ACTION UKRAINE REPORT - AUR
An International Newsletter, The Latest, Up-To-Date
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis and Commentary
Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World
WHO WILL GET WHAT: THE COMPLETE DISTRIBUTION LIST
OF OFFICES IN THE ORANGE GOVERNMENT
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT - AUR - Number 717
Mr. E. Morgan Williams, Publisher and Editor
PUBLISHED FROM KYIV, UKRAINE, FRIDAY, JUNE 23, 2006
-------- INDEX OF ARTICLES --------
Clicking on the title of any article takes you directly to the article.
Return to the Index by clicking on Return to Index at the end of each article
1. WHO WILL GET WHAT: THE COMPLETE DISTRIBUTION LIST
OF OFFICES IN THE ORANGE GOVERNMENT
Ukrayinska Pravda On-line, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, June 22, 2006
2. RADA COALITION PLANNING TO EXTEND MORATORIUM
ON SALE OF UKRAINE'S AGRICULTURAL LAND UNTIL 2009
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, June 22, 2006
3. RADA COALITION PLANS TO BOOST THE DEVELOPMENT OF
LAND MORTGAGE CREDIT LENDING SYSTEM IN 2006
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, June 22, 2006
4. RADA COALITION PLANS TO COMPLETE ISSUANCE OF
LAND DEEDS BY JULY OF 2007
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, June 22, 2006
5. PARLIAMENTARY COALITION AGREES NEXT CABINET OF
MINISTERS WILL COMPLETE UKRAINE'S WTO ACCESSION BY 2007
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, June 22, 2006
6. RADA COALITION PLEDGES TO ABOLISH DEPUTIES' IMMUNITY
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, June 22, 2006
7. RADA COALITION PLEDGES TO PRESERVE STATE OWNERSHIP
OF MAJOR OIL, GAS AND AMMONIA PIPELINES
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, June 22, 2006
8. COALITION PLEDGES TO STRENGTHEN UKRAINIAN LANGUAGE
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, June 22, 2006
9. PLEDGES TO IMPROVE PROPORTIONAL ELECTION SYSTEM
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, June 22, 2006
10. UKRAINE POLITICS: ORANGE RE-REUNITED
COUNTRY BRIEFING: EIU Politics - News Analysis
The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited
New York, New York, Thu, June 22, 2006
11. "ORANGE" PARTIES SIGN UKRAINE COALITION DEAL
Ukraine's Tymoshenko wants Russia gas deal review
Ron Popeski, Reuters, Kiev, Ukraine, Thu Jun 22, 2006
12. NEW GAS CRISIS THREAT AS UKRAINE SIGNS COALITION PACT
By Steven Lee Myers in Moscow, The New York Times
New York, New York, Thursday, June 22, 2006
13. RUSSIA WARNS UKRAINE OF DANGER OF DISINTEGRATION
ANALYSIS & COMMENTARY: By Tatyana Stanovaya
RIA Novosti, Moscow, Russia, Thu, June 22, 2006
14. GAZPROM ACCUSES UKRAINE OF PUTTING GAS SUPPLIES
TO EUROPE AT RISK AGAIN
AFX, Moscow, Russia, Thu, Jun 22, 2006
15. GAZPROM EXTENDS REACH IN EUROPE
By Gregory L. White in Moscow, The Wall Street Journal
New York, New York, Friday, June 23, 2006
16. UKRAINE'S GREENHOUSE EMISSIONS DIVE,
RISK SWAMPING KYOTO
Gerard Wynn, Reuters, London, UK, Friday, June 23, 2006
17. PRESIDENT BUSH COMMEMORATES 50TH ANNIVERSARY OF
HUNGARY'S BLOODY REVOLT AGAINST COMMUNISM
Terence Hunt, Associated Press, Budapest, Hungary, Fri, Jun 23, 2006
18. 100 MARIYA PRYIMACHENKO FOLK-ART PAINTINGS STOLEN
Ukrainian President Yushchenko worried over painting theft
Office of the President of Ukraine, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, June 22, 2006
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1. WHO WILL GET WHAT: THE COMPLETE DISTRIBUTION LIST
OF OFFICES IN THE ORANGE GOVERNMENT
Ukrayinska Pravda On-line, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, June 22, 2006
KYIV - BYuT, Our Ukraine, and the Socialists agreed between themselves
the distribution of positions in the government, an informed source of
Ukrayinska Pravda reports.
MINISTERIAL OFFICES
Therefore, the Block of Tymoshenko will control the following offices:
- the Prime Minister;
- the First Deputy Speaker of Parliament;
- the Minister of Agriculture;
- the Minister of Economy;
- the Minister of Fuel and Energy;
- the Minister of Coal Mining;
- the Minister of Construction and Architecture;
- the Minister of Culture;
- the Minister of Emergencies;
- the Minister of Health Care;
- the Minister of Finance;
- the Head of the State Property Fund;
- the Head of the State Committee on TV and Radio Broadcasting.
At the same time, Our Ukraine will control the following offices:
- the Speaker of Verhovna Rada;
- the Deputy Prime Minister on Regional Policy;
- the Minister of Labor;
- the Minister of Industrial policy;
- the Minister of Youth and Sports;
- the Minister of Internal Affairs;
- the Minister of Justice;
- the Head of Antimonopoly Committee.
Socialists obtained the right to nominate the following positions:
- the First Deputy Prime Minister;
- the Minister of Environment;
- the Minister of Education;
- the Minister of Transportation and Communications;
- the Ombudsman of Verhovna Rada on Human Rights.
Additionally, according to the informed source of Ukrayinska Pravda, Our
Ukraine will control the Parliamentary Committee on Budget and the
Parliamentary Committee on Banking and Finance. The total number of
Parliamentary Committees planned for Our Ukraine is seven.
At the same time, the Socialists will control the Parliamentary Committees
on Fuels and Energy, on Economic Policy, and on Foreign Affairs.
PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEES
Our Ukraine obtained control over the following Committees:
- on Agrarian Policy;
- on Budget Policy;
- on Banking and Finance;
- on Industrial Policy;
- on Human Rights;
- on Agenda;
- on National Security;
- on Health Care;
- on European Integration.
BYuT gained control of the following Committees:
- on Fighting the Organized Crime;
- on Construction and Residential Issues;
- on Transportation and Communications;
- on Social and Pension Policy;
- on Ecology;
- on State Building;
- on Legal Policy;
- on Industrial Policy;
- on Freedom of Speech;
- on Cultural Issues;
- on Youth and Sports;
- on Science and Technology;
- on Protection of Veterans and People with Special Needs
Socialists will obtain control of the following Committees:
- on Fuel and Energy;
- on Economic Policy;
- on Foreign Affairs.
Additionally a member of BYuT faction Serhiy Polishchuk told the journalists
in his interview that BYuT will possibly obtain the positions of the head of
NAK Naftogas, the State Tax Administration and the State Treasury.
According to Mr. Polishchuk, Our Ukraine will gain control over all the
law-enforcement ministries and in particular the Ministry of Internal
Affairs and the Ministry of Defense, UNIAN reports.
The offices of Deputy Speaker, the Head of Audit Chamber, and the Head of
the Special Commission on Privatization are allotted for the Opposition.
Moreover, the Opposition is to receive the right to nominate First Deputy
Heads of Parliamentary Commissions. -30-
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The English translation of this article was provided by the New Project
for Democracy. Find more at http://www.newproject.org
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2. RADA COALITION PLANNING TO EXTEND MORATORIUM
ON SALE OF UKRAINE'S AGRICULTURAL LAND UNTIL 2009
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, June 22, 2006
KYIV - The parliamentary coalition is planning to extend the moratorium on
sale of agricultural land until 2009. This is stated in the agreement on
formation of the coalition.
"Amendment of the Land Code of Ukraine by December 1, 2006, to disallow
realization of legal relations in the area of sale of land before completion
of the work stipulated in the first part," the agreement states.
The first party of this section of the document stipulates that it is
necessary to draft and implement before January 1, 2009, a set of measures
aimed at creating conditions for operation of a land market, including
completion of the issuance of land deeds, allocation of land plots, creation
of a land cadastre, establishment of the borders of territorial units,
conduct of monetary valuation of land, and establishment of mechanisms for
regulating land.
The coalition also pledges to raise the effectiveness and competitiveness of
agricultural production by introducing modern technologies and European
product quality and safety standards.
It also pledges to draft national and regional programs for comprehensive
development of agricultural territories, improve state support for
development of entrepreneurship, and solve the problem of employment in the
rural areas.
The coalition also pledges to create favorable conditions for realization of
the export potential of the country's agricultural sector.
As Ukrainian News earlier reported, the parliamentary factions of the Yulia
Tymoshenko Bloc, the Our Ukraine bloc, and the Socialist Party formed a
parliamentary coalition on June 22.
Before this year's parliamentary elections, the Our Ukraine bloc said it
opposed extension of the moratorium on sale of agricultural land. The
Socialist Party favors extension of the moratorium on sale of agricultural
land until 2012.
President Viktor Yuschenko directed the Cabinet of Ministers in November
2005 to draft a concept for creation and development of a land market. At
the end of 2004, then-president Leonid Kuchma signed the law "On Amendment
of the Land Code of Ukraine" that provides for extending the moratorium on
sale of agricultural land until January 1, 2007. -30-
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3. RADA COALITION PLANS TO BOOST THE DEVELOPMENT OF
LAND MORTGAGE CREDIT LENDING SYSTEM IN 2006
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, June 22, 2006
KYIV - The Verkhovna Rada coalition is planning to pave the groundwork for
land mortgage credit lending system development during this year. This is
pointed out in the agreement on the Fifth-Convocation Verkhovna Rada
Coalition.
The coalition is going, among other things, to introduce changes to the laws
"On Loans of Mortgage" and "On Lease of Land" providing for a possibility
to take up loans on ownership rights to land plots.
The coalition has also undertaken to draft and adopt acts of law aimed at
upgrading the farming lands evaluation system. In addition, the coalition
intends to pave the groundwork for effective performance by the State
Mortgage Agency and launching the borrowing against land pledging.
As Ukrainian News reported before, the Verkhovna Rada coalition is planning
to extend the moratorium on the sale of farming lands until 2009. -30-
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4. RADA COALITION PLANS TO COMPLETE ISSUANCE OF
LAND DEEDS BY JULY OF 2007
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, June 22, 2006
KYIV - The parliamentary coalition is planning to complete the issuance
of land deeds and inventory agricultural land by July 1, 2007. This is
stated in the text of the agreement on formation of the parliamentary
coalition, the text of which Ukrainian News has obtained.
'Completion of the issuance of government acts of land ownership rights to
the citizens that hold certificates of ownership of land plots and
inventorying of agricultural land by July 1, 2007,' the document states.
The parliamentary coalition also plans to introduce a single register of
rights to real estate and create a national electronic land cadastre.
It also plans to amend the law 'On Lease of Land' to establish the minimum
period of validity for agreements on lease of agricultural land at five
years. Moreover, the parliamentary coalition pledges to facilitate creation
of a land-market infrastructure.
As Ukrainian News earlier reported, the parliamentary coalition is planning
to extend the moratorium on sale of agricultural land until 2009. The
parliamentary factions of the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, the Our Ukraine bloc,
and the Socialist Party formed a parliamentary coalition on June 22.
Before this year's parliamentary elections, the Our Ukraine bloc said it
opposed extension of the moratorium on sale of agricultural land. The State
Committee for Land Resources earlier said that it intended to complete the
issuance of government land deeds by April 1, 2006. -30-
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5. PARLIAMENTARY COALITION AGREES NEXT CABINET OF
MINISTERS WILL COMPLETE UKRAINE'S WTO ACCESSION BY 2007
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thursday, June 22, 2006
KYIV - The parliamentary coalition agrees that the next Cabinet of Ministers
will be obliged to complete Ukraine's accession to the World Trade
Organization by 2007. This is stated in the text of the agreement on
formation of the parliamentary coalition, the text of which Ukrainian News
has obtained.
The coalition agrees to prioritize adoption of the laws that are necessary
for meeting the requirements for Ukraine's admission into the World Trade
Organization while taking into account the country's national interests in
the economic and social areas.
PRIORITY ADOPTION OF EIGHT LAWS
Specifically, it agrees to make a priority adoption of the law [1] 'On
Amendment of Article 1 of the Law on the Export Duty on Waste and Scrap
Ferrous Metal,' the law [2] 'On the Export Duty on Waste and Scrap
Non-Ferrous Metal and Steels,' the law [3] 'On Amendment of the Law on the
Legal Profession,' law [4] 'On Amendment of the Law on the Export Duty on
Live Cattle and Hide," the law [6] 'On Amendment of the Law on Banks and
Banking Operations,' the law [7] 'On Amendment of the Law on State
Regulation of Production and Sale of Sugar,' and the law [8] 'On Amendment
of the Law on Milk and Dairy Products.'
The coalition also pledges to draft and adopt a package of laws necessary
for adapting the national economic regulation system and protection of the
domestic market to the conditions required for full application of the
instruments allowed by the rules of the World Trade Organization.
As Ukrainian News earlier reported, Acting Economy Minister Arsenii
Yatseniuk forecast in June that all the bilateral and multilateral
agreements on admission of Ukraine into the WTO would be completed by
September. According to him, it remains for Ukraine to sign similar
protocols with Kyrgyzstan and Taiwan.
The parliamentary factions of the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, the Our Ukraine
bloc, and the Socialist Party formed a parliamentary coalition on June 22.
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6. RADA COALITION PLEDGES TO ABOLISH DEPUTIES' IMMUNITY
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, June 22, 2006
KYIV - The Verkhovna Rada coalition has pledged to abolish Verkhovna
Rada deputies' immunity from prosecution. This is pointed out in a coalition
agreement declared in the morning on June 22.
The coalition also undertook to abolish all privileges currently enjoyed by
state servants, judges and deputies in legislatures of all levels.
On top of that, the coalition undertook to build up in Ukraine a
European-style public administration by reforming the highest and
national-level executive bodies and reforming the country's
administrative-territorial and local government systems in the best
interests of citizens.
As Ukrainian News reported before, legislative immunity is provided for by
Article 80 in the Constitution, saying that Verkhovna Rada deputies cannot
be held criminally liable, detained or arrested other than by Verkhovna
Rada's consent.
Deputies of local legislatures were stripped of their immunity from
prosecution by the previous-convocation Rada on April 4.
The parliamentary factions of the Yulia Tymoshenko's BYT Bloc, the Our
Ukraine Bloc and the Socialist Party declared a coalition on June 22.
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7. RADA COALITION PLEDGES TO PRESERVE STATE OWNERSHIP
OF MAJOR OIL, GAS AND AMMONIA PIPELINES
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, June 22, 2006
KYIV - The parliamentary coalition pledges to preserve state ownership of
the major oil, gas, and ammonia pipelines in the country. This is stated in
the agreement on formation of the coalition.
Moreover, the coalition pledges to reduce the energy-intensiveness of the
gross domestic product in Ukraine and facilitate a transition to a national
economy based on energy-saving technologies.
The coalition also pledges to strengthen cooperation with the European Union
in the area of energy and coordinate its energy policy with the European
Union.
Moreover, the coalition pledges to cooperation with Russia, Central Asian
counties, and Ukraine's other partners in the area of energy supplies based
on long-term, transparent, and mutually beneficial agreements and without
shadowy intermediaries.
It also pledges to develop Ukraine's own resource base, develop prospecting
for and mining of crude oil and natural gas, and create elements of
Ukraine's own nuclear energy production cycle.
The Ukrainian gas transportation system consists of 36,000 kilometers of
mainline gas pipelines, 71 compressor stations, and 12 underground gas
storage facilities. The country's oil pipeline system has a length of 4,570
kilometers and has a capacity of 100 million tons of crude oil per year
while its pipes have a diameter of 1,220 millimeters. -30-
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8. COALITION PLEDGES TO STRENGTHEN UKRAINIAN LANGUAGE
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, June 22, 2006
KYIV - The parliamentary coalition pledges to strengthen the role of the
Ukrainian language as the state language. This is stated in the agreement on
formation of the parliamentary coalition.
The coalition also pledges to ensure the integrity of Ukraine's language and
cultural space, government protection of the national cultural industry
(book publishing, cinematography, and arts), government protection of public
morals, integration of Ukrainian culture into world cultural processes, and
entrenchment of freedom of worship and freedom of conscience.
As Ukrainian News earlier reported, Article 10 of the Ukrainian Constitution
states that the state language in Ukraine is the Ukrainian language, but the
Constitution does specify the requirements for practical use of the
Ukrainian language as the state language and does not specify the
obligations of government organs and local self-government organs regarding
preservation, support, and development of the state language. -30-
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9. PLEDGES TO IMPROVE PROPORTIONAL ELECTION SYSTEM
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, June 22, 2006
KYIV - The parliamentary coalition pledges to improve the proportional
system for electing deputies of the parliament and local councils. This is
stated in the text of the agreement on formation of the parliamentary coalition.
The coalition also pledges to legislatively regulate its status as well as
the status of the parliamentary opposition. It also pledges to complete and
improve political reform by optimizing the distribution of power among
various branches of government and creating effective checks and balances.
The coalition also intends to legislatively define the status of the
President, the Cabinet of Ministers, and the parliament, the mechanisms for
creation and the basis for their activities, and to regulate the procedures
for performance of their functions.
As Ukrainian News earlier reported, election of parliamentary deputies,
deputies of municipal, municipal district, regional district, and regional
councils, and deputies of the Kyiv and Sevastopol municipal councils, and
the Crimean Supreme Council on the basis of a proportional representation
system was introduced on October 1, 2005.
The parliamentary factions of the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, the Our Ukraine
bloc, and the Socialist Party formed a parliamentary coalition on June 22.
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10. UKRAINE POLITICS: ORANGE RE-REUNITED
COUNTRY BRIEFING: EIU Politics - News Analysis
The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited
New York, New York, Thu, June 22, 2006
An "orange" coalition with a narrow parliamentary majority has finally
emerged to take control of the Ukrainian parliament, almost three months
after the March 26th legislative election. The formation of a generally
pro-Western and pro-reform coalition appears to end a damaging period of
political paralysis and reunites the three main parties that had fallen out
after coming to power in the 2004 "Orange Revolution".
However, the deal hardly guarantees consistent reformist policies and almost
certainly does not spell the end to Ukraine's political instability.
On June 22nd the three erstwhile "Orange Revolution" allies-Yuliya
Tymoshenko's Bloc, Our Ukraine and the Socialist Party of Ukraine-formally
announced a coalition deal to the new parliament. Their announcement came
after three months of talks and only days after the three groups had seemed
to call off their negotiations. One of the parties, Our Ukraine, which is
closely linked to the president, Viktor Yushchenko, had days earlier even
begun alternative coalition talks with the opposition Party of Regions.
That Our Ukraine broke off its contact with the opposition and returned to
the "orange" fold represents a climb-down for Mr Yushchenko's party. Most
significantly, it has needed to accept Yuliya Tymoshenko's return to the
prime minister's role, less than a year after her mounting differences with
those closest to Mr Yushchenko had sparked her dismissal from that post.
Our Ukraine had dragged out coalition talks for months precisely in order to
avoid Ms Tymoshenko's return. Ms Tymoshenko had long insisted on that right
given that her eponymous bloc secured more seats than both Our Ukraine and
the Socialists combined. Although Ms Tymoshenko had originally helped Mr
Yushchenko come to power, the president's inner circle has come to see her
as a major threat and wants her power minimised.
In return for having conceded the premiership, Our Ukraine will name the
speaker of parliament, according to the coalition agreement. This is not
necessarily a bad deal. Recent constitutional changes have strengthened
parliament's powers, while the speakership offers political clout from a
less exposed position than that of the prime minister.
The Socialist Party of Ukraine, which is by far the smallest coalition
member, will control the vice-speaker's chair in parliament. Other
parliamentary posts, as well as cabinet positions, are to be divided on a
broadly proportional basis.
YANUKOVYCH IN OPPOSITION
By agreeing to reconstitute their alliance, the three "orange" parties have
prevented for now the return to power of Viktor Yanukovych, whose Party of
Regions won by far the most seats in the new parliament. Although Mr
Yanukovych had been on the losing side of the "Orange Revolution", a
coalition between Our Ukraine and the Party of Regions had until recently
appeared possible, given ongoing disputes within the "orange" camp.
A coalition along these lines would have brought back to power many of those
swept from office during the "Orange Revolution", not least Mr Yanukovych,
who had served as prime minister before losing to Mr Yushchenko in the 2004
presidential election. As the Party of Regions is far larger than Our
Ukraine, veterans from the previous era would once again have assumed a
dominant role within parliament and the cabinet.
A coalition between Our Ukraine and the Party of Regions might have at least
avoided the chronic in-fighting characteristic of the "orange" camp. It
might also have introduced a greater degree of professionalism with
government, and resulted in more pro-business and investment-friendly
policies, given that the populist and left-of-centre YTB and SPU would have
been out of the picture.
Such a coalition would nevertheless have proved far from ideal. Programmatic
differences would still have split the government, seeing as the Party of
Regions had won the parliamentary election on an Anti-NATO and pro-Russian
platform antithetical to Our Ukraine's.
Even more seriously, the return to power of the Party of Regions would have
represented a step backward in terms of Ukraine's political transformation.
Mr Yanukovych's party would have been even less likely than the "orange"
team to reform the untransparent political practices of the previous era. It
would certainly not have investigated the manifold allegations of serious
wrong-doing dating back to that time.
Just as worrisome is the fact that the Party of Regions would have been
difficult to dislodge from power once in place. It already controls the
largest share of parliamentary seats, and has the economic and political
clout needed to ensure that a number of deputies from other factions vote
alongside it.
Thus even if Our Ukraine were eventually to have disowned their coalition
agreement, a Party of Regions-dominated government could still have remained
in place. The quality and cleanliness of governance would almost certainly
have suffered once the possibility of alternation disappeared.
ORANGE DISUNITY
The risk of a Yanukovych return is nevertheless still there. Most
immediately, the newly formed "orange" coalition could collapse as soon as
it turns to the first order of business-voting in a Tymoshenko-led
government. Enough Our Ukraine deputies consider her anathema to scupper
this vote if they wanted.
At this point, though, this seems improbable given the damage it would do to
Our Ukraine's credibility. But even once an "orange" governing team is
safely in place, a return to the open squabbling and political in-fighting
that marked its first stint in power in 2005 appears likely.
If anything, the animosity and mutual recriminations that surfaced during
the recent coalition talks suggest that relations between the coalition
parties have only worsened. Furthermore, Our Ukraine plans to fill the
parliamentary speakership with Ms Tymoshenko's arch-rival, Petro Poroshenko,
the former head of the National Security and Defence Council.
His ongoing feud with Ms Tymoshenko had precipitated both their dismissals
in September 2005. Assuming he is elected to the speakership, Mr Poroshenko
is now once again likely to use his post to try to undermine his rival and
advance Our Ukraine's party political interests.
The prominence of major businessmen within the Orange camp-not least of
which is Mr Poroshenko-points to other likely sources of tension. Powerful,
and often conflicting, interests are well represented within all three
"orange" parties and will on occasion vote down those parts of the
government's programme that threaten their business interests.
Long-standing programmatic differences will similarly preclude the emergence
of more coherent government. Mr Yushchenko and his party are committed to a
liberal, pro-NATO platform, and want constitutional changes to strengthen
the presidency. In contrast, Ms Tymoshenko at times prefers statist
policies, while the SPU opposes land privatisation and NATO membership.
Both of the latter parties reject strengthening presidential powers. Disagreement
on all of these points seems inevitable.
The likelihood that Ukraine will now see a significant improvement in
political stability is therefore low. There is no guarantee that a
reconstituted "orange" coalition will survive the vote on a new cabinet, or
that it will push through reforms any more quickly than it did in 2005.
Moreover, there is still a very real possibility that the main opposition
party, the Party of Regions, will return to power before too long,
particularly as many in Our Ukraine would cheer the demise of a
Tymoshenko-led cabinet. Although the team now returning to power deserves
credit for the significantly greater political openness now evident in
Ukraine, those hoping for further rapid transformations are likely to be
disappointed. -30-
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11. "ORANGE" PARTIES SIGN UKRAINE COALITION DEAL
Ukraine's Tymoshenko wants Russia gas deal review
Ron Popeski, Reuters, Kiev, Ukraine, Thu Jun 22, 2006
KIEV - Parties backing the "Orange Revolution" agreed on Thursday to form a
coalition government to keep the pro-Western administration on course for
bringing Ukraine out of Russia's shadow and into the European mainstream.
Yulia Tymoshenko, due to be reinstated as prime minister after three months
of divisive negotiations, immediately said she would defend national
interests and called for a review of a deal that sharply increases the price
of Russian gas.
Tymoshenko, whose glamour and passion fired protesters during the 2004 mass
upheavals, was sacked as premier eight months ago by President Viktor
Yushchenko. He has since repeatedly accused her of pursuing personal
ambitions.
"Today is a momentous day. Ukraine's people have given a second chance to
the democratic team," Tymoshenko told reporters after announcing formation
of a three-party coalition.
"We will expend every effort to keep from disappointing people, to show we
are using this chance to build up Ukraine, its independence and stability."
Accused throughout her first term in office of impulsive actions that
frightened investors, Tymoshenko pledged her economic policies would be
"reasonable and predictable".
She called for a review of all gas deals with Russia. "I think all issues on
gas supplies to Ukraine now require further deep revision and review,"
Tymoshenko said.
The deputy chief executive of Russian gas giant Gazprom, which is seeking
new price increases told a magazine in Germany that Ukraine was taking gas
illegally and this could lead to supply shortages in Western Europe.
PRESENTING TYMOSHENKO AS PREMIER
Deputies from the three groups -- Yushchenko's Our Ukraine party,
Tymoshenko's bloc and the smaller Socialists -- intended to present her as
candidate for premier on Friday.
The three parties had been at odds since the president, committed to nudging
Ukraine towards EU and NATO membership, fired Tymoshenko after less than
eight months in office.
Reconciled to her return after long resisting it, the president has 15 days
to consider her. He noted the coalition had been formed and told reporters
outside Kiev to be patient as it was "the first time in 15 years of
Ukrainian politics that we are trying to form a working majority in
parliament".
The accord, clinched nearly three months after an election, ended weeks of
talks which all but shut down the assembly.
The three parties won 243 of 450 assembly seats, though only 239 were
registered in the coalition. The Regions Party of Viktor Yanukovich, which
fell to the Orange Revolution, finished first with 186 seats, but could not
govern on its own.
Under new constitutional rules, the president has ceded many powers to
parliament, which was required to form a majority within a 30-day deadline
expiring this week. The chamber chooses the prime minister and has 30 more
days to produce a cabinet.
In Brussels, European Union External Relations Commissioner Benita
Ferrero-Waldner said she hoped the coalition would secure approval of laws
to enable Ukraine to join the World Trade Organisation -- one of
Yushchenko's unfulfilled policy goals. That would pave the way for talks on
a free trade agreement.
Addressing deputies earlier, Tymoshenko pledged judicial reform to "make our
country democratic and free of corruption". Business magnates, she said,
would no longer escape the law.
"The first reform we will conduct will be judicial to enable us to say that
it is not the mafia who decides what is right or wrong or who gets a factory
for nothing," she said.
The opposition said the new coalition was doomed to fail. "We say it again:
we do not believe in any long-term or constructive prospects for this
coalition," said Mykola Azarov, a senior Regions Party leader. "We are all
too aware of the deep contractions of this coalition and its disparate
nature." -30-
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12. NEW GAS CRISIS THREAT AS UKRAINE SIGNS COALITION PACT
By Steven Lee Myers in Moscow, The New York Times
New York, New York, Thursday, June 22, 2006
MOSCOW - The woman poised to return as Ukraine's prime minister vowed
today to review a disputed deal with Russia on natural gas imports, setting
the
stage for a new confrontation that could disrupt the country's economy and
threaten supplies of Russian gas to Europe.
The announcement came as three political parties once closely allied with
President Viktor A. Yushchenko, and then deeply divided, formally signed an
agreement to create a parliamentary coalition - and, eventually, a new
government that would follow the pro-Western course the president has set.
The agreement ended nearly three months of political paralysis, but it left
unaddressed many of the issues that divided Mr. Yushchenko's supporters
after he took office in Jan. 2005.
Yulia V. Tymoshenko, who served as Mr. Yushchenko's first prime minister
for eight months last year, returned to the political oratory that made her
hugely popular, even as it worried foreign investors and angered her allies
in what became known as the "orange revolution."
She vowed to fight corruption, judicial machinations and shadowy
privatization deals made under Mr. Yushchenko's predecessor, Leonid D.
Kuchma. Her policies as prime minister provoked internal battles and mutual
accusations of corruption, and ended with her dismissal last September.
"Today we begin our fight for our country to be democratic and cleansed of
the dirt of corruption," she told Parliament while announcing the coalition,
prompting both applause and jeers.
Ms. Tymoshenko also vowed to challenge a complicated compromise agreement
with Russia, made after she left office, that nearly doubled the price
Ukraine pays for Russian gas after a New Year's confrontation that briefly
shut down gas supplies to much of Europe.
That agreement has proved deeply divisive and, for Ukraine's leaders,
politically troublesome. On Wednesday, even as a parliamentary coalition was
being negotiated, thousands of Ukrainians protested two rounds of increases
now being passed on to consumers.
"I think all agreements on gas supplies to Ukraine need a further profound
revision," Ms. Tymoshenko told journalists in televised remarks from the
capital, Kiev. She said she would soon visit Ukraine's main suppliers,
including Russia and Turkmenistan, to renegotiate, though she pledged to do
so in a friendly way.
The United States and Europe have expressed concerns about the terms of the
agreement and its lack of transparency. But it appears unlikely that Ms.
Tymoshenko will be able to revise the deal without jeopardizing the current
price of $95 per 1,000 cubic meters of gas, compared with $50 before.
Under the terms of the compromise reached in January, the price could rise
as soon as next month, and Russia's gas monopoly, Gazprom, has vowed to seek
further increases. That seems even more likely following an announcement by
Turkmenistan this week that it would seek to raise the price it charges
Russia.
Much of the Turkmen gas, which now costs $65, is shipped to Ukraine,
effectively subsidizing its supply through a controversial arrangement with
a gas trading company, RosUkrEnergo, controlled by Gazprom.
A spokesman for Russia's gas monopoly, Gazprom, warned that Ms.
Tymoshenko's remarks opened "the way to a new gas crisis," the Interfax
news agency reported.
Since the agreement was reached, Ukraine's gas company has fallen behind in
payments, and Russian executives continue to criticize Ukraine, saying it
should pay prices closer to the average for Western Europe, which was $190
per 1,000 cubic meters last year. Gazprom announced today it would raise the
price it charges Moldova, Ukraine's neighbor, to $160, from $110 now.
Ms. Tymoshenko's eponymous bloc of candidates won the largest number of
seats in March's parliamentary election among the three blocs that formed
the new coalition. Under a lengthy agreement that outcome positions her to
become prime minister - though she must still face a vote in Parliament
sometime in the next month before taking office and creating a new
government.
With today's announcement, the coalition has 239 seats, a narrow majority in
the 450-seat parliament. The other parties are Mr. Yushchenko's Our Ukraine,
which finished a distant third, and the Socialists.
The opposition leader, Viktor F. Yanukovich, whose party won the most seats
in March, but failed to assemble a coalition, predicted that the new
government would result in "a second orange catastrophe." -30-
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13. RUSSIA WARNS UKRAINE OF DANGER OF DISINTEGRATION
ANALYSIS & COMMENTARY: By Tatyana Stanovaya
RIA Novosti, Moscow, Russia, Thu, June 22, 2006
MOSCOW - Political battles being waged in Ukraine for the creation of a
coalition government are nearly over. Russia has said that it is not the
makeup of the coalition that matters to it but the strength of Ukraine's
territorial integrity.
Strategically, the issue is not who forms the government, but the policy
such a government would pursue. Ukraine has been split ideologically, and
excessive pro-Western sentiments may have very serious consequences.
Russian President Vladimir Putin said recently at the summit of the Shanghai
Cooperation Organization that the Ukrainian authorities should forget about
their personal ambitions and act in the interests of the common people.
He said that Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko would most probably
succeed in creating a coalition. It may be "orange or yellow, or any other"
he said, "provided it is viable. The main objective is to do everything to
strengthen the country's territorial integrity." Putin added that Russia "is
in no way trying to interfere in Ukraine's internal affairs."
For some reason, it is believed that what Russia wants in Ukraine is not an
"orange" coalition, but a union of the pro-presidential block Our Ukraine
and the Party of Regions led by 2004 presidential candidate Viktor
Yanukovich. During the latest presidential elections Russia placed its stake
on Yanukovich.
But how pro-Russian is Yanukovich? This question will become even more
difficult to answer if his party joins the ruling coalition, which is a
possibility even if the latter is predominantly "orange".
On the one hand, Viktor Yanukovich may respect Russia's interests more than
anyone else; he has to because he relies on the southeastern electorate,
which has a closer affinity to Russia.
About one-third of Ukraine's population considers Russian its native tongue,
but the figure is about 85% in the Crimea, more than 60% in the Lugansk and
Donetsk regions, and about 50% in the Kharkov, Zaporozhye, and Odessa
regions. The southeastern regions are strongly critical of the Euro-Atlantic
bent in Ukraine's policy, and are keen on promoting close, friendly
relations with Russia.
Yanukovich as a politician has to take these sentiments into account. On the
other hand, he is a pragmatic and much more realistic man than the
ideology-dependent politicians from the western parts of Ukraine.
He has agreed without any hesitations to join a coalition with his former
rivals, who advocate accession to NATO and oppose the idea of granting
Russian the status of a second official language even at the regional level.
Yanukovich also sharply criticized the January 4, 2006 gas agreements with
Russia, though they were clearly in the latter's interests. And lastly,
Yanukovich was the heir apparent of Leonid Kuchma, the previous
"pro-Russian" president, who had also called for joining NATO, despite
Russia's opposition, and abandoned the idea only to win Kremlin support for
Yanukovich's presidential campaign.
Would Russia benefit from Yanukovich as a member of the ruling coalition? Or
does it want him to remain the opposition leader? And the crucial question:
Will the coalition's policy depend on its makeup?
If Yanukovich's Party of Regions joins the "orange" coalition, he would have
to make fundamental ideological concessions, sacrificing the interests of
his electorate for political advantages. This would distort his
representation of the interests of Ukraine's eastern regions.
If the Party of Regions remains in opposition, Yanukovich would keep intact
a substantial part of his political identity. His party would have little
access to administrative resources, which would encourage it to
energetically build up its political strength.
In short, if the Party of Regions stood in opposition to the government, it
would potentially be a much more pro-Russian force than if it joined the
coalition.
Geopolitically, Russia should create a situation where the pro-Western
Ukrainian government would have to take into account the interests of the
eastern parts of the country. As of now, the "orange" authorities only
represent the views of the western Lvov, Ternopol and Ivano-Frankovsk
regions and are completely out of touch with the eastern regions.
But this situation would not benefit Moscow. When Putin spoke about the
strengthening of Ukraine's territorial integrity, he referred to the risks
of a growing ideological divide, which would have unpredictable consequences
for Ukrainian unity.
An "orange" government balanced by a strong opposition relying on the
pro-Russian electorate would be much better for the country's territorial
integrity than an "orange" government including an "orange-tinged"
Yanukovich, with Yulia Tymoshenko's much more pro-Western bloc as the
opposition force.
In any case, the only way to narrow the divide is to stop forcing
pro-Western views on the eastern regions. This would suit the interests of
Ukraine more than the interests of Russia. -30-
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NOTE: Tatyana Stanovaya is chief expert at the Center for Political
Technologies. The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author
and may not necessarily represent the opinions of the editorial board.
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LINK: http://en.rian.ru/analysis/20060622/49911340.html
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14. GAZPROM ACCUSES UKRAINE OF PUTTING GAS SUPPLIES
TO EUROPE AT RISK AGAIN
AFX, Moscow, Russia, Thu, Jun 22, 2006
MOSCOW (AFX) - Gazprom has accused Ukraine of putting supplies of gas to
Europe at risk once again, as happened last winter, after Yulia Tymoshenko
said today that Ukraine's gas supply deal with Russia will be reviewed.
Gazprom supplies about 25 pct of the EU's gas needs, and most of the gas
bound for Europe transits Ukraine.
Tymoshenko is expected to become prime minister again in Ukraine's new
governing coalition. Her remarks follow a statement by Gazprom on Tuesday,
saying it aims to raise the price of gas supplies to Ukraine.
In January, the two sides reached a six-month deal under which Ukraine pays
95 usd per 1,000 cubic metres for gas from RosUkrEnergo, which pays 230 usd
per 1,000 cu m for gas from Gazprom, and mixes it with cheaper central Asian
gas.
Gazprom spokesman Sergey Kuprianov said today on Russian television:
"Carrying out the threats declared today in Ukraine would open the way to a
new gas crisis."
He added: "We consider that the words of Yulia Tymoshenko once again prove
the fact that Ukraine is the weak link in the chain of supply of Russian gas
to Europe."
Interfax had quoted Tymoshenko as saying today: "All relations concerning gas
deliveries to Ukraine today require deep additional revision, review and, of
course in a friendly fashion, the building of new agreement relations with
Russia and Turkmenistan." newsdesk@afxnews.com afp/jsa
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15. GAZPROM EXTENDS REACH IN EUROPE
By Gregory L. White in Moscow, The Wall Street Journal
New York, New York, Friday, June 23, 2006
MOSCOW -- Russia's OAO Gazprom has lined up a series of agreements in recent
weeks to expand its reach into European markets, a sign that the Continent's
hunger for natural gas appears to be overriding concerns about increasing
dependence on Russian supply.
"These transactions are the best answer to the speculation about security of
supply," Gazprom Deputy Chief Executive Officer Alexander Medvedev said in
an interview this week after signing a 20-year contract with Denmark's
state-owned DONG Energy A/S that will bring Russian gas to the Danish market
for the first time starting in 2011.
"For us, Gazprom is a very reliable company," said Kurt Pedersen, executive
vice president at DONG. "This really strengthens our supply."
Mr. Pedersen said DONG had been seriously negotiating with Gazprom for about
six months, the period in which Gazprom's reputation took the toughest
beating. The problems came after supplies to Europe were briefly reduced
just after Jan. 1, when Gazprom cut off shipments to Ukraine in a pricing
dispute. Europe gets a quarter of its gas from Russia, and the majority of
that comes through Soviet-era pipelines that run across Ukraine.
The January crisis shocked many in Europe, fueled criticism that Russia was
using its vast energy reserves to exert political pressure on Ukraine's
pro-Western government and spurred calls for Europe to reduce its dependence
on Russian fuel.
Moscow added to the angst in April, when President Vladimir Putin and top
Gazprom executives issued veiled threats to shift their focus to new markets
in Asia if European governments sought to block the company's efforts to
expand into distribution and marketing in Europe.
While the rhetoric hasn't cooled, Europe's energy companies aren't showing
much alarm. This month Dutch energy company NV Nederlandse Gasunie agreed to
take a stake in Gazprom's planned pipeline to carry gas across the Baltic
Sea to Germany and other markets in Europe.
Wednesday Gazprom signed an agreement with Hungarian oil and gas group MOL
Rt. to look at building a pipeline to carry Russian gas and to expand
underground storage facilities for the fuel, potentially making Hungary a
hub for Russian exports.
"There is a disconnect between politicians and the media and the business,"
said Jonathan Stern, a gas specialist at the Oxford Institute for Energy
Studies. "The business is carrying on."
Gazprom executives say the public tensions are an inevitable result of a
shift in the global gas market, where big producers now have the upper hand.
"The epoch of cheap resources is over," Mr. Medvedev said.
Italy, which was among the countries hardest hit during the winter by
disruptions to Russian supplies, has been particularly aggressive about
courting Gazprom. Late Tuesday Italian Premier Romano Prodi was in the
Kremlin to sign an agreement with Mr. Putin aimed at stimulating investment
in each other's energy sectors.
The same day, Paolo Scaroni, chief executive of Italian energy titan ENI
SpA, was in Moscow courting Gazprom, seeking a chance to swap access
to his market for a stake in some of Gazprom's reserves.
Mr. Scaroni said the January crisis had done "very little" damage to
Gazprom's reputation, and he rejected the idea that Gazprom is strong-arming
its customers. "We see no blackmail at all," he said. "Quite the opposite,
we are looking for larger agreements."
Analysts say Gazprom's drive to buy distribution assets in Europe could
improve the security of supplies. "You're not going to expand your business
interests in all the distribution and marketing infrastructure just to say,
'OK, we're going to sell all our gas to China,' " said Hilary McCutcheon, a
Russian-gas specialist at United Kingdom consultants Wood Mackenzie.
Gazprom rejects arguments that it is using energy for political purposes.
"The threat of Gazprom was invented to frighten kids," Mr. Medvedev said,
joking.
ENI's Mr. Scaroni echoed Gazprom's assertion that Ukraine was to blame for
the disruptions in January because it took Russian gas destined for export.
He also warned that Kiev's failure to build up adequate reserves of gas
could threaten another disruption in supplies next winter.
Gazprom's fuel is a compelling value for Europe, analysts say, as the
company commands the largest gas reserves in the world and a vast pipeline
network to bring them to European markets. Alternatives are either more
costly, as in the case of liquefied gas from other producers, or politically
unpalatable, such as nuclear power. Europe's own gas production is
declining, just as demand for the clean-burning fuel is expected to rise
sharply.
The International Energy Agency, of Paris, as well as some Western
governments have criticized Gazprom for not investing enough in developing
new fields to replace its current ones, most of which are in decline.
Mr. Medvedev rejected those criticisms, saying the company is spending about
$5 billion a year on investment in fields, supplemented by billions of
dollars more in joint projects with foreign companies.
Gazprom expects to bring on about 90 billion cubic meters (3.15 trillion
cubic feet) of additional annual production by the end of the decade,
offsetting declining output from existing fields and enabling the company to
boost overall production.
In the bitter cold snap that gripped Russia and much of Europe early this
year, Gazprom increased production to meet demand, showing that it could
boost annual output to a record 620 billion cubic meters if needed, Mr.
Medvedev said. Gazprom expects to produce 548 billion cubic meters this
year, because there isn't enough demand to absorb more, he said. -30-
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16. UKRAINE'S GREENHOUSE EMISSIONS DIVE,
RISK SWAMPING KYOTO
Gerard Wynn, Reuters, London, UK, Friday, June 23, 2006
LONDON - Ukraine's greenhouse gas emissions fell by a bigger than expected
57 percent in 2004 from 1990 levels, UN data showed on Thursday, potentially
undermining wider climate change aims of the Kyoto Protocol.
Kyoto obliges 35 industrialised countries to cut emissions of heat-trapping
gases overall by 5.2 percent by 2008-12 from 1990, but it allows countries
whose emissions are over target to buy emissions reductions from those
below.
Former communist countries' emissions have dived since 1990 because of an
industrial collapse following their transition to liberalised markets, and
while this is good news for climate change goals, it risks swamping the
Kyoto trading tool.
The worry among green groups is that emissions cuts in eastern Europe are
just because of the 1990 target baseline, and trading such margins would
avoid real emissions cuts by other industrial countries.
Ukraine's Kyoto target is zero change on 1990 by 2008-12 and the 57 percent
fall by 2004 would give it an annual 510 million tonnes carbon dioxide
emissions reduction to sell.
This compares to an expected annual excess from 2008-12 of 200-300 million
tonnes, according to the Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC).
Ukraine is expected to have the second biggest such excess after Russia --
which has not yet published its 2004 data -- while Japan, Canada and the
European Union are expected to be the furthest behind their Kyoto goals.
Ukraine's current surplus emissions reduction would exceed the expected
annual demand for cuts of the EU, Japan and Canada combined between
2008-12 -- at 496 million tonnes CO2 -- according to JBIC data.
But western countries will be under pressure to make up their emissions cuts
elsewhere -- either by pollution reduction at home, or through a Kyoto
Protocol trading tool called the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), where
rich nations fund actual pollution cuts in poor ones.
The Ukraine report was posted on the UN website this week. The European
Union said on Thursday that greenhouse gas emissions by the 15 "old" nations
of the now 25-member bloc rose by 0.3 percent in 2004, potentially leaving
them further off-track on Kyoto. -30-
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17. PRESIDENT BUSH COMMEMORATES 50TH ANNIVERSARY OF
HUNGARY'S BLOODY REVOLT AGAINST COMMUNISM
Terence Hunt, Associated Press, Budapest, Hungary, Fri, Jun 23, 2006
BUDAPEST - Fifty years after Hungary's revolt against communism, U.S.
President George W. Bush said that war-weary Iraqis can learn from this
country's long and bloody struggle against tyranny. "Liberty can be delayed
but it cannot be denied," the president said.
"Iraq's young democracy still faces determined enemies, people who will use
violence and brutality to stop the march of freedom," Bush said Thursday in
a speech concluding a quick trip to Hungary and Austria. "Defeating these
enemies will require sacrifice and continued patience, the kind of patience
the good people of Hungary displayed after 1956."
Bush spoke to several hundred people at Gellert Hill with a panoramic view
of Budapest, the twisting Danube River and the hills beyond.
Warily watching developments in Iran and North Korea, the Bush
administration prodded Tehran to respond as early as next week - and by
mid-July - to an offer of incentives to suspend its disputed nuclear
program. It also said preparations were "very far along" for a possible test
launch of a long-range missile by North Korea but it was not certain if it
would, indeed, be fired.
"What we hope they will do is give it up and not launch," said National
Security Adviser Stephen Hadley, traveling with Bush.
The Iraq war is widely unpopular in Europe as it is in the United States,
and Bush sought to compare the U.S.-led drive to implant democracy in
Baghdad with uprisings that led to the collapse of the Soviet empire. But
Bush also faced European concerns about secret prisons for terror suspects,
U.S. abuse of Iraqi inmates and the U.S. detention center at Guantanamo Bay,
Cuba.
"It is my firm belief that our common responsibilities, duty now, is to
fight terrorism," Hungarian President Laszlo Solyom told Bush in a gilded
room at the Sandor Palace. "This fight against terrorism can be successful
only if every step and measure taken are in line with international law."
It was Bush's 15th trip as president to Europe and he will return in just a
few weeks for the annual summit of industrialized democracies in St.
Petersburg, Russia. He also will meet with German Chancellor Angela Merkel
in what was East Germany under Soviet rule. Russian President Vladimir Putin
has been irritated by Bush's attention and visits to former Soviet states.
Bush talked with Hungarian officials about how to reassure Putin that
promoting democracy and freedom among Russia's neighbors "is not some kind
of effort to encircle Russia but is, in fact, a good thing for Russia
because democratic states make good and peaceful neighbors," Hadley said.
The stop in Hungary was hurriedly arranged when a visit to Ukraine was
shelved because of delays there in forming a new government. The White House
settled on Hungary because October marks the 50th anniversary of the
Hungarian revolution in which students and workers demanded freedom from
Moscow.
Twelve days later, Soviet forces brutally crushed the rebellion as
Hungarians appealed in vain for America's intervention. "They crushed the
Hungarian uprising but not the Hungarian people's thirst for freedom," Bush
said.
"In 1989 a new generation of Hungarians returned to the streets to demand
their liberty and boldly helped others secure their freedom as well," the
president said. "By giving shelter to those fleeing tyranny and opening your
border to the West, you helped bring down the Iron Curtain and gave the hope
of freedom to millions in Central and Eastern Europe."
Bush also recalled his surprise trip to Baghdad last week and suggested
similarities between Iraq and Hungary. Bush said Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri
al-Maliki "is committed to the democratic ideals that also inspired
Hungarian patriots in 1956 and 1989."
"The success of the new Iraqi government is vital to the security of all
nations," he said, "and so it deserves the support of the international
community." -30-
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18. 100 MARIYA PRYIMACHENKO FOLK-ART PAINTINGS STOLEN
Ukrainian President Yushchenko worried over painting theft
Office of the President of Ukraine, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thu, June 22, 2006
KYIV - Ukrainian President Victor Yushchenko has requested Interior
Minister Yuriy Lutsenko and Acting Prosecutor General Serhiy Vynokurov
to help investigate today's theft of more than one hundred paintings by
Mariya Pryimachenko.
"I demand that you should immediately take exhaustive measures to recover
the paintings.," he said. The President is worried that Ukrainians will
never again see these priceless art treasures after the disgraceful larceny.
On June 22, the family of Fedir Pryimachenko, the painter's son, was robbed
in the village of Bolotna. -30-
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FOOTNOTE: Mariya Pryimachenko is one of the premier, world class
folk art painters. Her works are a national treasure of Ukraine. This is
a terrible crime against Ukraine, the people of Ukraine and the art of
Ukraine. You can find information about Mariya Pryimachenko posted
on my personal website. See links below. AUR EDITOR
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
LINK: http://www.artukraine.com/paintings/pryimachenko.htm
LINK: http://www.artukraine.com/paintings/pryimagic.htm
LINK: http://www.artukraine.com/paintings/bolotnya.htm
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receiving more than one copy please let us know so this can be corrected.
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PUBLISHER AND EDITOR - AUR
Mr. E. Morgan Williams, Director, Government Affairs
Washington Office, SigmaBleyzer
Emerging Markets Private Equity Investment Group
P.O. Box 2607, Washington, D.C. 20013, Tel: 202 437 4707
Mobile in Kyiv: 8 050 689 2874
mwilliams@SigmaBleyzer.com; www.SigmaBleyzer.com
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Power Corrupts and Absolute Power Corrupts Absolutely.
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