the "orange revolution".

Nothing could be further from the truth. Although Ukraine's democratic
government is in turmoil, Ukraine's democratic system has never been
healthier.

A brief glance at events in Ukraine since the tumultuous weeks of late
2004 - when protests against the fraudulent presidential election mushroomed
into a mass civic movement for peaceful democratic transformation - sets the
scene for understanding these latest developments.

THE ORANGE MOMENT

The system of rule that took root under Yushchenko's predecessor, Leonid
Kuchma, was intrinsically decrepit and prone to decay. Political power was
concentrated in a small clique that ignored the rule of law, controlled the
media, and intimidated society while catering to the whims of powerful
tycoons. Such a closed, clannish, corrupt, and incompetent regime could
survive only as long as people were too fearful to question its legitimacy.

The regime's edifice began to crack in 2000-2001, when Kuchma became
implicated in the September 2000 abduction and beheading of a journalist,
Georgii Gongadze. Secret tape recordings suggested that the president had
ordered Gongadze's killing. Just as disturbing, the tapes revealed Kuchma's
thuggish private side. The anti-Kuchma public protests that erupted soon
thereafter showed just how odious the president had become for many
Ukrainians.

When Kuchma's prime minister, Viktor Yanukovych, decided to run for
president in 2004, that was the final straw for Ukrainians who longed to see
their country become a normal, peaceable, democratic state. Kuchma's
criminal past, his acknowledged collaboration with the KGB, and his cloddish
persona were now reinforced by an evident desire to make Ukraine a crony
state in perpetuity.

Kuchma and Yanukovych, like tinpot authoritarians the world over, figured
they could rig the presidential election without being held accountable. But
after they engaged in exceptionally brazen cheating in two rounds of voting
(31 October and 21 November 2004), the gathering democratic forces within
Ukrainian society exploded in protest.

Hundreds of thousands braved bitter cold for days, extending into weeks, to
demand their democratic rights. The solemn Yushchenko and the fiery
Tymoshenko led the demonstrators and came to embody the democratic
values of what became known - following the colourful symbols, flags and
banners adopted by the protestors - as the "orange revolution".

THE ORANGE TURNING POINT

Ukraine's immediate transformation into a prosperous European state appeared
to be assured when clean elections in January 2005 led to the inauguration
of Viktor Yushchenko as president and the appointment of Yulia Tymoshenko as
prime minister. The unrealistic nature of that expectation was soon exposed.

Tymoshenko pursued a variety of populist policies that distorted the
workings of the market. Privatisation was put on hold as the government
endlessly reviewed past privatisations and attempted to reverse the most
egregiously corrupt ones. The government coalition, which emerged on the
basis of opposition to Kuchma, began to fracture as ministers squabbled over
policy and areas of responsibility.

A series of damaging scandals - one involving the younger Yushchenko's
extravagant lifestyle - came to light. As finger-pointing escalated,
Yushchenko's chief-of-staff Olexander Zinchenko resigned on 4 September
alleging corruption on the president's team. After several days of
deliberations, the president fired Tymoshenko and appointed his old ally,
Yuri Yekhanurov - the governor of Dnipropetrovsk province and reputedly a
technocrat - as acting prime minister.

The tussles will continue and probably intensify as parliamentary elections
scheduled for March 2006 approach and all sides take to vigorous
campaigning. Mud will be slung and deals will be cut, as politics goes into
high gear. But as the prophets of doom bury the orange revolution, more
sober observers may want to recall that vigorous debate and contestation, of
the kind that characterise today's Ukraine, are exactly what democracy is
about.

Although Ukraine is hardly a mature and consolidated democracy, it is a
radically different country today from what it was just one year ago. The
orange revolution was not merely the replacement of one regime by a
successor of the same kind, as some analysts have argued, but a real
turning-point. It shifted Ukraine's systemic trajectory - from an
increasingly authoritarian direction to a substantially (if still
imperfectly) democratic one.

Civil society and the media in today's Ukraine are robust, open political
debate has become the order of the day, transparency has increased,
democratic institutions are functioning, the rule of law has improved
marginally, and investigations into past misdeeds (such as the killing of
Giorgii Gongadze) are proceeding.

Ukraine remains an economically impoverished and excessively corrupt
country - and political turmoil may or may not facilitate reform - but it is
anything but an authoritarian state with a dictatorial leader and a passive
population, as in Russia. Indeed, the very fact that severe, ongoing
criticism of Yushchenko and Tymoshenko is itself being freely expressed in
the media, and by civil society groups, students, and political activists
attests to the consolidation of democratic norms and behaviour.

THE ORANGE EFFECT

The true importance of the orange revolution is not that it changed the
Ukrainian government, but that it changed Ukraine in four substantial ways.

First, the revolution galvanised Ukraine's disparate opposition forces and
moulded them into a civil society based on a multiplicity of
non-governmental organisations, student groups, churches, businesses, and
intellectuals. Although the world's attention was focused on the hundreds of
thousands of demonstrators in Kyiv's (Kiev's) streets, no less important
were the equally large numbers demonstrating for democracy in all of
Ukraine's cities.

When the upheaval ended at the end of 2004, on the eve of free elections,
there could be no doubt that Ukraine possessed a democratic citizenry
willing to fight, stubbornly and peacefully, for its rights.

Second, as significant as civil society's upheaval was the fact that all of
Ukraine's political institutions - the presidency, the parliament, the
supreme court, and the political parties - played by the democratic rules of
the game throughout the crisis. Even Yanukovych, after losing the
presidential run-off of 27 December, proceeded to challenge Yushchenko's
victory in the central election commission and the supreme court.

Ukraine had acquired formally democratic rules of the game under Kuchma,
but it became clear during the revolution that these rules had stuck and
were beginning to function as real democratic institutions.

Third, for huge numbers of Ukraine's young people the orange revolution was
a formative experience, comparable to 1968 in the United States, France,
and Germany or 1989 in Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia.

Just as the mass marches and peace demonstrations of these two momentous
years transformed the experience and sense of possibility of an entire
generation, so too the orange revolution will shape an entire generation of
young Ukrainians, and through them affect the culture and change the habits,
thinking, and mentality of millions of their fellow-citizens.

Fourth, for the Ukrainian population in general, the orange revolution
created a national myth - a defining moment that establishes a set of ideals
against which all political actions can be measured. Like 1776 for
Americans, 1789 for the French, and 1980 for Poles, 2004 represents a
rupture with the past and a breakthrough to a new future for Ukraine's
people.

For the first time in modern Ukraine's history, Ukrainian politicians can be
held up to an unconditionally progressive standard. By accusing Yushchenko
and Tymoshenko of betraying the orange revolution, critics are also
affirming the integrity of the process and the validity of the national
myth; so too, critics of their successors will measure their performance in
light of the revolution's ideal.

THE ORANGE LEGACY

This may be the orange revolution's single most important legacy: the
transformation of a passive populace into a self-conscious citizenry.
Ukraine's population has become empowered, and it will not, short of a
totalitarian crackdown by a tyrant, be disempowered - regardless of who its
elected leaders are and what they do or fail to do.

Thus Ukraine's future is bright even in the light of current political
travails. The country will be democratic and, over time, increasingly
transparent - and transparency is the best long-term antidote to corruption.
The country will also be increasingly prosperous, because only a
self-confident citizenry has the capacity to pursue economic opportunity and
enrich itself as it sees fit.

The way ahead will involve many other political and economic crises; but
for democratic Ukraine there is no going back. -30-
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Alexander Motyl is professor of political science and deputy director of
the Center for Global Change and Governance at Rutgers University,
New Jersey.

Also by Alexander Motyl in open Democracy, "How Ukrainians
became citizens" (25 November 2004) This article was published at
a moment when many commentators were predicting that the
demonstrations in Kyiv (Kiev) would be crushed and Ukraine's
democratic wave defeated. In it the author wrote:

"(The) demonstrators . are no longer afraid of the authorities. They have
nothing to lose, everything to gain, and they know that they will win."
http://www.opendemocracy.net/democracy-ukraine/alive_2822.jsp
E-mail: Alexander Motyl: ajmotyl@andromeda.rutgers.edu.
==============================================================
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