"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT - AUR"
An International Newsletter
The Latest, Up-To-Date
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis, and Commentary
"Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World"
"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT - AUR" - Number 572
Mr. E. Morgan Williams, Publisher and Editor
Washington, D.C., Kyiv, Ukraine, THURSDAY, September 29, 2005
--------INDEX OF ARTICLES--------
"Major International News Headlines and Articles"
1. PRIME MINISTER & EU TRADE COMMISSIONER DISCUSS THE
PROSPECTS FOR UKRAINE'S ENTRY IN WTO AND CREATION
OF A FREE TRADE ZONE WITH EU
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Wed, September 28, 2005
2. NEW PRIME MINISTER WANTS ECONOMY MINISTRY TO INCREASE
ITS WORK ON UKRAINE RECEIVING MARKET ECONOMY
STATUS AND JOINING WTO
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Wed, September 28, 2005
3. EU LIKELY TO DECIDE ON UKRAINE'S MARKET ECONOMY
STATUS AHEAD OF EU-UKRAINE SUMMIT ON DEC 1
AP Worldstream, Brussels, Belgium, Wed, Sep 28, 2005
4. UKRAINIAN FINANCE MINISTER VIKTOR PYNZENYK URGES
RECONCILIATION AMONG FORMER ALLIES
Ukrayinska Pravda website, Kiev, in Ukrainian 28 Sep 05
BBC Monitoring Service,UK, in English, Wed, Sep 28, 2005
5. DNIPROPETROVSK REGION FAMOUS FOR PRODUCING LEADERS
FOR LARGER ROLE IN YUSHCHENKO GOVERNMENT
Mara D. Bellaby, Associated Press, Kiev, Ukraine, Wed, Sep 28, 2005
6. UKRAINIANS BLAME YUSHCHENKO'S ALLIES FOR TEAM SPILT
Associated Press (AP), Kiev, Ukraine, Wednesday, September 28, 2005
7. UKRAINE: NEW CABINET OF MINISTERS TAKES SHAPE
Three more appointments on Wednesday, Sep 28
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR)
Compiled from news stories published by the Ukrainian
News Service & Ukrinform, Kyiv, Ukraine
Kyiv, Ukraine, Thursday, September 29, 2005
8. STRONG AFFECTIONS FOR UKRAINE: INDIANA'S SENATOR LUGAR
Ukraine's Quest for Mature Nation Statehood - Roundtable VI:
Ukraine's Transition to an Established National Identity
Ukrainian National Information Service (UNIS)
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Number 572, Article 8
Washington, DC, Wednesday, September 28, 2005
9. THE ORANGE REVOLUTION WAS A REVOLUTION OF HOPE
REMARKS: Zbigniew Brzezinski former National Security Advisor
and professor of American foreign policy at Johns Hopkins University.
Ukraine's Quest for Mature Nation Statehood - Roundtable VI:
Ukraine's Transition to an Established National Identity
Ukrainian National Information Service (UNIS)
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Number 572, Article 9
Washington, DC, Wednesday, September 28, 2005
10. ENHANCEMENT OF PARTNERSHIP WITH UKRAINE REMAINS ONE
OF THE PRIORITIES OF GEORGIAN FOREIGN POLICY
REMARKS: By H.E. Ambassador Levan Mikeladze
Ambassador of Georgia to the United States
Ukraine in a Regional Context: UA-GUAM Relations
Ukraine's Quest for Mature Nation Statehood - Roundtable VI:
Ukraine's Transition to an Established National Identity
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Number 572, Article 10.
Washington, D.C., Wednesday, September 28, 2005.
11. OUR FAITH IN UKRAINE REMAINS UNDIMINISHED
Ukraine's Quest for Mature Nation Statehood - Roundtable VI:
Ukraine's Transition to an Established National Identity
Ukrainian National Information Service (UNIS)
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Number 572, Article 11
Washington, DC, Wednesday, September 28, 2005
12. "DIVORCE - UKRAINIAN STYLE"
ANALYSIS: by Walter Prochorenko, PhD.
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Number 572, Article 13
Washington, D.C., Thursday, September 29, 2005
13. RUSSIA SUDDENLY BACK IN FASHION IN UKRAINE WITH
'ORANGE REVOLUTION' FOUNDERS
Agence France Presse (AFP), Moscow, Russia, Tuesday, Sep 27, 2005
14. IS PORA TURNING AGAINST YUSHCHENKO?
Pora criticizes deal between Yushchenko and Yanukovych
COMMENTARY AND ANALYSIS: By Taras Kuzio
Eurasia Daily Monitor, Volume 2, Issue 180
The Jamestown Foundation, Washington, D.C.
Wednesday, September 28, 2005
15. UKRAINE GOVERNMENT DIFFICULTIES MAKE MOSCOW HAPPY
COMMENTARY: By Angelique van Engelen
Global Politician, Brooklyn, NY, Wednesday, Sep 28, 2005
16. PARTY OF REGIONS SATISFIED WITH RESULTS OF "GIVE UP
ORANGE SYMBOLS" CAMPAIGN IN KYIV
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, September 26, 2005
17. THE 'APARTHEID WALL'
Slovakia was obliged to reintroduce strict border controls
in Szelmenc, a village it shares with Ukraine.
REVIEW & OUTLOOK: The Wall Street Journal
New York, NY, Monday, September 26, 2005
=============================================================
1. PRIME MINISTER & EU TRADE COMMISSIONER DISCUSS PROSPECTS
FOR UKRAINE'S ENTRY IN WTO AND CREATION OF A
FREE TRADE ZONE WITH EU
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Wed, September 28, 2005
KYIV - Prime Minister Yurii Yekhanurov discussed with Peter Mandelson,
member of the European Commission for foreign trade issues, the
perspectives of Ukraine's entry in the World Trade Organization and the
start of talks on the conclusion of an agreement between Ukraine and the
European Union on the creation of a free trade zone.
The Cabinet's press service reported this, citing Yekhanurov's phone talk
with Mandelson. Yekhanurov said that Ukraine's accession to the World
Trade Organization is a priority direction of the Cabinet' work.
He noted that Ukraine is taking all measures required for the completion of
bilateral and multilateral talks with member-countries of the workgroup for
Ukraine's entry in the WTO, and expressed hope that it will happen before
the end of the current year.
The Premier emphasized that Ukraine needs EU's support in negotiations
with the workgroup member-countries.
In his turn, Mandelson expressed support for Ukraine's efforts on the path
of bringing its national laws in line with WTO standards, as well as
cooperation of the Cabinet of Ministers and Verkhovna Rada on the issue.
In the course of discussing the creation of a free trade zone between
Ukraine and the European Union, Mandelson expressed the need for
removing problems involved in bankruptcy of companies, as well as
interference of the state in price formation issues.
Yekhanurov assured Mandelson that the Cabinet would give a distinct signal
to business that there will be no administrative interference with economy.
He noted that the Cabinet would be making system moves for settling
bankruptcy problems in the state.
"We are firmly standing on the free market principles of work, and the new
government to be formed before the weekend will work according to these
principles and laws," the Premier said.
Yekhanurov reminded that the Ukrainian party had given over to the European
Commission all documents required for the preparation of conclusions about
a market status of the Ukrainian economy, and is awaiting an answer to this
question in the nearest future.
Mandelson expressed confidence that the discussion of Ukraine's close
cooperation with the EU will be fruitfully continued in the course of
Yekhanurov's visit to Brussels (Belgium) on October 6-7.
As Ukrainian News reported, Ukraine hopes to join the WTO before 2006.
Right after entry in the WTO, Ukraine intends to start talks with the EU on
the creation of a free trade zone.
The Foreign Ministry stated that Ukraine had implemented the terms for
getting EU's full status of a free market economy country within the
framework of EU's antidumping laws, and predicted that the EU would
provide this status to Ukraine before December 1. -30-
=============================================================
2. NEW PRIME MINISTER WANTS ECONOMY MINISTRY TO INCREASE
ITS WORK ON UKRAINE RECEIVING MARKET ECONOMY
STATUS AND JOINING WTO
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Wed, September 28, 2005
KYIV - Premier Yurii Yekhanurov has commissioned Economy Minister
Arsenii Yatseniuk to boost the ministry's work on Ukraine's receiving
market economy status and its accession to the World Trade Organization.
Ukrainian News learned this from the Economy Ministry's press service
with references to Yekhanurov's statement made during the introduction of
Yatseniuk to the ministry's leadership.
As Yekhanurov said, the Economy Ministry's key task is also to build
economic relations with Russia from the viewpoint of Ukraine's national
interests.
Apart from this, Yekhanurov noted that the Economy Ministry should direct
its efforts towards stabilization of the economic situation in the country,
sending positive signals to small-sized, medium-sized and large-sized
business.
According to the Prime Minister, the Economy Ministry should become
"the general staff of the domestic economy" and the generator of successful
work. -30- [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service. -30-
=============================================================
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=============================================================
3. EU LIKELY TO DECIDE ON UKRAINE'S MARKET ECONOMY
STATUS AHEAD OF EU-UKRAINE SUMMIT ON DEC 1
AP Worldstream, Brussels, Belgium, Wed, Sep 28, 2005
BRUSSELS - The European Union is likely to grant Ukraine coveted market
economy status ahead of the EU-Ukraine summit on Dec. 1, the European
Commission said Wednesday.
"Our assessment is that overall the Ukraine's market economy status process
has been evolving positively," said EU spokesman Pia Ahrenkilde Hansen.
Recognition as a market economy is largely symbolic, but it would give
Ukraine added protection against possible charges of breaking global trade
law on antidumping. The EU questioned Ukraine earlier this year about
government price intervention and bankruptcy rules.
Ahrenkilde Hansen said the EU had all the information it needed and would
ask its 25 member states to approve any recommendation to grant market
economy status to Ukraine.
Shortly before he formed a new government in January, Ukraine's President
Viktor Yushchenko told the AP he wanted Ukraine to receive market economy
status, join the World Trade Organization and become an associate member
of the EU within three to five years.
But the Ukraine's first months under new leadership have left some investors
disappointed - and confused about the new government's commitment to a
market economy.
A government decision setting price limits on gasoline earlier this year led
to criticism that the government was meddling in price politics
- something that would stop it receiving market economy status. Yushchenko
later ordered his government to let the market decide prices. -30-
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4. UKRAINIAN FINANCE MINISTER VIKTOR PYNZENYK URGES
RECONCILIATION AMONG FORMER ALLIES
Ukrayinska Pravda website, Kiev, in Ukrainian 28 Sep 05
BBC Monitoring Service,UK, in English, Wed, Sep 28, 2005
KIEV - Ukrainian Finance Minister Viktor Pynzenyk is remaining in the
cabinet to complete what he has begun and to work for Ukraine. Pynzenyk
issued a statement after President Viktor Yushchenko reappointed him.
"Power is a difficult job and a great responsibility. I am remaining because
I have assumed this responsibility and cannot leave unfinished what I must
accomplish.
This is responsibility for the future of Ukraine which, due to the election
of Viktor Yushchenko, has received a unique opportunity for the first time.
We must not waste it," Pynzenyk said.
He said that the drafting of the state budget and accumulating resources in
it are the main functions of the Finance Ministry. " For the first time we
have made the budget what it should be - a tool to ensure well-being for
ordinary people.
We inherited complex problems that endangered the whole of the economy.
We have not only drafted the 2005 budget with great social projects but we
have been implementing it successfully for nine months!" Pynzenyk said.
He appealed to his fellow party members from the Reforms and Order Party
[Pynzenyk is the head of the party] not to support a split among the forces
that came together with the president. "We have not come with Viktor
Yushchenko to sow discord, but to overcome the heavy burden of social
problems and to build something new together with him," Pynzenyk said.
"I am remaining to gather stones. May God stop those who want to scatter
them," Pynzenyk concluded.
It was reported earlier that a member of the Reforms and Order Party [former
deputy prime minister] Mykola Tomenko said that Pynzenyk should quit the
party if he remains in the cabinet. -30- [Action Ukraine Report]
==============================================================
5. DNIPROPETROVSK REGION FAMOUS FOR PRODUCING LEADERS
FOR LARGER ROLE IN YUSHCHENKO GOVERNMENT
Mara D. Bellaby, Associated Press, Kiev, Ukraine, Wed, Sep 28, 2005
A Ukrainian television station summoned a feng shui expert to analyze the
phenomenon. Locals joke it's something in the air. Even former Soviet leader
Mikhail Gorbachev reportedly once commissioned a study to determine what
was going on.
This industrial city in eastern Ukraine has produced or groomed more of this
ex-Soviet republic's leaders than any other place. The saying goes: "You
don't have to be born lucky, you just have to be born in Dnipropetrovsk."
So President Viktor Yushchenko's decision to tap Dnipropetrovsk governor
Yuriy Yekhanurov to be the new prime minister struck many Ukrainians here as
natural. Yekhanurov has announced he will unveil his government's program on
Thursday in this city 600 kilometers (370 miles) from the capital.
Analysts say Yushchenko's decision to look east toward a breeding ground for
leaders is a politically astute move six months ahead of a key parliamentary
election.
With the breakup of the president's Orange Revolution coalition this month,
Yushchenko's traditional power base in western Ukraine may also split,
making any gains in the Russian-speaking east an even more valuable prize.
And Dnipropetrovsk may be the most promising place to make inroads:
Although the city swung its support behind losing candidate Viktor
Yanukovych last year, it gave Yanukovych only 60 percent of its vote - not
the high 90 percent of some other eastern regions.
"We were not the sea of blue that some people imagine," said Natasha
Zaveruka, referring to Yanukovych's blue campaign banners, as she walked
with her two-year-old daughter near Dnipropetrovsk's central Lenin Square.
"A lot of people supported Yushchenko. But we never saw him as this Messiah,
we didn't idolize him. We didn't get swept away by the Orange Revolution, so
now the team's collapse also doesn't faze us," she said.
Possibly working against Yushchenko is that Dnipropetrovsk is also the
hometown of the woman emerging as Ukraine's most powerful opposition
leader, his one-time Orange Revolution ally and ousted prime minister Yulia
Tymoshenko.
Locals proudly show off the towering, multiple-story mansion that Tymoshenko
reportedly bought while making her fortune in Ukraine's energy sector in the
mid-1990s.
Down the road is the bulky entrance to the factory where former Prime
Minister Leonid Kuchma spent years overseeing the production of
nuclear-tipped rockets before going on to lead this nation of 48 million for
a corruption-tainted decade. A former spy chief and a jailed ex-prime
minister are among the dozens of other former officials who once called
Dnipropetrovsk home.
"This is a region you can't ignore," said Serhiy Antipov, 47, a military
officer based here. "Tymoshenko was born here but she didn't really
understand. Yekhanurov is from Siberia but he seems to get it a little
better. What we need is a politician who does the job, not someone all
about show."
Yekhanurov has been governor of this Russian-speaking region only since
Yushchenko took office earlier this year, but he has promised that the
regions will gain new prominence, something many here strive for.
Conversations here frequently turn to complaints about how the industrial
east allegedly pays for Ukraine's more agriculturally-based west.
Tymoshenko, despite hailing from the east and being a native Russian
speaker, has often been seen as an alienating figure in the east due to
her hostility to Russia and her revolutionary fervor during the Orange
Revolution, which millions in the east didn't join.
Dnipropetrovsk has always been the heart of Ukraine's industrial east,
dotted with factories and crisscrossed by railway lines. But unlike the more
hardened mining center of Donetsk, the city of about 1.1 million has a
cosmopolitan air, and is home to numerous universities.
Snippets of German, Japanese and English conversations can be heard
on the streets and top-end sports cars clog the hilly roads.
Before the breakup of the Soviet Union, a study sent to Gorbachev found that
more than 50 percent of Ukraine's ruling elite hailed from Dnipropetrovsk.
A local television station, meanwhile, concluded from feng shui that it was
Dnipropetrovsk's layout - sprawled along two sides of the mighty Dnipr
River - that was responsible for siphoning off energy and turning it into a
grooming place for future leaders. -30-
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6. UKRAINIANS BLAME YUSHCHENKO'S ALLIES FOR TEAM SPILT
Associated Press (AP), Kiev, Ukraine, Wednesday, September 28, 2005
KIEV - Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko's political party would
come in third if parliamentary elections were held this week, according to
an opinion poll released Wednesday.
Ukrainians said they would be more likely to vote for the parties headed by
Yushchenko's former Orange Revolution ally, ousted Prime Minister Yulia
Tymoshenko, and the loser of last year's presidential race, Viktor
Yanukovych, than Yushchenko's team.
Both of those parties would receive almost 21% of the vote - compared with
14% for Yushchenko's Our Ukraine bloc, according to the results of a
nationwide poll of 1,803 possible voters.
The survey, conducted by the Democratic Initiatives Fund, show how weak
Yushchenko's position has become since the Sept. 8 breakup of his Orange
Revolution coalition, and the findings are particularly dangerous for the
president, with parliamentary elections due in March.
The race has become a major battlefield for Yushchenko and Tymoshenko,
who are now both claiming to be the sole guarantor of the Orange Revolution
pro-democracy ideals.
Yushchenko fired Tymoshenko, whose charismatic speeches before the
Independence Square crowds earned her accolades as the revolution's
heroine, and has since accused her of abuse of office. Yushchenko also
complained of a lack of trust between members of his team.
Some 27.9% of respondents said that Yushchenko's allies were to blame for
the breakdown in the coalition that grabbed world attention by rallying tens
of thousands of demonstrators in central Kiev to protest a fraudulent
presidential election won by Yanukovych. The protests, dubbed the Orange
Revolution, culminated in a court-ordered revote that Yushchenko won.
The poll was conducted between Sept. 18 and 21, and has a margin of error of
2.24 percentage points. Yushchenko's once sky-high popularity had dwindled
even before the political infighting, due largely to Ukraine's worsening
economic situation. -30- [The Action Ukraine Report Monitoring Service]
==============================================================
7. UKRAINE: NEW CABINET OF MINISTERS TAKES SHAPE
Three more appointments on Wednesday, Sep 28
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR)
Compiled from news stories published by the Ukrainian
News Service & Ukrinform, Kyiv, Ukraine
Kyiv, Ukraine, Thursday, September 29, 2005
The following has been reported by Ukrainian news sources:
[1] SECRETARY OF NATIONAL SECURITY & DEFENSE COUNCIL:
President Viktor Yuschenko has appointed Anatolii Kinakh as Secretary
of the National Security and Defense Council.
Kinakh, 51, was First Deputy Prime Minister in Yulia Tymoshenko's
government since February. From September 8 to September 27, he
worked as Acting First Deputy Premier.
Yuschenko reduced the authorities of the National Security and Defense
Council's Secretary. Before early September, the post was occupied
by Petro Poroshenko
[2[ FIRST DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER: As Ukrainian News reported, on
September 27, Yuschenko appointed Stanislav Stashevsyi First Deputy
Premier, replacing Kinakh at the post.
Stashevskyy was elected to parliament in March 2002. He is a member
of the parliament budget committee. Before being elected an MP, he
was the deputy head of Kiev city state administration and a member
of the Unity [Yednist] party [led by Kiev mayor Oleksandr Omelchenko].
Stashevskyy was born in 1943. He graduated from Kiev Polytechnical
Institute in 1972, majoring in electric engineering. Stashevskyy has a
degree in technical science.
Stashevskyy was a deputy director and chief engineer of
Kievelectromontazh company from 1979 to 1987. In 1987, he became
a deputy head of the main directorate for housing and civil construction
of Kiev executive committee. In 1992, Stashevskyy was appointed first
vice-president of the state municipal construction corporation
Kievmiskbud.
In 1996, he became the first vice-president of the Hlavkievmiskbud holding.
From October 1996 to March 2001, Stashevskyy was the first deputy head
of Kiev city state administration. In March-November 2001, he was fuel and
energy minister. Stashevskyy is a member of the Construction Academy
and a distinguished builder of Ukraine.
[3 DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER: President Viktor Yuschenko has appointed
Viacheslav Kyrylenko as deputy prime minister. 37-year old Kyrylenko
served as Minister of Labor and Social Policy in the Cabinet led by
former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko.
[4] DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER: President Viktor Yuschenko has appointed
Roman Bezsmertnyi as deputy prime minister.
39-year old Bezsmertnyi hold the post of the deputy prime minister for
territorial administrative reform in the Cabinet led by former Prime
Minister Yulia Tymoshenko.
[5] MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS: President Viktor Yuschenko
has appointed Borys Tarasiuk as Minister for Foreign Affairs. Tarasiuk,
56, served in the previous Cabinet led by former Prime Minister Yulia
Tymoshenko
[6] MINISTER OF ECONOMY: President Viktor Yuschenko has
appointed Arsenii Yatseniuk as Minister of Economy. By another decree,
Yuschenko dismissed Serhii Teriokhin from the post of Economy Minister.
As Ukrainian News reported, since March Yatseniuk was the first deputy
governor of the Odesa region. Yatseniuk occupied the post of the first
deputy chairman of the National Bank of Ukraine from January 2003 to
February 2005, and resigned from the post due to disagreements with
NBU chairman Volodymyr Stelmakh.
[7] MINISTER OF FUEL & ENERGY:Today Ivan Plachkov was re-appointed
as fuel and energy minister. The 48-year old Plachkov served the post of
the fuel and energy minister in the Cabinet of Ministers led by Yulia
Tymoshenko.
[8] MINISTER OF COAL INDUSTRY: President Viktor Yuschenko has
appointed Viktor Topolov as Minister of Coal Industry. The 59-year old
Topolov served as Minister of Labor and Social Policy in the Cabinet
led by former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko.
.
Yuschenko appointed Topolov as Minister of Coal Industry on August 18,
and on July 25 reorganized Fuel and Energy Ministry and created Ministry
of Coal Industry.
[9]] MINISTER OF EMERGENCY SITUATIONS: President Viktor
Yuschenko has appointed Viktor Baloha as Minister for Emergency
Situations and Protection of Population from Chornobyl Accident
Consequences. The 42-year old Baloha has chaired the Zakarpattia
regional state administration since February 4.
[10] MINISTER OF AGRARIAN POLICY: President Viktor Yuschenko has
appointed Oleksandr Baranivskyi as Minister of Agrarian Policy. The
50-year old Baranivskyi served as agrarian minister in the previous
Cabinet led by former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko. He is a
member of the Socialist Party.
[11] MINISTER OF AFFAIRS OF FAMILY, YOUTH & SPORT: President
Viktor Yuschenko has appointed Yurii Pavlenko as Minister for Affairs
of Family, Youth and Sport. The 30-year old Pavlenko served in the
previous Cabinet led by former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko.
[12] MINISTER OF ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION: President Viktor
Yuschenko has appointed Pavlo Ihnatenko as Minister of Environmental
Protection. Ihnatenko served in the Cabinet led by former Prime Minister
Yulia Tymoshenko.
[13] MINISTER OF EDUCATION: President Viktor Yuschenko has
appointed Stanislav Nikolaenko as Minister of Education and Science.
Nikolaenko, 49, served in the previous Cabinet led by former Prime
Minister Yulia Tymoshenko
[14] MINISTER OF INDUSTRIAL POLICY: President Viktor Yuschenko
has appointed Volodymyr Shandra as Industrial Policy Minister. On
February 4, Yuschenko appointed Shandra as Industrial Policy Minister
in the Tymoshenko-led Cabinet of Minister.
From 2002 through March 2005, Shanra was a deputy of the Verkhovna
Rada, and earlier worked as board chairman of Slavuta ruberoid plant.
[15] MINISTER OF THE CABINET OF MINISTRY: President Viktor
Yuschenko has relieved Petro Krupko from the post of Minister of the
Cabinet of Ministers and appointed Bohdan Butsa to replace him.
In February, Yuschenko appointed Krupko as First Deputy Minister of the
Cabinet of Ministers, having relieved him from the post of Deputy Minister
of the Cabinet.
Butsa, 45, Verkhovna Rada's deputy (accepted its deputative powers on
July 8) was elected from the list of Our Ukraine block of parties under No.
93. In Rada, he replaced Oleksii Ivchenko, board chairman of the nation
joint stock company Naftohaz Ukrainy.
[16] MINISTER OF DEFENCE: Anatoliy Hrytsenko will stay on as defence
minister
[17] MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR MINISTER: President Viktor Yuschenko
has appointed Yurii Lutsenko as the Interior Affairs Minister.
Lutsenko, 40, served as acting Interior Affairs Minister after the dismissal
of the Yulia Tymoshenko-led Cabinet of Ministers. He was appointed as
Interior Affairs Minister on February 4.
After his appointment to the post in February, Lutsenko said that his main
task was to change the image of the Interior Affairs Ministry. He promised
to decriminalize and depoliticize the organs of the Interior Affairs
Ministry.
Several personnel changes have been made in the leadership of the ministry
and its regional divisions since Lutsenko's appointment. After his first 100
days in office, Lutsenko positively appraised the process of
decriminalization and de-politicization of the ministry.
After this, he outlined the five priorities of the police for 2005: full
control over the sale of spirit in Ukraine, ending illegal use of natural
resources, establishing control over the procedures for registering
automobiles, continuing the fight against election crime, and reforming
the police.
[18] MINISTER OF LABOR & SOCIAL POLICY: President Viktor Yuschenko
has appointed Ivan Sakhan to the post of labor and social policy minister.
From April 2004, Sakhan, 57, held the post of director general at Ukrainian
Aluminum company, a subsidiary of Russian Aluminum that was later
renamed into Aluminum of Ukraine.
Sakhan served as labor and social policy minister from June 1998 to
November 2002 when the government was led by Valerii Pustovoitenko,
Viktor Yuschenko and Anatolii Kinakh.
As Ukrainian News earlier reported, Yuschenko removed Viacheslav
Kyrylenko from the post of labor and social policy minister and appointed
him deputy prime minister.
[19] MINISTRY OF CULTURE: President Viktor Yuschenko has relieved
Oksana Bilozir of her duties as Minister for Culture and Tourism.
Bilozir is a leader of the Social-Christian Party since April 2004. From May
2002 through March 2005 she was a deputy of the Verkhovna Rada from
the faction of Our Ukraine block of parties.
[20] MINISTRY OF JUSTICE: President Viktor Yuschenko has relieved
Roman Zvarych from the post of Justice Minister. due to resignation of the
Cabinet of Ministers.
[21] MINISTRY OF HEALTH: President Viktor Yuschenko has removed
Mykola Polischuk from the post of health minister.
Polischuk was a member of parliament in the Our Ukraine faction from
May 2002 to July 2005.
[22] MINISTRY OF CONSTRUCTION, ARCHITECTURE AND DWELLING
-MUNICIPAL ECONOMY: The President of Ukraine signed a decree to
appoint Pavlo Kachura Minister for Construction, Architecture and
Dwelling-Municipal Economy. A decree to establish the relevant ministry
was signed on July 1, 2005.
[23] MINISTER OF TRANSPORT AND COMMUNICATION: President
Viktor Yushchenko dismissed Yevhen Chervonenko of the position of
Minister for Transport and Communication and appointed Viktor
Bondar instead. Bondar, 29, earlier held the post of First Deputy
Minister of Transport and Communications.
[24] MINISTER OF FINANCE: President Viktor Yuschenko has appointed
Viktor Pynzenyk as Finance Minister. Pynzenyk, 51, took up the post of
Finance Minister from February 4 to September 8. Pynzenyk is leader
of the Reforms and Order Party.
Before the appointment, he worked as parliamentary deputy of the fourth
convocation, member of the parliamentary committee for finance and
banking.
In 1975 he graduated from Lviv's Ivan Franko University as economist, in
1979 from the University's postgraduate study, and in 1989 from the
doctorate of Moscow's Mikhail Lomonosov University. In 1989 Pynzenyk
became doctor of science (economy), and in 1991 professor.
Pynzenyk was people's deputy in the Rada of the 12th (1st) convocation
from December 1991, member of the parliamentary commission for
economic reform and national economy management. From October 1992
to April 1994 Pynzenyk was economy minister, and from October 1992 to
August 1993 vice premier in charge of economy.
Pynzenyk was people's deputy in the Rada of the 2nd convocation (March
1994-April 1998), member of the Rada committee for finance and banking,
Reforms group member.
From October 1994 to September 1996 Pynzenyk was deputy prime minister
for economic reform, and from September 1996 to April 1997 deputy prime
minister. From 1994 Pynzenyk chaired the economic reform council to the
President of Ukraine, and from 1995 the national statistics council.
In 1998-2002 Pynzenyk was people's deputy in the Rada of the 3rd
convocation, member of the parliamentary committee for finance and banking,
head of the Reforms and Order party's faction Reforms-Center.
In July 1997-January 1999 he was member of the state commission for
administrative reform. From September 1994 to January 2001 Pynzenyk was
a free-lance adviser to the President for economic policy issues. -30-
[Article compiled and edited by The Action Ukraine Report (AUR)
Monitoring Service, Washington, D.C,]
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8. STRONG AFFECTIONS FOR UKRAINE: INDIANA'S SENATOR LUGAR
Ukraine's Quest for Mature Nation Statehood - Roundtable VI:
Ukraine's Transition to an Established National Identity
Ukrainian National Information Service (UNIS)
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Number 572, Article 8
Washington, DC, Wednesday, September 28, 2005
WASHINGTON - Senator Richard G. Lugar (R-IN) received a resounding
applause at the Ukraine's Quest for Mature Nation Statehood Roundtable
VI when he declared unambiguously "I care deeply about Ukraine."
Earlier in the day, Senator Lugar announced that the Parliamentary
Development Project for Ukraine (PDP) at the School of Public and
Environmental Affairs at Indiana University received a $500,000 cooperative
agreement from the US Agency for International Development (USAID).
Senator Lugar represented President Bush during the November 2004
presidential run-off election where he stressed free and fair election
procedures would bolster international respect for the legitimacy of the
winning candidate and for Ukraine.
"I watched the first round of elections with great interest," said Senator
Lugar. "I got a call from the White House that President Bush wanted to
express the American position and he would write a letter and I would
deliver to President Kuchma."
"The letter essentially said that in the event that the elections did not
turn out well, there would be consequences that went unnamed," said Lugar.
After meeting, Senator Lugar recounted how he bumped into a large delegation
from Russia that was also waiting to meet with President Kuchma. Lugar
recalled that he recognizing some of the delegates from arms reduction work
completed as part of the Nunn-Lugar initiative to eliminate weapons of mass
destruction.
"I asked my Russian friends whether they would meet with candidate
Yushchenko and they said 'That's not on our schedule'," Lugar recalled.
Senator Lugar recently returned from a trip overseas with junior Senator
Barrack Obama (D-IL) where they observed a new emerging problem with
conventional weapons. "The major arms control arrangement this time is in
stores of conventional weapons. Some are exotic, like the Man-Pad, shoulder
launch missiles, which are highly valued by transnational terrorists," said
Lugar.
"We want to work with people to destroy these weapons although they are
beyond our weapons of mass destruction mandate." The Nunn-Lugar program
has employed 58,000 scientists that were previously involved in weapons of
mass destruction programs in the former Soviet Union.
"Despite all that I've seen in Ukraine, the thing that struck me the most
about my last trip is the problem of energy independence," said Lugar. While
in Kyiv over the summer, Senator Lugar met with then Prime Minister Yulia
Tymoshenko about alternative sources of oil and gas. There is a real concern
among Ukraine's leadership that Russia will use their monopoly to exert
changes in Ukraine's foreign policy goals.
Senator Lugar noted that although this situation is grim, it is not
insoluble. "Together we have some serious thinking to do regarding how
we can change the situation in Ukraine," said Lugar. The Center for US-
Ukrainian Relations is organizing a conference this fall to begin a US-
Ukrainian energy dialogue, something Senator Lugar intimated to be a
necessary first step as establishing energy independence.
Lugar also is committed to establishing normal trade relations between the
U.S. and Ukraine through the repeal of the Jackson-Vanik sanctions.
"I applaud this conference and the organizers for providing a forum to
exchange thoughts between America and Ukraine," concluded Lugar.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
For more information, please contact the Ukrainian National Information
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9. THE ORANGE REVOLUTION WAS A REVOLUTION OF HOPE
REMARKS: Zbigniew Brzezinski former National Security Advisor
and professor of American foreign policy at Johns Hopkins University.
Ukraine's Quest for Mature Nation Statehood - Roundtable VI:
Ukraine's Transition to an Established National Identity
Ukrainian National Information Service (UNIS)
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Number 572, Article 9
Washington, DC, Wednesday, September 28, 2005
WASHINGTON - "Ten months after the Orange Revolution, we have to be
satisfied that the mass media in Ukraine is free, that Ukraine's foreign
policy is in the hands of committed individuals and is pointed in a clear
strategic direction," said Zbigniew Brzezinski former National Security
Advisor and professor of American foreign policy at Johns Hopkins
University.
In his keynote address to Ukraine's Quest for Mature Nation Statehood
Roundtable VI conference Dr. Brzezinski noted the Orange Revolution was
"a true and ecstatic emancipation." It was the expression of a shared
national identity that was defined in a democratic context and became
part of the Ukrainian people.
"Dr. Brzezinski has emerged as the moral voice for the deepening of
democracy in Poland and Ukraine," said Adrian Karatnycky, senior
scholarat Freedom House in his introduction of Dr. Brzezinski.
Mr. Karatnycky recently founded the Orange Circle, a new international
non-profit initiative to support for the values of the Orange revolution,
including democracy, the rule of law, a competitive economy, and honest
and transparent government.
His enthusiasm notwithstanding, Dr. Brzezinski spoke to the realities of
politics evaluating recent events clearly and not through rose colored
glasses.
"One can not live forever in hope. But one can get indigestion from too much
opportunists," hinting at the recent agreement signed by President Viktor
Yushchenko and former rival Viktor Yanukovich. The challenge for Ukraine's
leadership is to strike a balance between the hope of the Maidan and the
imperatives of reality.
"The future of Ukraine should not be shaped by seemingly irreconcilable
groups without the participation of the Ukrainian people," Dr. Brzezinski
stressed.
Dr. Brzezinski singled out the efforts of the Ukrainian American Diaspora,
particularly their generations' long dedication to Ukrainian independence.
He highlighted the need to support election monitoring projects and civil
society building initiatives spearheaded by the Ukrainian Congress
Committee of America.
Dr. Brzezinski noted, "Many of you here represent the Ukrainian Diaspora
and have always been committed to Ukrainian independence. You have a
responsibility to monitor the events and to communicate to the leaders your
expectations."
Very few analysts and policy makers have monitored Ukrainian politics as
devotedly as Dr. Brzezinski. Following the dismissal of the government,
Russian Ambassador Chernomyrdin held a press conference applauding
the changes.
Dr. Brzezinski suggested that had a foreign diplomat of similar standing
expressed themselves in a similar fashion in the United States, "he'd be in
Moscow waiting for his bags having arrived there himself the night before."
Ukraine is poised to become a member of the WTO later this year. Noting
the difficulties and the political realities in Kyiv, over 20 laws remain to
be adopted by the Rada that would ensure WTO membership. Dr. Brzezinski
stressed that the leadership in Ukraine communicate their expectations
and the importance of WTO entry this year. "Ukraine's future is important
to the future of Europe," said Dr. Brzezinski. "The success of Ukraine will
predetermine Russia's future in Europe."
Recognizing the will and aspirations of Ukraine, Dr. Brzezinski concluded,
"The Ukrainians have to be determined to do this on their own. They've
proved they are a nation and now they have to remind their leaders it is
they who decide the future of their country." -30- [Action Ukraine Report]
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
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==============================================================
10. ENHANCEMENT OF PARTNERSHIP WITH UKRAINE REMAINS ONE
OF THE PRIORITIES OF GEORGIAN FOREIGN POLICY
REMARKS: By H.E. Ambassador Levan Mikeladze
(Ambassador of Georgia to the United States)
Ukraine in a Regional Context: UA-GUAM Relations
Ukraine's Quest for Mature Nation Statehood - Roundtable VI:
Ukraine's Transition to an Established National Identity
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Number 572, Article 10.
Washington, D.C., Wednesday, September 28, 2005.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Let me express gratitude to the Center for US-Ukraine Relations for inviting
me to this interesting Roundtable. It is my pleasure and privilege to
address this distinguished audience today.
GEORGIA-UKRAINE HISTORICAL TIES
Especially close and friendly relations between Georgia and Ukraine trace
back to the centuries.
Rose Revolution in Georgia and Orange Revolution in Ukraine, other
subsequent developments gave new positive impetus to the advance of
democratic values in our region and even in the world. These events clearly
showed that both Ukraine and Georgia have potential to enhance democracy
and promote western values in the region. These commonalities have made
us the closest strategic allies and partners.
Enhancement of our partnership with Ukraine remains one of the priorities of
Georgian foreign policy.
It is also noteworthy that these developments presented us as reliable and
trustworthy partners for the West.
COMMON STRATEGIC GOALS
Our close partnership is predetermined by common strategic goals.
First of all, both countries support the advancement of democracy.
On January 5, 2005 leaders of the Ukraine and Georgia introduced "Carpathian
Declaration", On March 25, 2005 - "Declaration on Development of Strategic
cooperation between Georgia and Ukraine", On August 12, 2005 - "Borjomi
Declaration". All three declarations envisage the adherence of two countries
to the principles of democracy, development, peace and cooperation;
These documents, especially "Borjomi Declaration" promote the idea that
economic development of both countries is highly dependent on comprehensive
strengthening of democracy and civil society in the parts of Europe, which
include three sea basins - Baltic, Black and Caspian. Moreover, democracy
and stability in these regions combined is important precondition for
lasting stability and security in whole Europe;
It also offered a creation of democratic community of the three seas area -
The Community for Democratic Choice. All interested leaders of the
Baltic-Black-Caspian Sea Region were invited to join this new community.
In my view, the realization of this idea will benefit democratic development
not only in Georgia and Ukraine but in our entire region, which Lithuanian
President V.Adamkus calls "Terra Democratica"
Secondly, great importance should be delegated to the coordinated efforts of
Georgia and Ukraine on the way to full-scaled European and Euro-Atlantic
integration, since it is another strategic goal for our two countries.
Here I must stress that it is not only a wish. I am confident in proper
reallocation of relevant potential. We want and can make contribution to the
European Security. Senior Russian officials have repeatedly stated that if
Ukraine and Georgia join NATO, then Russia will reconsider its policy
towards these countries.
I want to emphasize that there is nothing anti-Russian in our aspirations
and it is difficult for us to comprehend a hostility that consumes Russia's
political circles. We shall continue clarifying work with our partners in
Russia while maintaining pace towards Euro-Atlantic integration. This
goal is quite realistic and achievable.
We shall do our utmost -Ukraine through Intensified Dialogue and Georgia
through IPAP- to become eligible for the NATO Membership Action Plan
(MAP) for 2006 and to become full-fledged members in 2008. Many think
this is over-ambitious but we shall be very firm in our determination.
REGIONAL COOPERATION
Active involvement various frameworks of regional cooperation within
bilateral and multilateral formats is very important for achieving our
strategic goals. Georgia considers Ukraine to be a new regional leader
able to significantly strengthen security and promote democracy in the
region.
GUAM
In this context, GUAM is one of the most interesting and perspective
mechanisms.
Recent developments revealed positive trends and dynamics on the way of
strengthening GUAM as a regional cooperative structure, particularly the
decision to transform GUAM into international organization with its own
Secretariat in Kiev and increase cooperation of the GUAM States on issues
like trade and transportation, fight against terrorism, trafficking, drug
smuggling and organized crime.
We look forward to host 2nd GUAM Economic Forum in November 21-22,
2005 in Tbilisi, as proposed by Georgia and approved by GUAM Foreign
Ministers in New York.
The United States has been the most supportive in implementing GUAM
agenda. The two most landmark projects undertaken with the US support are
the Project on Trade and Transport Facilitation (TTF) and Project on the
Creation of the GUAM Virtual Center and the Interstate Information
Management System (VC/IMS).
Bulgaria, Hungary, Lithuania and Romania also provided expert assistance
in support of the GUAM initiatives. We shall continue to sustain their
increased involvement, as well as participation of other willing regional
players in the GUAM activities.
The prime interest of GUAM is to develop mutually beneficial links with the
European Union. After all, we do foster our cooperation within GUAM with the
ultimate objective of reaching European standards. Furthermore, we attach
great importance to the realization of the projects in the fields of energy
and transportation, linking EU with Central Asian states and adjacent
regions.
In my opinion there are two major directions in which development of GUAM
should be viewed:
1. Economic integration with special emphasis on energy;
2. Security dimension, especially settlement of the internal conflicts in
the region.
It is natural that Ukraine has and should have leading role in this process.
Ukraine has already proposed peace initiatives and I think these efforts
should acquire more intensive character.
I believe that GUAM has an ability to become one of the most important
components of the Black Sea security system. Now that three Black Sea
countries are members of NATO and are pending to become EU members,
cooperation within Black Sea is uplifted to the new level and it becomes an
additional instrument of integration into the European Union.
It is important to consider that all the increasing economic ties within
Black Sea will be effective only if harmonized with relevant security
arrangements.
BILATERAL COOPERATION
I am delighted to witness very intensive and dynamic development of
bilateral cooperation between Georgia and Ukraine. Only this year we
have seen the exchange of several state and official visits on the level of
Presidents,Prime-Ministers, Foreign Ministers and other officials.
Both our countries should continue to be very consistent and focused in
facing common challenges - liberal reforms oriented at building of genuine
market economy and substantial structural changes.
Our bilateral cooperation encompasses practically all fields. I shall point
out just several of them:
There is a tremendous resource of mutually beneficial bilateral partnership
in the field of security, namely politico-military relations, border
control, fight against crime, including international terrorism. As I have
already mentioned, we count on the increased role of Ukraine in the
conflict resolution process in Georgia.
We will continue efforts to develop free trade relationship, unification and
liberalization of tariffs, entry of Ukrainian businesses in Georgia and
vice-versa;
Both Georgia and Ukraine desperately need to reduce energy dependence.
For this we should work on the possible projects related to the transit of
oil and gas, the transit of Ukrainian power energy via Georgia to Turkey
and other countries in the region, construction of hydro-electric plants in
Georgia;
Among other projects, we should continue to focus on the development of
the transport connection including ferry-railway connection -
"Yelichevsk-Poti-Batumi";
MILLENNIUM CHALLENGE ACCOUNT
Finally, let me emphasize that all joint efforts to develop our countries,
strengthen economies, integrate into the Euro-Atlantic structures would be
very difficult unless strong support from our friends, most importantly,
from the United States. And we are grateful for that.
One of the brand new US sponsored assistance programs is the Millennium
Challenge Account. Georgia has already signed compact with the Millennium
Challenge Corporation and embarked on the serious road of implementing the
300 million-worth projects to develop infrastructure and boost economy.
We are certainly hopeful that the same opportunities will soon be available
for Ukraine. We are ready to share our experiences with Ukraine in respect
to the MCA.
Thank You for Your Attention. -30-
[The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
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==============================================================
11. OUR FAITH IN UKRAINE REMAINS UNDIMINISHED
Ukraine's Quest for Mature Nation Statehood - Roundtable VI:
Ukraine's Transition to an Established National Identity
Ukrainian National Information Service (UNIS)
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Number 572, Article 11
Washington, DC, Wednesday, September 28, 2005
WASHINGTON - Congressman Sander Levin (D-MI) made an unscheduled
appearance today at the Ukraine's Quest for Mature Nation Statehood
Roundtable VI at the Ronald Reagan Building and International Trade
Center.
"He has been an ardent spokesman for Ukraine's graduation from
Jackson-Vanick; and recently introduced a resolution and a bill to build a
monument to victims of the Ukrainian Genocide of 1932-33," said Michael
Sawkiw, Jr., President of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America.
Addressing the Members of Parliament directly, Congressman Levin stressed
the Congressional Ukrainian Caucus will "accelerate our interaction with all
of you." "Our faith in the path of a free Ukraine remains undiminished,"
said Congressman Levin.
The Latvian Ambassador to the United States, Mr. Maris Riekstins echoed
this sentiment stating that "we will support Ukraine's aspirations to join
the European Union and NATO." Mr. Riekstins noted a western oriented
foreign policy requires intense management of regional expectations.
"Western foreign policy entails complicated relations with Russia. We have
experience in this field that we could share with Ukraine," he said.
"There is no general recipe and dealing with the past is always a painful
thing," Mr. Riekstins said about implementing laws on lustration in Ukraine.
Although Latvia had restrictions preventing former members of the KGB and
the Communist Party from holding government positions, Lithuania leads the
region in pursuing an atonement for Soviet crimes against humanity.
"Look into your own history with honest eyes. Focus on your future. You
shouldn't forget your past, but the reforms are more important for the
welfare of your people and the future of Ukraine," Mr. Riekstins
pined. -30- [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
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==============================================================
12. "DIVORCE - UKRAINIAN STYLE"
ANALYSIS: by Walter Prochorenko, PhD.
The Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Number 572, Article 13
Washington, D.C., Thursday, September 29, 2005
The political marriage was short lived but the rancor of the divorce between
Yushchenko and Tymoshenko is already having serious and unpleasant
repercussions for the administration. As in any broken marriage, it is the
children - in this case the Ukrainian populace - that will suffer the most.
Not surprisingly they feel betrayed and abandoned and unless things
improve over the next few months, they will probably let their feelings be
known in the next election.
Also like in most acrimonious divorces, alliances suddenly become
perverted and distorted. Bitterness takes precedence over rationality
and afflicting pain (emotional or real) becomes an objective.
It is not important now if Yulia made the first move in this direction by
"sporting a blue ribbon next to her orange one" as was reported by The
Economist on September 15th, 2005 or if it was Yushchenko's desperate
alliance with his former enemy in an effort to get his choice of interim
Prime Minister approved.
The result is the same: betrayal of the public trust and to borrow a line
from Shakespeare's "The Tempest" - ""Misery acquaints a man with
strange bedfellows".
Most people in the Diaspora and in Ukraine who supported the Orange
Revolution, were horrified to learn of this new alliance between two bitter
enemies. "How could Yushchenko choose that b.. Yanukovych over Yulia?"
were the most pervasive comments.
What is he thinking? Has the poison affected his rationality? Wouldn't
making peace with Julia be a more prudent approach in light of what they
went through together?
These are questions that everyone now asks. But the reality is that
politics do make strange bedfellows and in business as in politics it is
often more prudent to have relationships with an enemy. This is because the
cards are then on the table and everyone knows exactly where they stand.
With partners that have been tainted with the "d" word, the worry will
always be that one will again offend the other party, and the relationship
becomes a tip-toe dance of unrealistic expectations.
As much as I "feel" that Yushchenko made the wrong move, something in
my rationality tells me that perhaps this was the only option that would and
will enable the country to "move on". My heart tells me the country was
betrayed but my business experience tells me otherwise.
Yes, Yushchenko strengthened Yanukovich's hand resurrected a "dead"
political opponent. But at the same time he has now appeased a major
industrial portion of the country that was brainwashed to despise him.
Regardless of what anyone "feels" - Yushchenko and Ukraine need the
Donetsk industrialists to spur economic growth.
Yes, Tymoshenko has now become an enormous political rival that may
oppose much of what Yushchenko wants to accomplish in the next elections,
but because she and the President are ideologically on the same page, the
results may actually benefit the country.
Her most opposing moves will still be less disruptive that from an opponent
of Yanukovich's factions She may gain many new seats in Parliament in the
next election but now all the major political factions may actually start
working together.
True - the divorce is disruptive and destructive to investor confidence, but
then investors did not really have much of that when Ukraine's economy took
a major downturn in recent months. It is also probably true that without
the divorce, the country would have been able to achieve stability and
growth if all the sides would find common ground.
However, very few governments could function with three dominant heads
(Yushchenko, Tymoshenko, and Poroshenko) pulling in different directions.
Now at least we have one leader and fully confirmed head of state, one Prime
Minister who seemingly has no presidential or wealth-acquiring aspirations,
and one political enemy that has been brought into the fold and who will
likely lessen his disruptive opposition to the government and its progress.
Let us also not forget Big Brother Russia watching from across the border.
Tymoshenko was a thorn on their side and Putin was wary and perhaps
scared of the democratic upheavals on his southern flank.
Now there may be a more pragmatic return to normalcy and a return to the
much needed trade between these former partners in the Soviet block.
Thus in the final analysis, history may prove that the divorce was needed,
that the country demanded another wake-up call to get itself moving again
in the right direction, and that politicians and oligarchs don't mix well
together.
Now if Ukraine could only get the self-serving industrialists and oligarchs
out of Parliament. -30- [The Action Ukraine Report Monitoring Service]
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
NOTE: Walter Prochorenko, Paramus, New Jersey (prowalt@yahoo.com)
==============================================================
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13. RUSSIA SUDDENLY BACK IN FASHION IN UKRAINE WITH
'ORANGE REVOLUTION' FOUNDERS
Agence France Presse (AFP), Moscow, Russia, Tuesday, Sep 27, 2005
MOSCOW - They took power vowing to cast off Russian shackles and cozy
up to the West. Not a year later, Ukraine's divided "orange revolution"
leaders are lining up to receive Moscow's blessing and the Kremlin is once
again playing kingmaker in its southern Slavic neighbor.
First President Viktor Yushchenko fired his prime minister and
revolutionary cohort, Yulia Tymoshenko. Then he made a deal with his
pro-Russian political nemesis, Viktor Yanukovich, and said his new prime
minister would go Moscow to confer with Russian leaders as quickly as
possible.
The jilted Tymoshenko beat him to the punch, praising President Vladimir
Putin and making a furtive dash to Moscow -- she never visited while prime
minister -- to meet prosecutors, who promptly dropped their warrant for her
arrest in connection with a bribery probe.
Suddenly, Putin is voicing support for Yushchenko and plans to visit him in
Kiev next month, Yanukovich has escaped from the political boondocks and
all roads seem to lead to the Kremlin, which looks again like the real
locus of power in Ukraine.
What about the angry masses who protested in the freezing streets of Kiev
last year, decrying the previous Ukrainian regime's suspect bonds to
Moscow? What about Yushchenko's promises to lead Ukraine away from
Russia and into western Europe? Where did the "orange revolution" go?
"It's a post-revolutionary hangover," said Yury Korgunyuk, political expert
with the INDEM think tank in Moscow. "After the 'orange revolution,'
whatever government came to power would sooner or later have had to repair
relations with Russia.
"Russia is the country from which money, and lots of it, comes to Ukraine.
There is no way around this. Ukraine's economy depends heavily on Russia.
All the talk about 'turning West' was euphoric. The fact is Russia and
Ukraine have long and close ties that neither can do without."
Under a European Union-brokered compromise at the height of the political
crisis in Ukraine last year, key presidential prerogatives are to be
transferred to parliament at elections next March -- polls looming as the
most important event on Ukraine' political calendar for years ahead.
Even those most dedicated to the nationalist, Ukrainian-speaking,
pro-Western "orange" movement strongest in the mainly agrarian west of the
country understand that to win in next spring's parliamentary elections
they must also secure support in the industrialized, Russian-speaking east.
And winning that support, analysts say, depends in large measure on signals
sent to those voters from Russia itself, where much of the ruling elite
privately regards Ukraine not just as within Moscow's traditional "sphere
of influence" but practically as part of Russia itself.
"Who will really run Ukraine in the coming years depends on the results of
the elections" next spring to the new, fortified parliament, the online
newspaper Gazeta.ru said in a commentary.
"For the 'anti-orange' regions, the word from the Russian powers may prove
decisive," the article said, noting that the Russophone eastern portion of
Ukraine, where bonds to Russia are strongest and where many of Ukraine's
profit centers are located, simply holds the most voters.
Yushchenko and Tymoshenko together rallied support among Ukrainian
voters last winter partly with promises to lead their country into the
European Union (EU) and into the greater prosperity and Western-style
democratic values most voters there associate with the West.
France's failure to ratify the EU constitution last spring, coupled with
wider questions about EU expansion and the bloc's future, have put
Ukraine's EU ambitions on the back burner, while a major influx of foreign
investment has failed to materialize since last year's crisis in Ukraine.
At the same time, Russia, stung after backing the losing side in last
year's election, has implemented basic changes in conduct of policy toward
countries that were once part of the Soviet Union, aimed at making
relations more pragmatic, less personalized and more profitable.
"The very fact that the Russian leadership is no longer trying to define
'good guys' and support them against what it sees as the 'bad guys' means
that Russian-Ukrainian relations are becoming more pragmatic and rational,"
said Nikolai Petrov, expert with the Carnegie Moscow Center.
Revived political synergies between Kiev and Moscow, he added, may also
have been fostered by the fact that "the West itself was not very happy
with Mrs Tymoshenko's policies" as prime minister, notably the way she
planned to revise the privatizations of the past decade. -30-
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14. IS PORA TURNING AGAINST YUSHCHENKO?
Pora criticizes deal between Yushchenko and Yanukovych
COMMENTARY AND ANALYSIS: By Taras Kuzio
Eurasia Daily Monitor, Volume 2, Issue 180
The Jamestown Foundation, Washington, D.C.
Wednesday, September 28, 2005
Pora, the non-governmental organization that played a decisive role in
Ukraine's Orange Revolution, has adopted a highly critical stance towards
the ten-point memorandum signed last week by President Viktor Yushchenko
and the leader of the Party of Regions, former prime minister Viktor
Yanukovych (see EDM, September 23; pora.org.ua, September 27).
An interactive poll on Pora's website found that 29.2% of respondents
believed Yushchenko had "betrayed" the ideals of the Orange Revolution.
Another 32.5% believed that ousted National Security and Defense Council
secretary Petro Poroshenko had betrayed them, while only 10.3% believed
former prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko had done so.
One wing of Pora (commonly referred to as "yellow" because of their symbols)
worked closely with Yushchenko in the 2004 presidential elections. Another
wing of Pora (commonly referred to as "black" for the same reason) worked
independently and drew its inspiration from Serbia's OTPOR youth group (see
EDM, February 2).
The "yellow" wing of Pora clashed with the minister of justice when he
attempted to block the registration of their new political party.
Eventually, a Kyiv court ordered the Ministry to retroactively register the
party as of March, so that it could stand in the March 2006 parliamentary
elections.
Outgoing minister of justice Roman Zvarych will not be re-appointed to the
new government headed by Yuriy Yekhanurov. Zvarych, an American-Ukrainian
who exchanged his American citizenship for a Ukrainian passport in the
1990s, was embroiled in a separate scandal surrounding his exaggerated
academic credentials (see EDM, May 4).
Pora's relationship with Zvarych has remained lukewarm (see the Pora film
at pora.org.ua/content/blogcategory/124/171/).
The Pora political party has appealed to outgoing government members
sympathetic to Tymoshenko to join their 2006 election bloc. The appeal was
sent to outgoing state secretary Oleksandr Zinchenko, his deputy, Markian
Lubkivsky, Channel 1 state television CEO Taras Stetskiv, and MP Volodymyr
Filenko. Stetskiv and Filenko played prominent roles in organizing the
Orange Revolution.
"These politicians," according to the appeal, "have similar positions,
political views, and moral beliefs that concur with the values and
principles of Pora's activities" (pora.org.ua, September 20). The appeal
then called upon these four men to join the Pora party.
Zinchenko is considered to be a likely candidate to lead the Pora 2006
election bloc. At a September 27 press conference entitled "Memorandum.
Betrayal. Crisis? Pora's Response," the NGO unveiled its own policy
recommendations for the Yushchenko administration.
The "black" wing of Pora issued a similar list of demands on the authorities
four days earlier entitled, "Memorandum of the Maidan" (maidan.org.ua,
kuchmizm.info, September 23).
The Pora political party called upon everyone who participated in the Orange
Revolution to form a "civic coalition" that would work "to clean up the
Ukrainian authorities" (pora.org.ua, September 27).
The Pora party has not garnered widespread public support until now. But
the September political crisis could tip the balance, with Orange voters
critical of Yushchenko flocking to either Pora or Tymoshenko's bloc.
Andriy Ihnatov, a founder of maidan.org.ua, which has close ties to the
"black" wing of Pora, told Jamestown that he believed the Pora party could
cross the low 3% threshold in the 2006 elections. He believes that readers
of maidan.org.ua, a prominent Orange Revolution website, are likely to split
their votes evenly between Yushchenko and Tymoshenko.
Vladyslav Kaskiv, head of the Pora party and an adviser to Yushchenko,
theorized that the current crisis was due to the "inability of the
authorities to place the interests of Ukraine above those of business groups
and personal ambitions."
With an eye toward attracting voters disillusioned with Yushchenko but
unsure about Tymoshenko, Kaskiv also criticized the "lack of professionalism
of the Ukrainian government, which sought political dividends through social
populism."
Pora is especially critical of one particular clause in the
Yushchenko-Yanukovych memorandum, which would expand immunity from
prosecution from parliamentary deputies, who have had it throughout
Ukraine's independence, to local deputies. Such a change would give them,
in Pora's words, "criminal and administrative immunity."
An earlier Pora statement complained about changes to the law on local
deputies that ruled out filing criminal charges against individual elected
deputies without authorization from the local council. Pora complained that
such a step would lead to criminal and corrupt elements seeking election to
local councils in order to obtain immunity.
Such a step would violate Yushchenko's pledge to expand the campaign against
corruption. Speaking on Ukraine's independence day Yushchenko admitted,
"Corruption is retreating rather slowly so far. The former system often
grinds the newcomers before they can change it" (president.gov.ua, August
24).
The memos from both wings of Pora seek to draw attention to the Yushchenko
administration's lack of progress toward implementing what they believe were
the ideals of the Orange Revolution. Pora's memorandum blamed the political
crisis on the authorities and the economic crisis on the government.
"Ukrainian citizens went to the Maidan not for Yushchenko or for Tymoshenko,
but for a normal way of life and moral authorities" (pora.org.ua, September
27).
Interior Minister Yuriy Lutsenko, a Socialist, agreed, saying, "The Maidan
stood not for Tymoshenko or even not completely for Yushchenko. People
stood for liberty and against [election] falsification" (Ukrayinska pravda,
September 26). This demand led to an unusual alliance of "socialists,
nationalists, democrats, anarchists" and people of different religious
confessions.
Yushchenko may come to regret signing the memorandum with Yanukovych.
Serhiy Rakhmanin, a prominent commentator on Zerkalo Tyzhnia/Nedeli
(September 24-30) confessed, "I pity this person [Yushchenko]. He has
no place in my own Maidan."
Yushchenko's popularity has declined from 33% in August to only 20% today
(Zerkalo Tyzhnia/Nedeli, September 24-30). The latest poll shows that
Peoples Union-Our Ukraine has collapsed in support to only 13.9%, while the
Tymoshenko bloc has grown to 20.5% (Ukrayinska pravda, September 28).
The outcome of the crisis suggests that Yushchenko will face a serious
challenge from both Pora and Tymoshenko in the 2006 elections. -30-
==============================================================
15. UKRAINE GOVERNMENT DIFFICULTIES MAKE MOSCOW HAPPY
COMMENTARY: By Angelique van Engelen
Global Politician, Brooklyn, NY, Wednesday, Sep 28, 2005
Ukraine's faltering Orange Revolution is seen by analysts as something that
was hardly avoidable. Many Eastern European countries went through a
number of rapid successions in leadership before they somewhat stabilized.
But given the EU's reduced appetite for new members any time soon, will this
lead to greater chances for Moscow to embark on a renewed struggle for
control over its neigbour?
There is hardly a precedent for the situation in Ukraine regarding former
Soviet Republics or countries in Russia's sphere of influence and their
chances to break free. It is believed that the future direction of Ukraine's
foreign policy will consist of a new mixture between hankering after closer
ties with the West and a rational adoption of the economic ties with Russia
that looked somewhat insecure a year ago.
The country is at a cross roads and key players in its government are taking
surprising different lines than they did prior to the sacking of prime
minister Yulia Tymoshenko's government earlier this month over corruption
and issues pertaining to the country's oil sector.
All the while, the Kremlin has been laughing. This is just what they needed
to see happen in one of their former Soviet members to divert fears that the
Russians are losing their power over even their closest neighbours to a few
strings pulled by Washington and the West.
The recent trip by a repentant former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko to
Moscow who with her job also lost her immunity to the arrest warrant that
Moscow police had on her is highly significant in this regard and has on a
number of occasions led to speculation she is teaming up with the former
presidential candidate Victor Yanukovich, now leader of the opposition Party
of the Regions. This is not the case however.
Tymoshenko, who went to Moscow to once and for all sort out the Russian
allegations that she had bribed Russian military officials when she was in
charge of Ukraine's main gas distributor in the 1990s, is strongly set on
participating in the elections separately. She said that the rumors had been
sent into the world by the president soon after he had dismissed her.
"It is annoying that after my dismissal from the PM post Victor Yushchenko's
team declared that Tymoshenko would go and form a bloc with Party of Regions
and SDPU (u)," she was quoted as saying on 1+1 television. Yanukovich is
reportedly planning to participate in the 2006 elections in a team that also
includes Victor Andreevich.
Tymoshenko is highly popular among the Ukrainians not least because she is
seen to not give up on the ideals of the Orange revolution, something that
isn't really all that apparent in her former colleagues. "Neither Leonid
Kravchuk nor Leonid Kuchma were willing to play the street politics game to
boast their support. Tymoshenko is different.
She has the boldness and the recklessness to call her supporters to attack
and overthrow the regime, as she demonstrated during the Orange Revolution.
To gain absolute control, she is willing to risk everything, and that
indicates that the revolution may not yet be over", says Andrei Tsygankov,
professor of international relations, San Francisco State University on
RussiaProfile.com.
He doubts that Yushchenko is going to be as successful. If this does not
come to pass, it is likely that in stead of Yushchenko calling the shots,
it's going to be Tymoshenko who will control both the Rada and the executive
branch. Tymoshenko's improved ties with Moscow are meant to prevent
Russia from single mindedly backing Yushchenko come what may.
Meanwhile, Yushchenko has also lobbied vigorously in Moscow.
"Putin's scheduled trip to Kiev in October may bring some important
surprises", says Tsygankov. Significant is also the fact that both
candidates are vying for US approval. Tymoshenko has been reported to
have improved ties with the US Embassy in what is interpreted as an effort
to show that Yushchenko has been selling out the ideals of the Orange
Revolution to the Kremlin.
"It is critical that Russia and the West find common ground to prevent a new
highly destabilizing turn of events", says Tsygankov.
All allows for a few months of free drama, with new alliances likely to
dominate the polls in January next year. What's going to emerge is hopefully
a truer definition of a country which hardly has had a chance to evolve into
a mature state and which currently has a rather feeble governmental
structure.
Governing in Kiev means that all efforts by ruling parties are subject to
the pains that initial state building entails. It means that every effort
put in is way more cumbersome than similar efforts in a way more
established environment.
All the energy put into the game is not likely to have been subjected to the
deliberation whether or not it is going to be a waste on the grounds that
the end result might be balanced out any different, but more so on the
grounds of whether it is likely to come off at all in the present
circumstances.
Last year's revolution is not viewed with the scepticism that you would
initially suspect however. The people of the Ukraine are still enthralled
when asked to voice their opinions on the revolution in popular research
studies. In that sense, the energy that stirred the events still has not
been quelled.
"Ukraine remains a country that went through a political revolution. It was
no mere coup; the candidate of the popular majority came to power after an
intense struggle of nerves, producing a sense of a new or renewed social
contract in which the people felt empowered and something like
"democracy" was something like "established."
The crucial words are put in quotation marks not out of sarcasm, but because
in each case it was only "something like" them; they could each benefit from
elaboration of the sense and degree in which they pertain. After all
clarification - which will not be attempted here - the fact of a deep
psychological transformation remains", says Ira Straus, U.S. coordinator of
the Committee on Eastern Europe and Russia on NATO in an article on
RussiaProfile.com.
This is apparent from many levels of its society. Ukraine's fledgling film
industry is a point in case. The last recent movie that was home made won
several international film festival prizes, featured precisely the issue of
Ukraine's being only just about a country. It features just the kind of
similar missed opportunities in the country's history as you instinctively
feel are a hallmark of its current day deliberations by many in power and on
the streets.
Entitled "A Prayer for Hetman Mazepa," it was Ukraine's biggest-budget
feature film since the nation declared its independence in 1991, is
described as 'stirring a national dialogue about what it means to be
Ukrainian in a country that never really was a country until just 11 years
ago' by ArtUkraine.com.
Its subject is the role a national hero played in its history 2 millennia
ago, named Hetman Mazepa. This leader wished for his country's
independence from Russia so much that he betrayed the Russian Czar
Peter the Great and began fighting alongside the Swedish in return for a
promise of independence by the Swedish King in 1709. But he got
defeated devastatingly later on by the Russians in what remains Ukraine's
bloodiest war ever.
The fact that since the 1991 independence from Russia, the Ukrainians didn't
hesitate for a second to put Mazepa's face on their currency shows that the
spirit he stood for was still very much alive. The movie managed to
infuriate the Russians, who simply banned it.
But the review on ArtUkraine.com designates it as an integral 'part of the
ongoing search for national identity in a place still rediscovering a
history wiped out by generations of foreign rule'.
A country may have many problems but to solve and independence from
outside control is an issue that is on all counts more tricky than many
other problems. The psychological implications are what makes it so
interesting for outsiders. Ukrainians crave like mad for freedom yet they
take to discussing their stumblings with the perpetrators of the crime as if
nothing's the matter as soon as internal difficulties emerge that theoutside
power can punish them on. You either have independence or you don't, but it
is hard to realise this when you're only just on your way.
So how feasible is the Ukraine quest for independence in the eyes of an ever
watchful Moscow? Is this a people in danger of carelessly deluding itself
into believing that because at this point, there is no other option left?
It appears that the Ukrainians have come to that conclusion independently,
ironically. Because what else to make of Boris Tarsyuk, Ukraine's acting
foreign minister's comment recently that Russia's relations with the
European Union and NATO were more developed than Ukraine's?
Different sounds have been heard repeatedly in the not too distant past.
Ukraine soon after its revolution was seen to be overtaking Russia in
approaching the West. Tarasyuk said in an interview with the independent
Russian radio station Ekho Moskvy that Ukraine would continue to develop
relations with Russia while also trying to integrate into the EU, which
could be 'realized in ten years at the earliest'.
He also made a pledge to 'work hard to improve Ukraine-Russia ties,
especially bilateral relations within the framework of the Common
Economic Space (CES) program'.
This display of rather humbling understanding of what real politics boils
down to is according to outsiders an accurate assessment of Ukraine's
chances to join the EU. Everybody agrees that the time frame that goes with
accession to the European Union simply doesn't fit the current goings on in
the country.
"Unlike the transition countries of Central Europe, and very much like
Russia, Ukraine is simply too large and complex to fit into the standard EU
mold. It has to plough its own furrow, both in terms of its democratic
architecture and geo-politics," said Vlad Sobell. Will the next months show
that the initial aspirations to join the EU and also NATO might be in danger
of being overtaken in the meantime by Moscow based initiatives?
During a recent visit to Washington the country's acting Foreign Minister
made just the sort of clarifications that you couldn't term reassuring under
the circumstances, saying "There will be no changes in our foreign policy.
We want good relations with our major partners, with the United States, with
Europe, with Russia, and we still have a goal of joining the European Union
and NATO. These policies are not being held hostage to our internal
differences."
Great, but the imagery offered itself, what? Voluntarily? True, the main
issue at the moment is the country's transition to a market economy and this
is what keeps the minds busier than most things, yet Moscow has a reputation
for thwarting Ukraine's internal matters grandiosely at carefully chosen
times, not least through meddling in the oil industry. The issue does not
receive the attention it likely warrants ever.
The current difficulties that the Ukrainian leaders are at loggerheads over
are mainly over the risks of privatization and re nationalization of its oil
industry, which is dominated by Russian companies. Privatization is a big
issue all the more so because many ventures have become non lucrative and
there is a lot of ill will to sell out to the Russians. So to talk of the
country's achievements to maintain or broaden its market economy is not
always indicative of similar ventures in other countries.
"Ukraine obviously has its specific problems and circumstances, which make
its evolution to a stable democratic system and prosperous market economy
especially difficult. Here I would cite the absence of a tradition of
independent statehood, the ethnic/regional divisions, its sensitive
geo-political position between Russia and Western Europe, and the presence
of a Russia-like powerful oligarchic class", says Vlad Sobell, a senior
economist at Daiwaa in London.
It will be interesting to see what is going to happen in future Ukraine
Moscow relations, especially between President Putin and Tymoshenko, who
shortly after the Orange Revolution so brilliantly snubbed the Russian
President when he came to visit, by attending a state dinner. It had only
been days after she had risen to top level power which made her a protected
citizen despite Moscow branding her a criminal.
A recent news report quoted the issue of popularity as an important factor
in the Ukraine Russian relations. Apparently, President Putin, who has until
2008 to go in his current role, is way more popular than most of the Kiev
based rulers.
This used to be the other way around just after the revolution, apparently
to the great fury of Moscow, where newspapers were running articles saying
that Ukraine might even set an example for Russia. Imagine the feeling in
Moscow!
Currently, as the Russian government is somewhat firm and stable and has
shown it is managing to hold on to its power, it might be all the more
insistent with Ukraine, a territory that made a near escape.
Whatever the next elections are going to bring, it will be most likely that
Ukraine will have to continue putting a brave face on it, on the one hand
being gerrymandered by Russia and at the same time being held accountable
by the West for showing it is as free as is necessary for inclusion. But the
Ukrainians are not to be underestimated when it comes to continuing their
set course without too much respite.
It is also a telling sign that Ukraine managed to get Nato to agree to early
expert-level consultations. They have started in Brussels recently, speeding
up the pace of the Ukraine - NATO dialogue. It might be on the agenda as
early as 2008. That is just the sort of time frame a country like this could
do with. -30- [The Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Angelique van Engelen is a former Middle East correspondent and currently
runs a writing agency http://www.contentclix.com. She also participates in a
writing ring http://clixyplays.blogspot.com/
LINK: http://globalpolitician.com/articledes.asp?ID=1249&cid=4&sid=40
==============================================================
16. PARTY OF REGIONS SATISFIED WITH RESULTS OF "GIVE UP
ORANGE SYMBOLS" CAMPAIGN IN KYIV
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, September 26, 2005
KYIV - The Party of Regions and the public organization called the Union
of the Youth of the Regions are satisfied with the results of the "Give Up
Orange Symbols" campaign in Kyiv.
Representatives of the party and the organization announced this at a
press conference. They attributed their satisfaction to people's high level
of interest in the campaign.
According to the organizers of the campaign, they managed to collect about
1,000 items bearing the symbols of President Viktor Yuschenko's presidential
election campaign.
They believe that the campaign was a success even if the figure is only
1/300th of the number of people that attended mass demonstrations against
the falsification of the results of the 2004 presidential elections on the
Independence Square.
"More images of Viktor Andriiovych [Yuschenko] are being submitted. Few
[items bearing the image of the Yulia Tymoshenko Coalition's leader] Yulia
Volodymyrivna [Tymoshenko] are being submitted," said Volodymyr Filipov,
the head of the Kyiv chapter of the Union of the Youth of the Regions.
The organizers of the campaign explained that they are holding the campaign
to demonstrate a tendency toward increasing disappointment with the new
authorities for its failure to fulfill its promises.
"Disappointment among the people is growing, and it could reach the level
of a social explosion. We are happy with this trend," Filipov said. The
Party of the Regions and the Union of the Youth of the Regions are planning
to expand the campaign to the regions.
They do not plan to cancel it because of the "Memorandum on Mutual
Understanding between the Authorities and the Opposition" that Yuschenko
and the Party of the Regions' leader Viktor Yanukovych signed.
According to Serhii Baranov-Mokhort, the head of the Kyiv division of the
Party of the Regions, the signing of the memorandum demonstrated the
constructive aims of the opposition.
"The opposition has lent its shoulder. Kuchma could only dream of such an
opposition," he said.
The Party of the Regions and the Union of the Youth of the Regions started
the "Give Up Orange Symbols" campaign on the Independence Square as
well as near the Arsenalna and Politekhnichna subway stations in Kyiv on
September 19.
They erected tents with baskets for collecting Yuschenko campaign symbols
from people willing to give them up as well as stands where people could
sign and express their wishes to the authorities.
As Ukrainian News earlier reported, the parliament approved Yurii
Yekhanurov's candidacy for the post of prime minister on September 22.
All members of the Regions of Ukraine (the parliamentary faction of the
Party of the Regions) voted for approval of Yekhanurov's candidacy following
the signing of the 10-point memorandum by Yuschenko and Yanukovych.
In the memorandum, Yuschenko undertook not to conduct any type of political
repressions against his opponents and not to allow unlawful filing of
criminal cases based on the results of the 2004 presidential elections.
============================================================
17. THE 'APARTHEID WALL'
Slovakia was obliged to reintroduce strict border controls
in Szelmenc, a village it shares with Ukraine.
REVIEW & OUTLOOK: The Wall Street Journal
New York, NY, Monday, September 26, 2005
The "security fence" consists of two high-rise metal fences, topped by razor
wire and equipped with sensor pads, movement detectors, spotlights and
infrared cameras. It's patrolled 24 hours a day by the military.
The six mile-long barrier, which many Arabs believe stands on occupied land
ringing an illegal settlement, will now be doubled in height to 20 feet,
making it higher than the old Berlin Wall.
No, we're not talking about Israel's security barrier. The "apartheid wall"
described above surrounds Melilla which, together with Ceuta, is a leftover
of Spain's colonial past in northern Africa. Surrounded by Morocco, both
enclaves are claimed by Rabat.
In the last few weeks alone, hundreds of black Africans trying to cross into
Melilla have clashed with Spanish troops leaving dozens of would-be
immigrants injured. Doctors Without Borders criticizes the "violence" used
by the Spanish security forces.
Three Africans have died in or near Melilla in unclear circumstances.
Spanish police deny any responsibility for the deaths.
There's more than a hint of hypocrisy here. While Spain and much of Europe
condemn Israel for building a security fence on disputed territory, the
Socialist government in Madrid -- which talks grandly of an "Alliance of
Civilizations" -- does exactly the same.
Only, unlike in Israel's case, this wall isn't there to stop terrorists and
save lives. It's intended to keep out Sub-Saharans looking for a better
life. Spain even gets European Union funding for it.
The Melilla wall isn't an anomaly. Obsessed with keeping out immigrants,
the EU forced incoming members states to re-erect old Stalinist divisions.
Slovakia was obliged to reintroduce strict border controls in Szelmenc, a
village it shares with Ukraine.
A 10 feet-high wire fence means that villagers on the Ukrainian side have to
travel 416 miles to buy a Euro 30 visa (a fortune in that part of the world)
to meet a relative on the other side of the street.
It's hard to forge an "Alliance of Civilizations" when Europe's so busy
putting up walls. -30- [The Action Ukraine Report Monitoring Service]
============================================================
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